More Than a Scenic Mountain Landscape:
Valles Caldera National Preserve
United States
Department
of Agriculture
Forest Service
Land Use History
Rocky Mountain
Research Station
General Technical
Report RMRS-GTR-196
September 2007
Kurt F. Anschuetz
Thomas Merlan
Anschuetz, Kurt F.; Merlan, Thomas. 2007. More than a scenic mountain landscape: Valles
Caldera National Preserve land use history. Gen. Tech. Rep. RMRS-GTR-196. Fort Collins, CO:
U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Rocky Mountain Research Station. 277 p.
Abstract
This study focuses on the cultural-historical environment of the 88,900-acre (35,560-ha) Valles
Caldera National Preserve (VCNP) over the past four centuries of Spanish, Mexican, and U.S.
governance. It includes a review and synthesis of available published and unpublished historical,
ethnohistorical, and ethnographic literature about the human occupation of the area now contained
within the VCNP. Documents include historical maps, texts, letters, diaries, business records,
photographs, land and mineral patents, and court testimony.
This study presents a cultural-historical framework of VCNP land use that will be useful to land
managers and researchers in assessing the historical ecology of the property. It provides VCNP
administrators and agents the cultural-historical background needed to develop management
plans that acknowledge traditional associations with the Preserve, and offers managers additional
background for structuring and acting on consultations with afiliated communities.
The Authors
Kurt F. Anschuetz, an archaeologist and anthropologist, is the Program Director of the RÍo Grande
Foundation for Communities and Cultural Landscapes in Santa Fe, New Mexico. He provides
educational opportunities and technical assistance to Indian, Hispanic, and Anglo communities
working to sustain their traditional relations with the land, the water, and their cultural heritage
resources in the face of rapid development. Kurt also serves as an Expert Witness in court cases
involving Native American water and land issues. He has prepared assessments of pre-Columbian
and Historic period Pueblo water management systems, agricultural landscapes, and settlement
histories for expert witness testimony in water rights adjudications.
Thomas Merlan, is a historian and historic preservation specialist. He was New Mexico Historic
Preservation Oficer between 1974 and 1994, and served as the president of the New Mexico
Heritage Preservation Alliance from 1995 to 1998. Tom received the George Clayton Pearl Award
for outstanding contributions to the preservation of New Mexico’s cultural heritage in 2006. He has
performed historical research and written reports and briefs for San Felipe Pueblo, Isleta Pueblo,
Jémez Pueblo, and San Juan Pueblo (including investigations in archives in the United States and
Mexico.
cover photo: By Rourke McDermott.
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Acknowledgments
This land use history of the Valles Caldera National Preserve (VCNP) would not have been possible without the cooperation and support of a number of individuals. These people not only assisted
us in enhancing the productivity of our efforts, they made this undertaking a much more enjoyable
and rewarding experience.
Carol B. Raish, Ph.D., Research Social Scientist, USDA Forest Service, Rocky Mountain Research
Station, Albuquerque, NM oversaw the project and the shaping of the report. We are thankful for her
critical insight and guidance as we developed a research strategy that deviated from that often followed in land use history studies. Carol’s review of our draft manuscript also was a great beneit in
helping us to communicate our indings with greater clarity.
William deBuys, Chairman, Board of Trustees, Valles Caldera Trust, discussed the project with us
at the outset. As a professional historian, he made speciic suggestions about sources and methods that guided our work, and helped us to avoid dead ends and repetition of research already done
by others.
Craig Martin of Los Alamos generously shared notes and sources with us. In particular, he allowed
us access to his personal research materials, which made our own archival efforts more eficient.
When Craig gave us a copy of his excellent book Valle Grande: A History of the Baca Location No. 1
(Los Alamos, NM: All Seasons Publishing) upon its publication in the fall of 2003, he inspired us to
redeine the scope of our study such that we would not repeat a job that already was well done but
would explore new research questions made possible because of the foundations that he had established in his contribution. Craig, who was accompanied by Dorothy Hoard of Los Alamos, later
met us in the Valle Grande to search for the site of Old Fort.
Robert M. March, Court Clerk, Federal District Court, District of New Mexico, helped us in our
search for the record of appeal in Baca Land and Cattle Company and Dunigan Tool and Supply
Company, and George W. Savage, Trustee Under Liquidating Trust Agreement, v. New Mexico
Timber, Inc., and T. Gallagher and Co., Inc. This record had been iled under an incorrect accession
number in the National Archives, Rocky Mountain Region, Denver. Eric Bittner and Rick Martinez,
archivists in the National Archives, subsequently located the records for us and facilitated our research in Denver. References in this record then led us back to the New Mexico State Archives
in Santa Fe, where we also located the record of the partition suit of 1893 (Joel Parker Whitney v.
Mariano S. Otero et al.).
Fraser Goff of Los Alamos discussed the geological history and literature of the Valles Caldera with
us. During these conversations, he helped us to choose essential publications for inclusion in this
volume’s annotated bibliography. This subject matter is perhaps the only area in which the annotated bibliography remains incomplete because it was impractical to annotate the several thousand
relevant publications. Fraser’s contributions have helped us ensure that our selections for the annotated bibliography were representative statements of a huge and complex subject matter.
We also wish to recognize the contributions of Dr. Bob Parmeter, VCNP, for his advice throughout
this effort. His patient assistance during the review and editing process was invaluable. Dr. Ron
Hartman, University of Wyoming, provided us with a comprehensive list of plant species documented with the Preserve; Dr. Anastasia Steffen, VCNP, and Dr. Jeremy Kulisheck, Santa Fe National
Forest, were generous in sharing their knowledge of the archaeology of the locality.
Mara Yarborough, Laboratory of Anthropology Library, Museum of Indian Arts and Culture, helped
us during our research of Navajo oral traditions that mention the Valles Caldera. We are thankful to
Richard I. Ford, Professor Emeritus, University of Michigan, for sharing with us a story that he heard
many years earlier about a quiet little Valles Caldera ishing enterprise run by a few Santa Clara
Pueblo men between the late 1800s and the early 1900s.
We wish to extend our gratitude to Cherie L. Scheick, President, Río Grande Foundation, for her
unlagging support and always helpful advice during the preparation of this document. Although
she did not play an active role in either the research or writing of the VCNP land use history, Ms.
Smith-Savage fulilled a valuable role in the completion of this report. Ms. Sheron Smith-Savage
i
completed the technical edit of portions of the irst draft of the manuscript completed before the
publication of Martin’s (2003) book. (Martin’s publication necessitated substantial revision of the existing manuscript.) Ms. Smith-Savage also shared several useful articles about the history of sheep
herding in New Mexico. Ms. Gloria J. Vigil provided valuable assistance during the preparation of
the inal version of this volume.
Loa Collins and Kristi Coughlon, Editorial Staff, Publishing Services, Rocky Mountain Research
Station, have earned our appreciation for editing the original manuscript for publication. Their efforts greatly improve the low of the story that we tell. In addition, they will enable the reader to ind
reference materials that we have cited by correcting numerous omissions in our citations. We thank
the University of Chicago Press and the University of Minnesota Press for granting us permission
to adapt illustrations from their publications for use in chapter 9. These materials include ig. 2 in
Alfonso Ortiz, “The Tewa World: Space, Time, Being, and Becoming in a Pueblo Society” (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1969), and ig. 15 in Yi-Fu Tuan, “Space and Place: The Perspective of
Experience” (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1977).
This research was supported in part by funds provided by the U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest
Service, Rocky Mountain Research Station, (Joint Venture Agreement Number: 02-JV-11221601265 [RGF 119]), in cooperation with the Valles Caldera National Preserve.
ii
Executive Summary
The USDA Forest Service, Rocky Mountain Research Station, Albuquerque, contracted with the
Río Grande Foundation for Communities and Cultural Landscapes (Río Grande Foundation), Santa
Fe, during the inal quarter of Fiscal Year 2002 to prepare a land use history of the Valles Caldera
National Preserve (VCNP). As stipulated in the Joint Venture Agreement between the USDA Forest
Service and the Río Grande Foundation (No. 02-JV-11221601-265 [RGF 119]), the purpose of this
undertaking was to document the interactions between culturally diverse peoples and this striking
physical environment over time.
The Río Grande Foundation assembled a team consisting of Dr. Kurt F. Anschuetz, an anthropologist and archaeologist, and Thomas Merlan, a historian, to conduct the research and to report
their indings in this volume. Dr. Carol Raish, Research Social Scientist, Rocky Mountain Research
Station, served as the Project Coordinator.
The study focuses on the cultural-historical environment of the 88,900-acre (35,560-ha) preserve
over the past 4 centuries of Spanish, Mexican, and U.S. governance. The nature and intensity of
human impacts on the physical environment is the central issue explored. The study attempts to
determine the technological structure of land use activities, the social organization framing them,
the identities of associated communities and major actors over the VCNP’s human history, and the
timelines of diverse peoples’ relationships with the lands now within the VCNP. The scope of work
also includes the preparation of an archaeological review of human use and occupation before
the Spanish colonization of the New Mexican territory in 1598. This review establishes the cultural
context of traditional Native American land use practices and associations, creates a timeline that
identiies changing patterns in the technology and organization of the use of the VCNP, and explains the essential social and cultural contexts of patterns of economic activity extending far back
into the past.
The work includes a review and synthesis of available published and unpublished historical, ethnohistorical, and ethnographic literature about the human occupation of the area now contained within
the VCNP. The documents include historical maps, texts, letters, diaries, business records, photographs, land and mineral patents, and court testimony.
The quality and quantity of available documentary information made it necessary for this land use
history to emphasize the material aspects of land use, such as hunting, gathering, mineral collecting, ranching, timbering, and geothermal exploration. By adopting a cultural landscape approach
based on the premise that communities interweave meaning, space, and time to form the fabric
of their landscapes, this study provides a record of the economic, social, and ideational relationships that culturally diverse Native American (e.g., Pueblo, Navajo, Apache, and Ute), Hispanic, and
Anglo-American peoples have maintained with the Valles Caldera. Although needed to build a comprehensive understanding of how communities create and sustain social and ideational associations
with the VCNP, a formal program of ethnographic investigation to conduct interviews with knowledgeable persons was outside the contracted scope of the present research.
The publication of Craig Martin’s excellent book Valle Grande: A History of the Baca Location No. 1
(Los Alamos, NM: All Seasons Publishing) in late 2003 allowed the redeinition of the scope and
emphasis of the present study. Martin’s volume provides substantial background information about
the economic and social history of the Baca Location. Consequently, the present land use history
could devote greater effort to issues of land title, the changing intensity of industrial timbering, and
patterns of everyday land use by neighboring traditional Native American and Hispanic communities that are outside the scope of Martin’s book. In addition, because Martin’s volume includes clear
maps and photographs in a readily available publication, the Río Grande Foundation, in consultation with the Rocky Mountain Research Station, made the decision to devote project resources for
original research that could broaden the understanding of the VCNP’s land use history rather than
to recompile photographs and redraft maps already accessible in Martin’s publication.
In implementing this decision, this land use history makes four substantive original contributions.
The irst includes the analysis of two important case iles that have not been fully reported in previous historical studies of the VCNP. These materials include the case ile of the 1893–1899 Baca
Location partition suit (Joel Parker Whitney v. Mariano S. Otero et al., Civil Case No. 3632, Records
iii
of the U.S. Territorial and New Mexico District Courts for Bernalillo County, Accession No. 1959–
124) in the State Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe. This research also incorporates the
extensive records of the 1967 suit Baca Land and Cattle Company and Dunigan Tool and Supply
Company, and George W. Savage, Trustee Under Liquidating Trust Agreement, v. New Mexico
Timber, Inc., and T. Gallagher and Co., Inc. (384 F.2d 701, 10th Circuit Court of Appeals, 8NN-02189-022 #5648, Federal Records Center #76L0201, boxes 110 and 110A), which had been misiled
under an incorrect number in the National Archives, Rocky Mountain Region, Denver. In combination, these resources allow a more complete review of the land grant’s complicated title history than
had been possible previously (chapter 4).
Second, the study provides a detailed ethnobotanical inventory of Native American and Hispanic
plant uses (chapter 5). Through its inding that Native American and Hispanic communities used, or
are likely to have used, 350 of the more than 500 native plant species identiied in the VCNP, this
study demonstrates that traditional communities have developed a comprehensive knowledge of
this tract’s environment and the resources that it offers.
Third, the volume develops the thesis that Valles Caldera is a multi-layered ethnographic landscape
with which people of culturally diverse communities—Native American, Hispanic, and AngloAmerican—maintain meaningful relationships for their own purposes as part of a dynamic cultural
process (chapter 9). It considers the prominent landscape elements, including mountains, water,
caves, volcanoes, calderas, lava rock, shrines, trails, plants, and minerals, that have helped organize and give meaning to the land use activities of communities traditionally associated with this
location. In this way, this study outlines the world view and landscape themes that generally inform
and organize how traditional communities associate and interact with the VCNP.
Fourth, the volume offers a comprehensive annotated bibliography (appendix I) for major references cited throughout this study. The entries are critical evaluations of literature sources relevant to
issues related directly to the VCNP’s land use history, as well as its identiication and evaluation as
an enduring cultural landscape. Additionally, the annotated bibliography provides a wealth of supplemental background information that supports many of the issues and ideas presented in this
volume’s chapters.
As a whole, this study presents a cultural-historical framework of VCNP land use that will be useful
to land managers and researchers in their efforts to assess the historical ecology of the property.
This information is relevant not only to the critical assessment of how past human activities have
altered the physical ecology of this seemingly pristine physical environment, it is important for evaluating potential impacts of present and future land use practices on the historical ecology of the
VCNP. These practices include very old, culturally signiicant land uses carried on by the people of
traditionally associated communities.
In addition, this volume should provide VCNP administrators and agents the cultural-historical background needed to develop management plans that acknowledge traditional associations with the
Preserve. This study also explains how some traditional communities maintain important social and
ideational associations with the VCNP that go beyond economic relationships. This background
helps demonstrate why traditional land use practices that may not be visible on the ground today
warrant respect and consideration in planning. Lastly, this volume offers managers additional background for structuring and acting on consultations with afiliated communities.
iv
Contents
Acknowledgments .............................................................................................................................. i
Executive Summary ......................................................................................................................... iii
Chapter 1.
Valles Caldera National Preserve Land Use History...................................................................1
Kurt F. Anschuetz
Overview ......................................................................................................................................1
Study Area....................................................................................................................................2
Goals and Methods ......................................................................................................................4
Preliminary Identiication of Associated Traditional Native American Communities ................6
Report Organization .....................................................................................................................7
References ....................................................................................................................................9
Chapter 2. A Sketch of the Cultural-Historical Environment—Part 1: The Pre-Columbian
Past ................................................................................................................................................11
Kurt F. Anschuetz
Introduction ................................................................................................................................11
Paleoindian Occupation (10000/9500–5500 B.C.) ....................................................................11
Archaic Occupation (5500 B.C.– A.D. 600) ..............................................................................12
Pueblo Occupation(A.D. 600–1600)..........................................................................................13
Postscript ....................................................................................................................................18
References ..................................................................................................................................19
Chapter 3 A Sketch of the Cultural-Historical Environment—Part 2: Spanish Entradas
to the Present ................................................................................................................................25
Thomas Merlan
Introduction ................................................................................................................................25
The Spanish Entradas (1540–1598) ..........................................................................................25
Early Spanish Colonial Settlement (1598–1680).......................................................................25
The Pueblo Revolt, the Reconquest, and Spanish Colonial Rule (1680–1821).........................26
The Mexican Period (1821–1846) .............................................................................................26
The U.S. Territorial Period (1846–1912) ...................................................................................27
Early Statehood to World War II (1912–1945) ..........................................................................28
Post-World War II to Present (1945–2003) ................................................................................28
References ..................................................................................................................................29
Chapter 4.
History of the Baca Location No. 1 ..........................................................................31
Thomas Merlan and Kurt F. Anschuetz
Introduction ................................................................................................................................31
Birth and Conirmation of the Baca Location Land Grant ........................................................37
Competing Interests: The Basis for the Baca Location Partition Suit .......................................38
The Partition Suit of 1893–1899 ................................................................................................38
The Otero Family’s Tenure ........................................................................................................40
Redondo Development Company: Mortgaging the Baca Location’s Future .............................41
Divided Rights, Part I: Bond Family Ranching and the Beginning of Commercial Timbering 42
Divided Rights, Part II: James Patrick Dunigan vs. New Mexico Timber ................................43
Federal Acquisition of the Baca Location ..................................................................................45
References ..................................................................................................................................46
v
Chapter 5. Plant Gathering, Game Hunting, Fishing, Mineral Collecting,
and Agriculture ............................................................................................................................49
Kurt F. Anschuetz
Introduction ................................................................................................................................49
Native Plant Gathering...............................................................................................................50
Hunting ......................................................................................................................................56
Fishing........................................................................................................................................58
Mineral Collection .....................................................................................................................59
Agriculture .................................................................................................................................61
References ..................................................................................................................................62
Chapter 6.
Ranching History .....................................................................................................107
Thomas Merlan and Kurt F. Anschuetz
Introduction ..............................................................................................................................107
Cattle and Sheep ......................................................................................................................107
Partido ......................................................................................................................................108
The Nineteenth Century ...........................................................................................................108
The Twentieth Century.............................................................................................................110
Today........................................................................................................................................114
References ................................................................................................................................114
Chapter 7.
Industrial Timbering ...............................................................................................117
Kurt F. Anschuetz and Thomas Merlan
Establishing the Foundations for a History of Leveraged Buyouts .........................................117
The Severing of Timber Rights from Grazing Rights..............................................................117
The Early History of Timbering on the Baca Location............................................................118
The Intensiication of Timbering .............................................................................................120
James Patrick Dunigan vs. New Mexico Timber Revisited.....................................................121
The Persistence of the Timbering Tradition .............................................................................123
References Cited ......................................................................................................................124
Chapter 8.
Industrial Mineral Extraction and Geothermal Exploration ..............................125
Thomas Merlan
Introduction ..............................................................................................................................125
Historical Overview .................................................................................................................125
References ................................................................................................................................127
Chapter 9. The Valles Caldera National Preserve as a Multi-Layered Ethnographic
Landscape ...................................................................................................................................129
Kurt F. Anschuetz
Introduction ..............................................................................................................................129
Distinguishing Land Use Traditions: Landscapes as Memory and Landscapes of Memory ...130
Building Blocks of Land Use Traditions in Constructing Landscapes as Memory .................131
Landscapes as Memory and Vernacular Land Use History in the VCNP ................................141
Summary and Conclusions ......................................................................................................152
References ................................................................................................................................154
Chapter 10.
Summary and Conclusions ...................................................................................163
Kurt F. Anschuetz
vi
Appendix I. Annotated Bibliography ........................................................................................167
Kurt F. Anschuetz and Thomas Merlan
Appendix II. Introducing a Landscape Approach for Evaluating Communities’
Traditional Senses of Time and Place ......................................................................................249
Kurt F. Anschuetz
(adapted from Anschuetz 2001; Anschuetz and Scheick 1998)
Introduction ..............................................................................................................................249
National Park Service Landscape Concepts ............................................................................249
Landscapes as Worlds of Cultural Meaning.............................................................................251
The Challenge of Terra Incognita ............................................................................................252
Implementing an Ethnographic Landscape Approach .............................................................256
References ................................................................................................................................257
Appendix III. Perspectives on Culture, Tradition,Vernacular Knowledge, and
Culture Change to Understand Landscape as a Cultural Process ........................................263
Kurt F. Anschuetz
Introduction ..............................................................................................................................263
Culture With a Capital “C” ......................................................................................................263
Tradition: Sustaining Senses of Continuity Within Culture Change .......................................264
Vernacular Knowledge: Reigning Conventional Wisdom .......................................................264
The Inevitability of Culture Change ........................................................................................265
Traditions and Traditionalism as Instruments of Culture Change ...........................................265
Discussion: The Need for a Historical-Ecological Perspective ...............................................266
References ................................................................................................................................267
Index ................................................................................................................................................271
vii
Valles Caldera National Preserve. Photo by Anastasia Steffen.
viii
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Chapter 1.
Valles Caldera National Preserve Land Use History
Kurt F. Anschuetz
Overview
The land use history of the Valles Caldera National
Preserve (VCNP) extends back over thousands of years. Few
known archaeological properties in the Valles Caldera date
to the Paleoindian period (10000/9500–5500 B.C.). These
inds include the recent discovery, during ongoing archaeological studies (Dr. Bob Parmeter, personal communication,
VCNP, Los Alamos, 2005), of several spear points that associate with soils dated at 11,000 years before present. In
addition, there is wide distribution of Jémez obsidian across
the northern Southwest from archaeological sites dating to the
late Pleistocene and the early Holocene. These patterns document that hunters of now-extinct large game animals, such as
mammoth (Mammuthus jeffersonii) and a kind of bison (Bison
antiquus), were the irst people to visit the calderas.
A variety of evidence attests that many culturally diverse
peoples used the Valles Caldera over the nearly eight millennia
subsequent to the Paleoindian period. Archaeologists use artifacts and other durable traces to construct a history of land use
by Archaic period hunters and gatherers and pre-Columbian
Pueblo Indians, who are among the forebears of the people
of Jémez Pueblo and other communities. Researchers cite the
hunting of game, the gathering of plant resources, and the
collection of obsidian for the manufacture of chipped stone
tools as the main reasons for the short-term, warm-season use
of the locale. Spanish colonial documents (1540–1821) report
the periodic presence of Navajo and Hispanic groups in the
Valles Caldera. These accounts characteristically describe the
Navajos as impediments to the seasonal use of the property’s
rich grasslands by the colonists’ locks and herds. Navajo war
parties periodically raided Hispanic and Pueblo settlements
near the Valles Caldera. The Hispanics and Pueblos answered
with punitive military forays.
During the Mexican Period (1821–1846), Hispanic settlement moved closer to the Valles Caldera, although this high
altitude setting was not to see year-round habitation for nearly
another century. An occasional Anglo-American trapper
worked the rivers and ponds of the caldera.
Soldiers and settlers in the U.S. Territorial Period (1846–
1912) mention Apaches and Utes in the Valles Caldera. From
the 1850s to the 1880s, the U.S. Army fought the nomadic
tribes of the Southwest and forced them to settle on reservations. Anglos and Hispanics began large-scale—although
seasonal—commercial use of the caldera. The resolution
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
of the Indian problem transformed the Valles Caldera from
unclaimed mountainous wilderness to a recognized private
land grant. In 1860 the U.S. Congress authorized the heirs
of Luis María Cabeza de Baca to select alternative lands,
including what became known as the Baca Location No. 1,
in exchange for termination of all rights to their grandfather’s 1821 grant on the Gallinas River in northeastern New
Mexico. The New Mexico Surveyor General completed the
survey of the 99,289-acre (40,180-ha) Baca Location No. 1
(Baca Location) in 1876. The land use history of the Valles
Caldera became a series of actions by known private individuals and business interests. This pattern continued until
the acquisition of the property by the United States from the
James Patrick Dunigan companies in 2000. The thousands of
years of land use before 1876 left comparatively few lasting
traces. In contrast, the exploitation of the Valles Caldera for
commercial ranching, timber development, mineral extraction, and geothermal exploration from 1876 to the present has
deeply marked the physical appearance and historical ecology
of this locality. It also has profoundly shaped public perceptions of the nature of the landscape before and after the arrival
of Anglo-Americans in the nineteenth century.
This land use history deals mainly with the economic
development of the locality over the 124 years of intense use
and development. We provide a regional context in which the
caldera’s users—from the irst legal owners, the Baca heirs,
to the last private owners, the James Patrick Dunigan companies—acted during their respective tenures.
To focus the land use history of the Valles Caldera during
this period of its most intense use, we examine the technological structure and social organization of people’s activities on
the lands. Building on these indings, we describe the impacts
of their actions on the physical environment. With the help
of written documents from the late 1800s onward, especially
legal records concerning the disposition or adjudication of the
tract’s land, timber, and mineral rights, we are also able to
consider some of the motivations of key actors in making the
decisions that they did.
To make this land use history more comprehensive, we
will also examine some of the vernacular (qua common,
indigenous) uses of the Valles Caldera by neighboring Native
American and Hispanic communities. These peoples interacted with this tract, not as wilderness, but as an essential
part of their respective communities’ landscapes. Use of the
written record has limits. There are no documentary records
1
before European colonization. Written accounts are biased
as to the land use activities that are considered worthy of
mention, however. Traditional users, the Pueblos in particular, are sensitive about revealing some land use practices.
The physical effects of traditional uses have been slight. For
all these reasons, the identities of most individual users are
unknown. Nevertheless, their intimate relationship with the
Valles Caldera survives in the oral traditions and histories of
many communities. In some cases, the land use relationships
that people established with this place in time immemorial
are essential for sustaining the identity of their communities
today. This discussion, therefore, also considers these associations.
Study Area
The VCNP is an 88,900-acre (35,560-ha) tract located
high in the Jémez Mountains just 5 miles (8 km) west of Los
Alamos—the birthplace of the Atomic Age—in north-central
New Mexico (ig. 1.1). Acquired in 2000 with the passage of
the Valles Caldera Preservation Act by Congress, the property encompasses major portions (89.5%) of the land held
in private ownership as the Baca Location since 1860. (Of
the other 10,389 acres [4,455 ha] of the original land grant,
5,343 acres [2,137 ha] were transferred to private interests
before 2000 and were outside the scope of the congressional
act. Santa Clara Pueblo was authorized by the law to buy the
remaining 5,046 acres [2,018 ha] at the northeast corner of
the Baca Location that are the headwaters of the Santa Clara
Creek.) Consequently, the land use history of the VCNP is
linked inextricably to the political and social envionment of
the old land grant.
The VCNP encompasses most of the 12- to 15-mile
wide (19.2- to 24-km wide) bowl-like hollow formed by the
collapse of a pair of great volcanic domes following explosive
eruptions that date to about 1.6 and 1.2 million years ago. The
second volcanic episode, which created the Valles Caldera, is
superimposed on the earlier hollow, the Toledo Caldera (see
Martin 2003:4–6).
The base elevation of the Valles Caldera exceeds 8,000 feet
(2,439 m) and is some 3,000 feet (915 m) below the level of
the lava-dome mountains forming the caldera’s rim (ig. 1.2).
The highest of these summits, most commonly known today
by its Spanish name Cerro Redondo (Round Hill), rises to an
elevation of 11,254 feet (3,431 m) and is one of the highest
summits in the Jémez Mountain Range. This peak is also the
headwaters of the Río Jémez, which lows past the Pueblos of
Jémez, Zía, and Santa Ana and the Hispanic communities of
Jémez Springs, San Ysidro, and Bernalillo around the south
margin of the Jémez Mountains on its way to the Río Grande
(ig. 1.1). The locality is fed by runoff, seeps, and springs,
and drained by many streams, including the East Fork Jémez
River, Redondo Creek, and San Antonio Creek.
The Valles Caldera is famous for is scenic beauty,
geological features, and diversity of lora and fauna. The
physical environment ranges from broad open meadows to
2
1.1—Valles Caldera National Preserve location.
mountains heavily forested with coniferous trees, creating
a unique viewshed unmatched in the Southwest. Besides its
calderas and lava-dome peaks, the VCNP’s geothermal hot
springs and sulfurous gas vents attract attention (Martin
2003; USDA Forest Service 1993). The great topographic
relief of the setting contributes to its ecological diversity, including more than 500 identiied plant taxa (Dr. Bob
Parmeter, personal communication, VCNP, Los Alamos,
2005). Seventeen Federal- or State-listed endangered or threatened species, including the Jémez Mountains Salamander
(Plethodon neomexicanus), northern goshawk (Accipiter
gentiles), peregrine falcon (Falco peregrinus), and bald eagle
(Haliaeetus leucocephalus, occur in the VCNP (USDA Forest
Service 1993).
Below elevations of 8,500 feet (2,600 m), plants and animals
of the Transition Life Zone predominate (Bailey 1913).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
1.2—Valles Caldera National Preserve study area (adapted from Weslowski 1981: ig. 10-1).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
3
Major plant species include ponderosa pine (Pinus ponderosa), piñon (Pinus edulis), juniper (Juniperus communis and
Juniperus scopulorum), mountain mahogany (Cerocarpus
montanus), serviceberry (Amelanchier alnifolia), blue curly
grama (Bouteloua gracilis), Indian rice grass (Oryzopsis spp.),
and sand dropseed (Sporobolus crytandrus). The Transition
Life Zone supports mule deer (Odocoileus hemionus), coyote
(Canis latrans), bobcat (Lynx rufus), various squirrels (Sciurus
sp., Tamiasciurus sp, and Spermophilus sp.), prairie dog
(Cynomys gunnisoni), chipmunks (Neotamias sp.), raccoon
(Procyon lotor), black-tailed jackrabbit (Lepus californicus),
cottontail (Sylvilagus nuttalli), woodrat (Neotoma mexicana),
mice (Microtus sp. and Peromyscus sp.), weasel (Mustela
frenata and Mustela erminea), beaver (Castor canadensis),
badger (Taxidea taxus), black bear (Ursus americanus), and
mountain lion (Puma concolor). Local birds include grouse
(Dendragapus obscurus), turkey (Meleagris gallopavo),
various hawks (Accipiter sp.) and owls (Otus sp., Bubo sp.,
Aegolius sp., Glaucidium sp., and Asio sp.), robin (Turdus
migratorius), wren (Troglodytes aedon), woodpeckers
(Picoides sp. and Melanerpes sp.), nighthawk (Chordiles
minor), hummingbirds (Selasphorus sp.), white-throated swift
(Aeronautes saxaialis), sparrows (Pooecetes sp. and Spizella
sp.), warblers (Vermivora sp., Dendroica sp., and Oporornis
sp.), chickadee (Parus gambeli), and golden (Aquila chrysaetos) and bald (Haliaeetus leucocephalus) eagles.
The Canadian Life Zone rises above the Transition habitat
on slopes between 8,500 feet (2,600 m) and 11,000/12,000 feet
(3,354/3,659 m) in elevation (Bailey 1913). Consequently,
this life zone covers the rest of the VCNP. The principal trees
are Colorado blue spruce (Picea pungens), Engelmann spruce
(Picea engelmannii), white ir (Abies concolor), Douglas-ir
(Pseudotsuga menziesii), aspen (Populus tremuloides),
Rocky mountain maple (Acer glabrum), alder (Alnus sp.),
and currant (Ribes sp.). Notable herbaceous plants include
cinquefoil (Potentilla sp.), columbine (Aquilegia sp.), and
goldenrod (Solidago sp.). Several useful grasses are wheatgrass (Agropyron sp.) and fescue (Festuca sp.). Elk (Cervus
canadensis), mule deer, black bear, lynx, weasels, squirrels,
chipmunks, and many mice species persist in these higher
elevations. This life zone also supports various shrews (Sorex
sp.). This habitat provides homes for various grouse, woodpeckers, hummingbirds, sparrows, and warblers. Other major
bird species include northern goshawk (Accipiter gentiles),
jay (Cyanocitta sp. and Gymnorhinus sp.), dark-eyed junco
(Junco hyemalis), several kinglet species (Regulus sp.), and
mountain bluebird (Sialia currucoides).
To many laypersons, the VCNP appears pristine. With
relatively few obtrusive buildings and other infrastructure to
clutter the viewshed, the property offers the casual visitor
. . . the impression of a large, scenic mountain landscape
with little evidence of human presence. This evokes a strong
emotional impression derived from the property’s atmosphere
of solitude and undeveloped character. (USDA Forest
Service 1993:8)
4
Yet this impression overlooks visible reminders of intensive sheep grazing, cattle ranching, timbering, and mineral
and geothermal exploration and development on the tract
between the late 1800s and the early 1970s. These activities have increased the density and composition of forest
cover, shifted the demographic structure of tree populations
to a markedly lower mean age, and reduced the frequency
and structure of lower canopy grasses and forbes (e.g., see
Allen 1989; USDA Forest Service 1993:15–16). Nor does
this impression acknowledge that the historical ecology of the
VCNP includes a human presence that extends back 8,000
years or even longer, possibly to the end of the Pleistocene.
Goals and Methods
At the request of Dr. Carol Raish (Research Social Scientist
and Project Coordinator, Rocky Mountain Research Station,
USDA Forest Service, Albuquerque, NM), the Río Grande
Foundation for Communities and Cultural Landscapes (Río
Grande Foundation) made a proposal in the fourth quarter
of Fiscal Year 2002 for a land use history of the VCNP. As
stipulated in the Joint Venture Agreement between the USDA
Forest Service and the Río Grande Foundation (No. 02-JV11221601-265 [RGF 119]), the purpose of this undertaking
was to document the interactions between culturally diverse
peoples and this striking physical environment over time.
The study focuses on the cultural-historical environment of
the 88,900-acre (35,560-ha) preserve over the past four centuries of Spanish, Mexican, and U.S. governance. The scope of
work also includes the preparation of an archaeological review
of human use and occupation before the Spanish colonization
of the New Mexican territory in 1598. This review establishes
the cultural context of traditional Native American land use
practices and associations, creates a timeline that identiies
changing patterns in the technology and organization of the
use of the VCNP, and explains the essential social and cultural
contexts of patterns of economic activity extending far back
in time.
Accordingly, the study provides a record of the economic,
social, and ideational relationships that culturally diverse
Native American (e.g., Pueblo, Navajo, Apache, and Ute),
Hispanic, and Anglo-American peoples have maintained with
the Valles Caldera. The work includes a review and synthesis
of available published and unpublished historical, ethnohistorical, and ethnographic literature about the human occupation
of the area now contained within the VCNP. The documents
include historical maps, texts, letters, diaries, business records,
photographs, land and mineral patents, and court testimony.
Table 1.1 identiies a list of local and regional archives visited
in the course of the study.
In addition to these archival sources, Craig Martin, an
historian and ecologist who lives in White Rock, NM, generously shared his research materials. Martin (2003) also
provided copies of his book Valle Grande: A History of the
Baca Location No. 1, published in late 2003. Although the
book was not available until late in our work, it became an
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Table 1.1. List of Archival Resources.
University of New Mexico, Albuquerque
Zimmerman (General) Library
Center for Southwest Research, Zimmerman (General) Library
Government Publications, Zimmerman (General) Library
Spanish Colonial Research Center, Zimmerman (General) Library
State of New Mexico
Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe
Laboratory of Anthropology
Museum of Indian Arts and Culture
Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe
New Mexico History Library, Santa Fe
New Mexico State Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe
Southwest Room, New Mexico State Library, Santa Fe
U.S. Government
National Archives, Rocky Mountain Region, Denver
National Park Service Library, Intermountain Support Ofice, Santa Fe
Valles Caldera National Preserve, Los Alamos
Other
Los Alamos Historical Society, Los Alamos
important resource for this study. It identiies additional
archival resources worthy of inclusion in this study. It also presents important information about key individuals, including
Luis María Cabeza de Baca, his grandsons Francisco Tomás
and Tomás Dolores Baca, and entrepreneurs Maríano Sabine
Otero, James Greenwood Whitney, and Joel Parker Whitney.
Frank Bond and Patrick Dunigan, the owners and developers
of the Baca Location during the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries, are other key historical igures. Martin’s book is the
best source for this information about historic persons, since
much of it is outside the scope of the present study.
Because Martin (2003) shared so much information about
the economic and social history of the Baca Location, this
study should devote greater effort to issues that are outside the
scope of Martin’s book, such as land title, the changing intensity of industrial timbering, and patterns of vernacular land
use by neighboring traditional Native American and Hispanic
communities.
The quality and quantity of available documentary information made it necessary for this land use history to emphasize
the material aspects of land use, such as hunting, gathering,
mineral collecting, ranching, timbering, and geothermal exploration. Two important case iles that have not previously been
analyzed assisted our work. The discovery of the case ile of
the 1893–1899 Baca Location partition suit (Whitney v. Otero)
in the State Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe, NM, as
well as the retrieval of the extensive records of Baca Land and
Cattle Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc.
1967) allowed more comprehensive review of the land grant’s
complicated title history than had been possible previously.
The Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc., (1967) records had been
misiled under an incorrect number in the National Archives,
Rocky Mountain Region, Denver, CO.
Throughout this study the central issue is the nature and
intensity of human impacts on the physical environment. The
study attempts to determine the technological structure of land
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use activities, the social organization framing them, the identities of associated communities and major actors over the
VCNP’s human history, and the timelines of diverse peoples’
relationships with the lands now within the VCNP. With this
presentation of a cultural-historical framework of VCNP land
use, land managers and researchers should be better prepared
to assess the historical ecology of the property. This information is relevant not only to the critical assessment of how past
human activities have altered the physical ecology, including
the biological structure of plant and animal communities in
this seemingly pristine physical environment, but is useful
as well for evaluating potential impacts of present and future
land use practices on the historical ecology of the Preserve.
These practices include old, culturally signiicant vernacular
land uses carried on by the people of traditionally associated
communities.
The Río Grande Foundation adopted a cultural landscape
approach for this study. We have examined how communities
created economic, social, and ideational associations with the
VCNP. Such cultural knowledge is relevant because it documents how traditionally associated peoples use the VCNP to
sustain the economy and important social and cultural traditions within their respective communities.
Central to this approach is the premise that communities interweave meaning, space, and time to form the fabric
of their landscapes. With the passage of time, the intimacy
of experience, and the sharing of memories, a community’s geographical space becomes a place of valued meaning.
As each generation lives its life and bestows meaning on its
surroundings, landscapes come to represent both mirrors and
memories of each community’s living history. Moreover, the
landscape is a powerful medium through which land-based
communities create and sustain their cultural identities.
Because this project depends mainly on the existing documentary record, references to any particular group’s social and
ideational relationships with the VCNP are usually sparse. In
5
addition, the cultural meaning of reported observations cannot
be comprehensively understood without supporting systematic ethnographic study based on interactive consultation and
dialogue. A program of ethnographic investigation, however,
is outside the scope of the present research. The Río Grande
Foundation did not consult with afiliated traditional communities, families, or business enterprises. Such a phase of study
remains to be done.
This study should give VCNP administrators and agents
the cultural-historical background needed to develop management plans that acknowledge traditional associations with
the Preserve. This study also explains how some traditional
communities maintain important social and ideational associations with the VCNP that go beyond economic relationships.
This background helps demonstrate why traditional land
use practices that may not be visible on the ground today
warrant respect and consideration in planning. The study is
also intended to give managers additional background for
structuring and acting on consultations with afiliated communities.
The authors of this study are Dr. Kurt F. Anschuetz and
Thomas Merlan. Both investigators have experience in
conducting research into the land use histories of traditional
and historical community groups in northern New Mexico.
Thomas Merlan is a consulting historian, and familiar with the
major documentary archives in the Southwest. Dr. Anschuetz
is an archaeologist and anthropologist, and in his role as
Program Director, Río Grande Foundation, he further served
as the project’s Principal Investigator.
Preliminary Identiication of
Associated Traditional Native
American Communities
In the course of this study, Anschuetz and Merlan encountered documentary evidence identifying a large number of
culturally diverse, traditional Native American communities
that possess either a demonstrable or a probable cultural-historical relationship with the locality. The association of these
communities with the VCNP is often neither readily visible
archaeologically nor reported outside specialized ethnographic or ethnohistorical accounts.
In addition to the communities mentioned in documentary
accounts as possessing direct or indirect associations with
the Valles Caldera, there are several other Native American
groups that likely maintain a relationship with the VCNP. We
have listed these communities at the end of this discussion and
stated the basis on which we infer their association with the
Valles Caldera.
The following account neither states nor evaluates any
community’s speciic claim of traditional association. It is
intended to introduce each of these Native American communities through a brief summary of relevant documentary
evidence.
In the early twentieth century, U.S. Surveyor William
Boone Douglass recognized (and looted) the shrine on top of
6
Redondo Peak during his restorative cadastral survey of the
Baca Location’s boundaries. In a subsequent publication of his
observations of the shrine, Douglass (1917:358) reports that
the Río Grande Pueblos of Jémez, Cochití, Santo Domingo,
Zía, Sandia, San Ildefonso, San Juan, and Santa Clara make
ritual pilgrimages to Redondo Peak. His account, therefore,
stands as the irst substantive statement of the traditional association of Native American peoples with the lands contained
within the VCNP.
Decades later, Florence Hawley Ellis restated Douglass’
list of associated communities. She added the Río Grande
Pueblos of Santa Ana, San Felipe, Nambé, Pojoaque, and
Tesuque to the list of Native American communities that make
pilgrimages to the shrine on top of Redondo Peak (Ellis 1956,
1974:157). She further implied that the Navajo visited the
shrines on its summit.
Relying heavily on materials generated by land claims litigated by the Indian Claims Commission (ICC) (1974) in the
late 1940s and early 1950s, Nancy J. Akins (1993) addresses
traditional use areas of aboriginal groups in New Mexico.
She states that for several reasons, “The boundaries identiied
in the ICC cases are not always equivalent to an aboriginal
or traditional use area” (Akins 1993:4). The Federal statute
required Native American land claims to be based on exclusive use and occupancy of a given area at the time the United
States assumed political sovereignty over the Southwest in
1848. Given the inherent limitations of information compiled
for land claims cases, Akins considers only shrines and ancestral villages as traditional cultural properties associated with a
community’s aboriginal use areas.
In this overview, Akins (1993) discusses traditional Native
American associations across the State of New Mexico. She
identiies the Baca Location as entirely within the aboriginal
lands of Jémez Pueblo and lists shrines in and near the Baca
Location important to the Pueblo (including Wa-ve-ma [a.k.a.
Redondo Peak]) (Akins 1993:62–69).
Inspection of Akins’ (1993) compiled map information reveals that the following Indian communities included
the Valles Caldera locality within their far-reaching aboriginal territories: Jicarilla Apache, (1993:70–77), Navajo
(1993:107–113), San Ildefonso Pueblo (1993:126–131),
San Juan Pueblo (1993: 132–138), Santa Ana Pueblo
(1993:139–141), Santa Clara Pueblo (1993:145–148),
Santo Domingo Pueblo (1993: 150–153), Tesuque Pueblo
(1993:163–165), Ute (1993:168–174), and Zía Pueblo
(1993:181–186.
David M. Brugge (1983) offers insights into the association of the Navajo with the VCNP in his excellent summary
of early Navajo history. His illustration “Approximate Navajo
settlement areas” (Brugge 1983:ig. 1) shows the Valles
Caldera portion of the Jémez Mountains to the east of the
core of the settled Navajo territory. This observation does
not necessarily preclude temporary Navajo use of the VCNP,
however.
In fact, numerous documentary accounts place the Navajo
in the VCNP in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries as
interlopers who passed through the locality to raid Pueblo and
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Hispanic settlements along the lanks of the Jémez Mountains
(e.g., Bishop Crespo, in Adams 1954:98; McNitt 1972).
Frederick W. Sleight (1950) follows Washington
Matthews (1897) and places the Navajo within the boundaries of the VCNP for purposes other than raiding. In his
comprehensive review of 34 contradictory documentary
sources, and his supplementary original ieldwork to determine the geographic locations of the principal four Navajo
mountains of direction, Sleight concludes that Pelado Peak
is Sisnádjini, the Holy Mountain of the East. Regardless of
the debate over the geographic identiication of Sisnádjini,
Douglass (1917:344–357) reports that Navajo traveling
west of the Jémez Mountains visited the shrine on the top of
Cerro Chicoma just outside the northeast corner of the Baca
Location. Based on this, it is likely that Navajos would have
made ritual pilgrimages to the top of Redondo Peak.
Although the evidence compiled by the ICC (1974; see
also Akins 1993) places the Jicarilla Apache and the Ute
in the Valles Caldera, the technological structure and social
organization of their occupations of this locality are little
known. Although she does not discuss the Jicarilla occupation of the Valles Caldera speciically, Veronica E. Tiller
(1992:15). illustrates the location of an undeined “permanent
site” west of Los Alamos in the vicinity of the VCNP in a
map titled “Aboriginal Sites and Early Settlements” Donald
Callaway and others (1986) identify the Muache and Capote
as the principal Ute bands that traveled seasonally into New
Mexico’s mountains, with the Muache reaching as far south as
Santa Fe. Their map showing the geographic expanse of early
nineteenth-century Ute territory, however, does not show
the full extent of the people’s occupation of New Mexico
(Callaway et al. 1986:ig. 1). James Jefferson and others
(1972:xi), Charles S. Marsh (1982:3, 18–19), and Frances
Leon Swadesh (1974:47) similarly place Ute bands in northcentral New Mexico.
The Hopi Tribe of northeastern Arizona currently consults
with Federal agencies about the protection and disposition of
cultural resources on lands east of the Jémez Mountains (e.g.,
Leigh J. Kuwanwisiwma, Director, Cultural Preservation
Ofice, letter to Gilbert Vigil, Forest Supervisor, Carson
National Forest, USDA Forest Service, March 20, 2000). The
Hopi Tribe’s afiliations with these lands are based, in part, on
oral traditions that trace clan movements far back in time. In
addition, some of the Tewa-Hopi clan leaders from the Pueblo
of Hano on the Hopi Mesas variously trace their emigration to
the Hopi Buttes from the old village of Tsawari (LA36)1.1 in
the Santa Cruz Valley during late pre-Columbian Pueblo times
(Yava 1978:27–28, 44–45) and from the Abiquiu area at the
time of the Pueblo Revolt (Poling-Kempes 1997:19–20).
Anthropologists have documented an ethnogeography
for the Pueblo of Zuni of west-central New Mexico. This
account includes at least four sites in or near the Valles
Caldera (Ferguson and Hart 1985:map 15—Traditional
Zuni Hunting Area [site 31], map 16—Traditional Zuni Plant
Collection Area [sites 31 and 93], and map 18—Traditional
Zuni Religious Use Area [sites 31, 48, 93, and 94]). There are
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Zuni sites on the east side of the Jémez Mountains in proximity to the Río Grande Valley as well.
Although this is not documented directly in available literature, it is likely that that the Río Grande Pueblos of Taos,
Picuris, and Isleta recognized the Valles Caldera as an important place on their landscape. The Jémez Mountains are
visible from the immediate vicinity of each of these Pueblos.
In addition, Taos Pueblo traditionally makes pilgrimages
to Cerro Chicoma next to the Baca Location (Douglass
1917:344–357). We found no information either directly or
indirectly associating the Pueblos of Ácoma and Laguna with
the VCNP. Given the proximity of these communities to the
Río Grande, the observation that their expansive aboriginal
homes (ICC 1974) extend toward the Jémez Mountains, and
their close cultural-historical relationships with Zía and the
other southern Río Grande Pueblos, it seems likely that future
ethnographic consultation would establish their afiliation
with the Valles Caldera.1.1
Report Organization
In addition to this introduction, this report includes eight
chapters and three appendices.
Chapter 2 presents an archaeological reconstruction of lower
Río Grande Valley culture history from time immemorial,
beginning with the Paleoindian period in the late Pleistocene
and continuing until a.d. 1600 following the establishment of
the Spanish colony of New Mexico. The discussion recounts
changing patterns of hunting, gathering, and mineral collection in the VCNP. This summary of surviving archaeological
traces provides a cultural-historical framework that establishes
the peripheral place that the VCNP has always occupied with
respect to major centers of residential settlement and areas of
intensive economic land use.
Chapter 3 gives a synopsis of lower Río Grande Valley
history since the mid-sixteenth-century Spanish entradas
into New Mexico. This discussion traces broad patterns of
documentary history having to do with the changing intensity of land use in the VCNP by Spanish Colonists, Hispanics,
and Anglo-Americans over time. This sketch illustrates how
the Valles Caldera remained peripheral to major residential
centers, while its cycle of intensive economic land use was
dependent on greatly expanded regional population levels.
Chapter 4 offers a summary of Baca Location history.
It traces the genesis of the Baca Land Grant from its
1.1
“LA36” is the identiication number assigned to the archaeological
remnants of the village of Tsawari. The preix LA refers to the
Laboratory of Anthropology, which is part of the Museum of New
Mexico, who created this master numbering system in the 1920s
for the inventory of every archaeological site documented within
the State of New Mexico. Today, the information iles for all
known archaeological sites within the state are maintained at the
Laboratory of Anthropology in Santa Fe by the Archaeological
Records Management Section of the Historic Preservation
Division in cooperation with the Museum of New Mexico.
7
beginnings as a grant to Luis María Cabeza de Baca and his
family in eastern New Mexico in 1821. The narrative follows
the Congressional action in 1860 that substituted ive equalsized alternative tracts or locations (Baca Locations No. 1, 2,
3, 4, and 5) for the original grant. This chapter next explains
the economic and political machinations of the 1893–1899
partition suit, which resulted in the transfer of title to the Baca
Location No. 1 to individuals unrelated to the Baca family.
From this point, the discussion follows the sale of the property to the Redondo Development Company, explaining how
Redondo leveraged the assets of the Location, separating the
tract’s timber and mineral rights from its land rights in 1918.
The discussion then generally reviews the use of the property by various ranching interests, including the Bond family,
the King family, James Patrick Dunigan, and a succession of
logging businesses. This overview, in turn, provides background for examinations of the VCNP’s ranching (chapter 6)
and timbering (chapter 7) histories.
Chapter 5 reviews the evidence of plant gathering, game
hunting, mineral collecting, and agriculture within the Valles
Caldera. The discussion focuses mainly on vernacular Native
American and Hispanic practices. It recounts a short-lived
and ill-fated commercial hay-cutting venture in the mid-nineteenth century. The narrative also considers Anglo-American
hunting and trapping as business enterprises and reports
brief episodes of agricultural use. Nevertheless, this chapter
emphasizes the ways in which the area’s traditional landbased, Native American and Hispanic communities used the
VCNP’s rich botanical assemblage for food, medicines, and
other economic or recreational purposes. (Given its cultural
sensitivity, in-depth examination of ritual plant use is inappropriate and is not included.) The study inds that of the
more than 500 native plant species identiied in the VCNP,
350 taxa were used, or are likely to have been used, by Native
American and Hispanic communities that maintain associations with this place.
Chapter 6 addresses the VCNP’s ranching history since
Spanish colonization. The narrative introduces the partido
system that organized the sheep herding industry in New
Mexico from the early 1700s to World War II and examines
the various factors that kept herding and ranching in the Valles
Caldera at a comparatively low level until the late nineteenth
century. The discussion then traces the development and use
of the property’s rangeland by the Bonds (1918-1963) and by
the tract’s last private owners, James Patrick Dunigan and his
estate (1963-2000).
Chapter 7 gives the history of industrial timbering in the
VCNP. It examines why commercial logging operations
did not enter the property until 1935, although Redondo
Development Company and other business interests had
actively traded its timber rights since 1918. In addition to the
economic environment that conditioned timbering, the narrative summarizes the changing technological structure and
social organization of timbering over time. The discussion
highlights how the public concerns over the growing physical
and ecological impacts on the Valles Caldera in the late 1950s,
and the acquisition of the property by James Patrick Dunigan,
were among the reasons for the most intensive and destructive
8
logging cycle. The confrontation between Dunigan, a developer and rancher with environmental interests, and T. P.
Gallagher, Jr., the long-term owner of New Mexico Timber,
Inc., who tried to maximize his logging proits under terms
of his purchase of the Baca Location’s timber rights, gives
invaluable insights into competing land use values within a
broader social context.
Chapter 8 reviews the history of mining and geothermal
exploration in the Valles Caldera. The hope of striking gold and
silver was a motive in Spanish colonization of New Mexico.
This chapter focuses on Maríano Sabine Otero’s short-lived
sulphur mining operations at the beginning of the 1900s, and
the interest in geothermal development in the VCNP that is
now more than four decades old.
Chapter 9 helps develop the thesis that Valles Caldera is a
multi-layered ethnographic landscape with which people of
culturally diverse communities—Native American, Hispanic,
and Anglo-American—maintain meaningful relationships
for their own purposes as part of a dynamic cultural process.
The discussion should lead to a fuller understanding of the
social and ideational contexts underlying the traditional land
use activities in the VCNP that predominated before 1860, but
have persisted since then without attracting public attention.
The narrative outlines the world view and landscape themes
that generally inform and organize how traditional communities associate and interact with the VCNP. The discussion then
considers several prominent landscape elements, including
mountains, water, caves, volcanoes, calderas, lava rock,
shrines, trails, plants, and minerals, that have helped organize
and give meaning to the land use activities of communities
traditionally associated with this location.
Following a concluding discussion (chapter 10), appendix
I consists of an annotated bibliography of the major references
used in writing this report. Entries often include materials not
directly cited in the text. Instead, we offer citations and observations that provide supplemental contexts for many issues
that we identify in the main body of the report.
Appendix II introduces an anthropological landscape
approach. It builds from the premise that landscape is the physical and conceptual interaction of nature and culture, rather
than the sum of material modiications. The discussion should
help cultural resource managers to understand how people of
traditional and historical communities in the region construct
and sustain close associations with the VCNP. The narrative
helps explain how a community’s relationships with particular
places and landscape features may embody traditions important to communities for sustaining their cultural identities.
Appendix III contributes to the understanding of landscape
as a dynamic cultural process. The premise of this discussion
is that people actively contribute to conditions that warrant the
restructuring and reorganization of their interactions with their
physical settings, with other members of their communities,
and with residents of other communities. Land and cultural
resource managers may ind this section useful in considering how people of traditional and historical communities
construct and sustain afiliations with the VCNP. The structure
and organization of a group’s interactions with a place might
change, yet continue a traditional relationship.
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Formatting Note
Citations identiied in bold font in chapter text identify reference materials included in the annotated
bibliography (appendix I).
Indexing note
Appendix I, the annotated bibliography, is not fully indexed. The index lists only the name of the
author—or, in case of multiple authors, the senior author—of the annotated entries. Upon inding topics
of interest in the text of the main body of the volume, the reader can easily identify which bibliographic
entries that they might also wish to examine through the use of the bold font formatting convention.
References
Adams, Eleanor B., ed.
1954 Bishop Tamarón’s Visitation of New Mexico, 1760. Publications in History, 15. Santa Fe:
Historical Society of New Mexico.
Akins, Nancy J.
1993 Traditional Use Areas in New Mexico. Archaeology Notes, 141. Santa Fe: Museum of New
Mexico, Ofice of Archaeological Studies.
Allen, Craig D.
1989 Changes in the Landscape of the Jemez Mountains, New Mexico. Ph.D. dissertation. Wildlife
Resource Science, University of California, Berkeley.
Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc.
1967 Baca Land and Cattle Company and Dunigan Tool and Supply Company, and George W.
Savage, Trustee Under Liquidating Trust Agreement, v. New Mexico Timber, Inc., and T.
Gallagher and Co., Inc. 384 F.2d 701 (10th Circuit Court of Appeals). 8NN-021-89-022
#5648, Federal Records Center (FRC) #76L0201, boxes 110 and 110A. Denver, CO:
National Archives, Rocky Mountain Region.
Bailey, Vernon
1913 Life Zones and Crop Zones of New Mexico. North American Fauna 35. Washington, DC:
U.S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Biological Survey.
Brugge, David M.
1983 Navajo Prehistory and History to 1850. In Southwest. Alfonso Ortiz, ed. Pp. 489–501. Vol.
10 of Handbook of North American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed. Washington, DC:
Smithsonian Institution.
Callaway, Donald, Joel Janetski, and Omer C. Stewart
1986 Ute. In Great Basin. Warren L. D’azevedo, ed. Pp. 336–367. Vol. 11 of Handbook of North
American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution.
Douglass, William Boone
1917 Notes on the Shrines of the Tewa and Other Pueblo Indians of New Mexico. In Proceedings
of the Nineteenth International Congress of Americanists. Frederick W. Hodge, ed. Pp.
344–378. Washington, DC: International Congress of Americanists.
Ellis, Florence Hawley
1956 Anthropological Evidence Supporting the Land Claim of the Pueblos of Zia, Santa Ana, and
Jemez. Santa Fe: Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico. Unpublished MS.
1974 Navajo Indians I: An Anthropological Study of the Navajo Indians. New York: Garland
Publishing.
Ferguson, T. J., and E. Richard Hart
1985 A Zuni Atlas. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
Indian Claims Commission
1974 Commission Findings on the Pueblo Indians. New York: Garland Publishing.
Jefferson, James, Robert W. Delaney, and Gregory C. Thompson
1972 The Southern Utes: A Tribal History. Floyd A. O’Neil, ed. Ignacio, CO: Southern Ute Tribe.
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9
Marsh, Charles S.
1982 People of the Shining Mountains: The Utes of Colorado. Boulder, CO: Pruett Publishing.
Martin, Craig
2003 Valle Grande: A History of the Baca Location No. 1. Los Alamos, NM: All Seasons
Publishing.
Matthews, Washington
1897 Navajo Legends. Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society 5. Menasha, WI.
McNitt, Frank
1972 Navajo Wars: Military Campaigns, Slave Raids, and Reprisals. Albuquerque: University of
New Mexico Press.
Poling-Kempes, Lesley
1997 Valley of the Shining Stone: The Story of Abiquiu. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
Sleight, Frederick W.
1950 The Navajo Sacred Mountain of the East: A Controversy. El Palacio 58:379–397.
Swadesh, Frances Leon
1974 Los Prímeros Pobladores: Hispanic Americans on the Ute Frontier. Notre Dame, IN:
University of Notre Dame Press.
Tiller, Veronica E.
1992 The Jicarilla Apache Tribe: A History. Revised edition. Lincoln: University of Nebraska
Press.
U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service
1993 Report on the Study of the Baca Location No. 1. U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest
Service, Southwest Region, August 1993.
Whitney v. Otero
1893 Joel Parker Whitney v. Mariano S. Otero et al. Civil Case No. 3632. Records of the U.S.
Territorial and New Mexico District Courts for Bernalillo County. Accession No. 1959–124.
Santa Fe: New Mexico State Records Center and Archives.
Yava, Albert
1978 Big Falling Snow: A Tewa-Hopi Indian’s Life and Times and the History and Traditions of
His People. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
10
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Chapter 2.
A Sketch of the Cultural-Historical Environment—Part 1:
The Pre-Columbian Past
Kurt F. Anschuetz
Introduction
This chapter examines the scope and structure of current
archaeological interpretations of the pre-Columbian Native
American occupation and use of the Valles Caldera National
Preserve (VCNP). The discussion provides useful culturalhistorical background for the presentation and evaluation of
the structure and organization of Native American land use
history, as it is known through documentary sources, in subsequent chapters of this volume. It demonstrates that aboriginal
communities have sustained important relationships with the
Valles Caldera over millennia even though none ever established year-round residential settlements in this locality.
Instead, the Valles Caldera represents an edge for residential centers located elsewhere (see chapter 9 for discussion of
the essential relationship between edge and center in Native
American understandings and occupations of their aboriginal
landscapes.)
The primary emphasis of this study is cultural-historical, not archaeological. Consequently, the comprehensive
description and assessment of the VCNP’s archaeological site
and artifact assemblages is outside the scope of the present
research. Other investigators (e.g., Steffen 2003; Steffen and
Skinner 2002) have reported the archaeology of the VCNP.
Nevertheless, this chapter provides background useful to the
subsequent identiication, interpretation, and evaluation of
potentially signiicant cultural resources in the Preserve.
We rely upon a variety of archaeological reports. We recognize that the descendents of the Indian peoples who occupied
the VCNP have often carefully recorded the histories of their
forebears in oral accounts. Although some parts of these verbal
texts exist in published form (see chapter 9), most of these
narratives are not generally available to outsiders today. For
this reason, we use the term pre-Columbian history to denote
the part of our discussion of the human history of the VCNP
that depends solely upon the description, assessment, and
interpretation of the material traces composing the archaeological record that survives today.
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Paleoindian Occupation
(10000/9500–5500 B.C.)
Paleoindian culture represents the earliest documented
evidence of human occupation in the North American
Southwest. Archaeologists typically characterize Paleoindian
cultural adaptations as emphasizing the hunting of now extinct
species of mammoth (Mammuthus jeffersonii), bison (Bison
antiquus), and several other large-bodied late Pleistocene
animals, such as horses, tapirs, and camels. Assuming that
Paleoindians relied principally on big game hunting for their
livelihood, researchers commonly infer that these people were
nomadic. Although many investigators believe that native
plants and small game animals were important supplemental
resources for the Paleoindians, few of these resources survive
in the archaeological record (see Anschuetz 1996; Anschuetz
et al. 1997).
Dificulties resulting from small sample sizes and poor
archaeological preservation notwithstanding, archaeologists
have proposed three major developmental phases for the
Paleoindian period in the Southwest on the basis of patterned
changes in projectile point form over time. The earliest is the
Clovis phase, which researchers have variously dated between
10000/9500 and 9000 B.C. (cf. Agogino 1968; Irwin-Williams
and Haynes 1970). Researchers consider large lanceolate
spear points with short lute scars and concave bases as characteristic markers of this period.
The distribution of sites across diverse topographic
settings and the occurrence of moist environmental conditions suggest that Clovis peoples sought access to a variety of
plant resources, game animals, and sources of surface water.
Although available archaeological data are not conclusive,
it is tempting to characterize Clovis populations as generalized hunters and gatherers rather than as specialized big game
hunters (Cordell 1984:145, 148).
The succeeding stage of Paleoindian cultural development is the Folsom phase. Researchers date the Folsom phase
from approximately 9000 to 8000 B.C. (Agogino 1968; Judge
11
1973). Some investigators regard the Folsom phase as an
evolutionary reinement of the preceding Clovis phase with
the onset of a long-term trend of increasingly dry conditions
(e.g., Irwin-Williams 1979:31). This generalized climatic
change, known to investigators as the Anathermal (ca. 8600
to 5500 B.C.) (Antevs 1955), persisted through the end of
Paleoindian times and saw parkland and boreal forest species
dominate across the southern Great Plains (Wendorf 1970,
1975). Under such ecological conditions, it is unlikely that
Paleoindian hunters in the northern Southwest had access to
great herds of large-bodied game animals (Anschuetz 1996;
Anschuetz et al. 1997).
Folsom spear points, which are smaller than their Clovis
predecessors, are another kind of distinctively laked lanceolate implements. Even though they are shorter than their Clovis
predecessors, they have proportionately longer lutes. These
tools are most commonly associated with Bison antiquus
remains; mammoth and most other large-bodied Pleistocene
mammals were already extinct by this time. Excavated sites
have yielded remains of antelopes, deer, elk, wolves, rabbits,
other small mammals, birds, and reptiles (Cordell 1979a:21).
Some researchers suggest that Folsom populations relied
heavily on specialized hunting practices and a highly nomadic
lifestyle for their living (Broilo 1971; Judge 1973). These
investigators base their argument on the presence of Bison
antiquus, which likely were solitary or small-herd animals,
and the development of a stone tool technology dependent on
the careful use and conservation of high quality raw material,
including the obsidian that occurs abundantly in and around
the VCNP. Cordell (1984:148) urges caution in applying
this interpretation, however. Although available archaeological data by no means discount interpretations of specialized
hunting practices and high mobility, excavated site assemblages indicate that Folsom phase peoples relied on a variety
of plant and animal resources. Not all of the stone tools found
at Folsom sites are as highly specialized as the unique spear
point.
The Plano phase (ca. 8300 to 6000 B.C.) marks the end
of the Paleoindian period of human occupation across North
America. This time encompasses a number of distinct material culture complexes, including the Agate Basin (8300
to 8000 B.C.) and Cody (6600 to 6000 B.C.) complexes
(Irwin-Williams and Haynes 1970). Late Plano phase huntergatherers apparently enjoyed a brief return to greater effective
moisture, and the spatial distribution of Cody complex materials is wider than that of the earlier Agate Basin complex
(Irwin-Williams 1979). Given kill sites with an average of
nearly 130 smaller-bodied late Pleistocene bison (Bison occidentalis) per location (Cordell 1979a:21), many researchers
continue to describe Plano phase Paleoindian populations
as highly specialized big game hunters. Nonetheless, the
sustained development of increasingly generalized projectile
points from mid to late Paleoindian times implies that these
human populations adopted increasingly diverse subsistence
strategies, including a reliance on a wide range of plant and
animal foods (Anschuetz 1996; Anschuetz et al. 1997).
12
At the present time, no known archaeological properties in
either the VCNP or the upper Río Jémez Valley clearly date to
the Paleoindian period. A small number of obsidian artifacts
collected during archaeological study in the Redondo Peak
Area have hydration rinds suficiently thick to indicate raw
material breakage during Paleoindian times (Russell 1981). In
addition, archaeologists have recovered several spear points
associated with soils dated at 11,000 ybp during studies now
ongoing at the VCNP (Dr. Bob Parmeter, personal communication, VCNP, Los Alamos, 2005).
Recovery of artifacts diagnostic of Paleoindian manufacture elsewhere in the northern Río Grande region shows that
these early hunter and gatherers visited the Jémez Mountains.
Archaeologists documented a Clovis phase camp (LA66891)2.1
at an elevation of 8,200 ft (2,240 m) on Cañones Mesa northeast
of the VCNP (Acklen 1993; Acklen et al. 1991; Evaskovich
et al. 1997a). These researchers also located a second lithic
scatter with Paleoindian artifacts but were unable to conirm
the presence of an intact early occupation. Steen (1977, 1982)
found a small number of isolated Paleoindian projectile points
on mesatops in the nearby Pajarito Plateau district.
Archaeologists working at Paleoindian sites in central
New Mexico and west Texas have recovered artifacts made
of obsidian that outcrops in the Jémez Mountains (Winter
1983:105; see also Glascock et al. 1999:861). Because Jémez
obsidian nodules occur in the alluvial gravel deposits along
the northern Río Grande Valley and the tributary streams that
originate in the Jémez Mountains, the central New Mexico
and west Texas obsidian inds do not necessarily represent the
products of Paleoindian expeditions to the Valles Caldera or
its environ.
Archaic Occupation
(5500 B.C.– A.D. 600)
Researchers date the Archaic period in the northern
Southwest between ca. 5500 B.C. and A.D. 600. Hunting
appears to have persisted as a primary economic concern under
essentially modern faunal and vegetative conditions during
the early Archaic (Judge 1982:49). The ubiquity of grinding
implements and roasting ovens at late Archaic base camps
sites suggests that over time the people became increasingly
dependent on hard-shelled grass seeds (e.g., Irwin-Williams
1973; Reher and Witter 1977; see also Cleland 1966:42–45).
Irwin-Williams (1979:35) argues that the ive-centurylong break between clearly dated Paleoindian and Archaic
period cultural assemblages in the region indicates the withdrawal of Plains-based big game hunters from the northern
Southwest in response to the onset of the Altithermal (ca.
5000 to 3000 B.C.) (Antevs 1955), a time of decreased moisture and greater environmental desiccation. She suggests that
the appearance of Archaic period hunter and gatherer cultural
assemblages in the northern Southwest represents the inlux
of new populations and that there is no evident connection
between populations representing these two adaptations
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(Irwin-Williams 1973, 1979). Other researchers (Cordell
1979a; Honea 1969; Judge 1982; Stuart and Gauthier 1981)
disagree with this interpretation, however. They reason that
the occupation hiatus is more apparent than real. Moreover, as
summarized by Judge (1982:48–49), these investigators view
Archaic period cultural traditions as an indigenous outgrowth
from the preceding Paleoindian cultural historical sequence.
Abel E. B. Renaud (1942) was the irst researcher working
in the northern Río Grande to provide a discussion of Archaic
period cultural materials, which he designated as a distinctive
Río Grande Culture complex. The diagnostic projectile point
forms, which Renaud describes, resemble those of the Oshara
Tradition sequence subsequently deined for the Arroyo
Cuervo locality southwest of the VCNP (Irwin-Williams
1973). Because Irwin-Williams’ cultural historical framework has received wide acceptance, researchers working in
the northern Río Grande over the past two decades have classiied projectile point forms encountered during their surveys
and excavations within the Oshara Tradition typological
sequence. Nonetheless, the Cochise Tradition (Sayles and
Antevs 1941), which is traditionally conceptualized as occurring south and west of the Oshara Tradition area, seems to
truncate the Oshara Tradition in the Galisteo Basin to the east
of the Valles Caldera (Lang 1977). The Cochise Tradition also
appears to merge in the Redondo Valley area of the VCNP
(Baker and Winter 1981:v).
Irwin-Williams (1973, 1979) divides the Archaic period
into developmental phases in her deinition of the Oshara
Tradition: Jay (5500–4800 B.C.), Bajada (4800–3200 B.C.),
San Jose (3200–1800 B.C.), Armijo (1800–800 B.C.), En
Medio (800 B.C.–A.D. 400), and Trujillo (A.D. 400–600).
Because Cochise Tradition cultural materials “intrude” into
the Jémez Mountains as well as the Galisteo Basin, many of
these narrow temporal deinitions of Irwin-Williams’ cultural
historical construct might not be appropriate. Moreover, the
archaeological record of the VCNP might eventually offer
information useful to settling this important question about
Archaic cultural afinities in the northern Río Grande.
Archaic population levels apparently were relatively stable
during the Jay and Bajada phases (Irwin-Williams 1973,
1979). Researchers suggest that these peoples lived in nuclear
or extended groups at a series of short-term camps in the
lower elevations, such as those of the San Juan Basin west of
the Jémez Mountains, throughout most of the year. Hunting
camps and obsidian quarry sites, however, occur in the Jémez
Mountains. Yet early Archaic period hunter and gatherer use
of this locality was likely brief and sporadic, and there exists
little direct evidence for the signiicant seasonal occupation of
the Valles Caldera area before 2000 B.C. (Elliott 1991a:13).
The subsequent San Jose phase saw increased regional
population levels. This development apparently coincided
with a period of increased effective moisture. Corn horticulture and a residential pattern of seasonal ingathering and
dispersal of family groups followed during the drier Armijo
phase (Irwin-Williams 1973, 1979).
A direct radiocarbon date for maize kernels recovered from
the Jémez Cave demonstrates that Archaic people occupied
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camps in the upper Río Jémez Valley by the late Armijo phase
(Ford 1981; also, see Alexander and Reiter 1935; Ford 1975).
In addition, Baker and Winter (1981), during their study of the
proposed Baca Geothermal Project area, documented several
sites that are roughly contemporaneous with the Armijo
phase along Redondo Creek in the VCNP. Artifacts indicate
that obsidian quarrying and the manufacture of bifaces were
predominant activities. Overall, the investigators describe
site use as light. Although direct evidence is lacking, it seems
probable that hunting and plant collecting also occurred.
Paleoclimatic data indicate that cool, dry conditions and
long winters characterized the late Archaic (Gillispie 1985;
Irwin-Williams 1973; Schoenwetter and Dittert 1968).
Signiicantly higher regional population densities also contributed to the adoption of a more sedentary lifestyle in which
corn horticulture became increasingly important, even while
the economy continued to be based on hunting and gathering.
By far the most intensive uses of the Jémez Mountains,
judging from the indings of archaeological studies in the
Redondo Creek Valley (Baker 1981; Baker and Winter 1981;
Winter 1983:94) and along Public Service Company of New
Mexico’s proposed Ojo Line Extension (OLE) powerline
rights-of-way (Acklen 1993), occurred between about 600
B.C. and A.D. 400. Still, these high-altitude sites represent
hunting camps, as indicated by high frequencies of bifacially
laked obsidian knives and spear and dart points. In addition,
the abundance of waste lakes indicating the manufacture of
these tools suggests that the late Archaic hunters made knives
and projectile points for export to other places in the region
(Anschuetz et al. 1997:92; see also Glascock et al. 1999).
Jémez Cave in the nearby upper Río Jémez Valley offers
additional insights. The abundant evidence of obsidian and
wood tool manufacture at the cave’s margin contrasts markedly with the recovery of diverse plant remains, along with
the evidence of plant processing, such as corn grinding, other
food preparation, sandal making and textile production, in the
grotto’s center. While the stone and wood tool manufacturing
area likely represents the focus of men’s activities, the cave’s
central zone probably saw use primarily by women (Ford
1975:21). Based on his preliminary analysis of collections
and the available excavation notes, Ford concludes, “Jemez
Cave was seasonally occupied, probably in the spring and
fall for the planting and harvesting of corn and pumpkins”
(1975:21). Recovery of broad leaf yucca fruit fragments and
seeds, acorns and piñon nuts, all of which ripen in the fall,
supports Ford’s interpretations of the cave’s use during the fall
(Anschuetz 1996).
Pueblo Occupation
(A.D. 600–1600)
Emergence of adaptations that are qualitatively more
Pueblo Indian than Archaic in the northern Río Grande
occurred at approximately A.D. 600 (Wendorf 1954; Wendorf
and Reed 1955). This date marks the culmination of the
sometimes gradual, sometimes punctuated, transition from a
13
subsistence economy based on the gathering and hunting of a
broad spectrum of plant and animal resources to one increasingly focused on agriculture (Anschuetz 1996; Anschuetz et
al. 1997). Although a wide variety of native plants and animals
continued to be critically important in Pueblo Indian economies, over time they were more limited to use as supplements
to agricultural staples. As this shift occurred, group mobility
was reduced further and residences increasingly were occupied
on a semiannual, if not on a year-round, basis. The introduction of pottery and arrow points are diagnostic markers of the
beginning of Pueblo adaptations.
Wendorf (1954) divides the Pueblo Indian cultural
sequence during prehistory into three periods: Developmental,
Coalition, and Classic (see also Wendorf and Reed 1955). He
deines each period by notable shifts in architectural and/or
pottery assemblages.
Archaeological evidence of the Pueblo occupation of the
northern Jémez Mountains and their neighboring locales does
not follow the regional trend of Pueblo adaptations, being
characterized by a greater dependence on agriculture and
pottery. The discovery of arrow points on aceramic sites in
the Jémez Mountains and in neighboring parts of the northern
Río Grande Valley show that Pueblo people made short-term
forays into areas of higher elevation for hunting and, presumably, gathering (Bertram et al. 1989; Earls et al. 1989; Lord
and Cella 1986; see also Schaafsma 1976). Even where early
Pueblo period (ca. A.D. 800) pitstructures exist, such as the
Abiquiú Reservoir area northeast of the VCNP, ceramics
seldom occur in association (Anschuetz et al. 1997:94). Such
observations indicate that Archaic-like hunting and gathering
adaptations persisted later in north-central New Mexico than
commonly recognized by archaeologists.
Developmental Period (A.D. 600–1200)
The early part of the Developmental period in the northern
Río Grande dates between A.D. 600 and 900. Archaeological
sites dating to the seventh century are rare throughout the
region, and known properties tend to be small. Sites dating to
the eighth and ninth centuries are more numerous, although
they are mainly remnants of limited activity work sites and
small settlements (Wendorf and Reed 1955).
Most known early Developmental period sites are in the
Albuquerque and Santa Fe districts (Cordell 1979a), although
a few notable archaeological properties are reported to the
north and northwest of the present-day community of Santa
Fe along the Río Tesuque and Río Nambe drainages (McNutt
1969; Peckham 1984:276).
Excavation data indicate that early Developmental period
residential sites may be characterized as small villages
of shallow, circular pitstructures. Sites commonly feature
between one and three dwellings, which generally appear to
be more similar to structures used by contemporaneous San
Juan populations than to those of Mogollon peoples of westcentral New Mexico. Rectangular surface storage rooms also
are found commonly in association (Cordell 1979a; Stuart and
Gauthier 1981).
14
Seventh-century Developmental period ceramics include
Lino Gray, San Marcial Black-on-white, and a variety of
plain brown and red-slipped wares. The eighth- and ninthcentury ceramic assemblage is essentially a continuation of
its predecessor but includes the addition of neck-banded gray
and brown wares (Kana-a Gray and Alma Neck-Banded,
respectively) as well as Kiatuthlana Black-on-white, La Plata
Black-on-red, and Abajo Black-on-orange (Wendorf and Reed
1955:138). These wares indicate that the early Developmental
populations maintained close cultural ties with groups living
to the northwest and west. The presence of small amounts
of redware and brownware pottery indicates that the people
also traded with Mogollon populations living to the south and
southeast (Cordell 1979a).
Early Developmental period peoples tended to locate their
residential sites in lower elevations near intermittent tributaries of the Río Grande, presumably for access to water
(Cordell 1979a). Their preference for higher-altitude settings
close to gathering and hunting resources is also visible.
The appearance of Red Mesa Black-on-white, another
ceramic ware that occurs throughout much of the western
Pueblo Indian culture area during prehistory (Lang 1982;
McNutt 1969; Mera 1935; Peckham 1984), marks the beginning of the late Developmental period (A.D. 900 to 1200). The
continued close afiliation between the peoples of the northern
Río Grande and the Four Corners regions is illustrated by the
appearance of Kwahe’e Black-on-white in north-central New
Mexico at approximately A.D. 1100 (Warren 1980). This ware
is a locally manufactured copy of ceramics produced in the
northern San Juan region (Gladwin 1945; Kidder and Shepard
1936).
The late Developmental period is characterized further
by a general change in regional settlement patterns and more
localized changes in architecture and site size. The changes in
settlement pattern include an increase in the number of residential sites in the Albuquerque, southern Santa Fe, and Taos
districts (Frisbie 1967; Mera 1940; Oakes 1979; Wetherington
1968; Wiseman 1980; Woosley 1986). Not only did the density
of habitation increase, the range of environmental settings
exploited by Developmental period Pueblo Indian populations also expanded. Nonetheless, archaeologists suggest
that Pueblo populations dependent upon agricultural produce
favored locations near permanent water sources in middle
(6,000–7,000 feet [1,830–2,135 m]) elevation settings. This
archaeological observation further suggests that settlement
above 7,000 feet (2,135 m) was unlikely except under conditions of prolonged drought (Winter 1983:33).
Even though pitstructures persisted in the Albuquerque
district through the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the
transition from semi-subterranean, circular dwellings to
aboveground, rectilinear pueblos occurred in the Santa Fe
district (Wendorf and Reed 1955:140). This architectural shift
was not complete, however. McNutt (1969) reports the presence of pithouses in the Red Mesa phase component of the
Tesuque By-Pass site.
In locales where Pueblo Indian peoples began to build
above ground, site size increased and habitation rooms were
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paired with storage facilities. Whereas most pueblos averaged
between 10 and 12 rooms, settlements with multiple housemounds and totaling more than 100 rooms occured in some
locales (Wendorf and Reed 1955). Often, these villages have
one to four pitstructures, which archaeologists have usually
interpreted as kivas (ceremonial chambers that commonly are
circular in plan and subterranean in construction).
In general, the upper Río Jémez Valley conforms to the
archaeological observation elsewhere in the northern Río
Grande that Developmental village sites display a riverine
focus (Anschuetz 1996; Anschuetz et al. 1997). Several
pithouse sites with Kwahe’e Black-on-white pottery are
known in the lower reaches of Cañon de San Diego near the
present-day communities of Walatowa (Pueblo of Jémez) and
Cañon.
Meager available information indicates that Developmental
period Pueblo use of the Jémez district was not necessarily
parochial. Although only 1 site yielded arrow points diagnostic
of this time period, 7 of 21 quarries and camps that archaeologists excavated along Redondo Creek for the Baca Geothermal
project yielded obsidian hydration dates indicating that the
sites were used between about A.D. 600 and 900 (Winter
1983:94). Further use of this locale by Developmental period
Pueblo people is not known until the latter part of the twelfth
century. Archaeologists conducting studies along the proposed
OLE powerline rights-of-way similarly found a small number
of artifact scatters, which they interpreted as remnants of
briely occupied hunting and gathering work areas or camps
(Acklen et al. 1991).
Joseph C. Winter has argued that there was a link between
the regional Pueblo economy centered in Chaco Canyon and the
quarrying, processing, and distribution of obsidian in Redondo
Creek and the neighboring Jémez Mountains vicinity (Winter
1981:181–182, 1983:106). He suggests further that Chaco
Canyon and its outliers might have been important nodes in a
formal system of trade and exchange involving the “redistribution, social stratiication, craft specialization, information
exchange, and use of obsidian as a valuable commodity”
(Winter 1983:106). He then interprets the low-frequency
use of Redondo Creek obsidian as evidence of its controlled
distribution in the Chaco Canyon economy, and proposes that
its acquisition was a privilege among a small number of highstatus persons. He reasons that if Jémez Mountains obsidian
was a highly controlled commodity during this time, then
hunting and gathering in the locality similarly were restricted
(Winter 1981).
Archaeological evidence from the VCNP and its environs
indicate that Pueblos quarried obsidian and made tools from
this resource during the Developmental period (Acklen et al.
1991; Winter 1981:183). Available information, however,
does not support Winter’s interpretation that Chaco Canyon
exercised exclusive control over Jémez Mountain resources.
Redondo Creek obsidian artifact scatters, although sometimes extensive, do not fulill the archaeological expectations
of formal craft workshops where specialists quarried this
resource and manufactured standardized tools for regional
trade.
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Coalition Period (A.D. 1200–1300)
The adoption of organic-based paints for decorating
pottery throughout all but the extreme north and east
portions of the northern Río Grande marks the beginning
of the Coalition period (Wendorf 1954; Wendorf and Reed
1955). The diagnostic ceramic type for the early Coalition
period is Santa Fe Black-on-white (Breternitz 1966). This
pottery type has design elements similar to Kwahe’e Blackon-white, the ware it replaced (Dickson 1979). The change
in decorative pigment coincides with the shift in the Four
Corners region from mineral-based paints used by populations living in Chaco Canyon and Mesa Verde to the organic
based paints of Pueblo populations living in western New
Mexico and eastern Arizona (Wendorf and Reed 1955:143–
144). Many Coalition ceramics, most notably Santa Fe
Black-on-white, technologically and stylistically resemble
wares manufactured in the northern San Juan drainage and
found in Chaco Canyon (e.g., see Douglass 1985; Lang
1982:176; Mera 1935; Warren 1980:156). Wiyo Black-onwhite, a common ware at the end of the Coalition period,
has less certain cultural afiliations with the Four Corners
region. Researchers variously trace connections between
these northern Río Grande wares and those of the northern
San Juan, Chaco, and Pajarito Plateau districts (cf. Mera
1935; Lang 1982; Wendorf and Reed 1955). Wingate Blackon-red and St. Johns Polychrome, both of which originated
in the Upper Little Colorado drainage of east-central Arizona
(Carlson 1970), occur as trade wares on early and middle
Coalition sites in the Santa Fe and Albuquerque districts
(Peckham 1981:131, 133).
A notable characteristic of the Coalition period is the
diversity of many locally manufactured wares rather than the
predominance of any single ceramic type (Cordell 1979a;
Lang 1982; Stuart and Gauthier 1981). Habicht-Mauche
(1995) notes that this ceramic diversity includes high variability in vessel form, size, design motifs, complexity of
stylistic composition, and quality of artisanship.
The trend toward increasing heterogeneity is also
represented in other classes of material culture, including architectural form and construction (Wendorf and Reed 1955). In
the Santa Fe district, for example, large quadrangular pueblos
were built mainly of adobe, although some rooms had stone
slab loors. Pitstructures (kivas) often occur as aboveground
features at the corners of roomblocks and commonly are oval
or D-shaped. Circular pitstructures (kivas) also are known
in the Santa Fe and Tesuque valleys (McNutt 1969; Stubbs
and Stallings 1953). In contrast, early Coalition dwellings in
a crescent-shaped area encompassing the Pajarito Plateau,
Galisteo Basin, and Pecos locales are small linear structures
constructed of stone masonry with slab loors (Wendorf and
Reed 1955). By the end of the thirteenth century, village size
increased markedly and stone masonry became more common
in some local settings (e.g., the upper Río Pecos Valley)
(Kidder 1958). Peckham (1984:279) reports that habitation
sites on the Pajarito Plateau continue the Developmental
architectural tradition of one or two aboveground rooms with
15
kiva-like features and as many as a dozen contiguous storage
rooms.
Despite increased diversity in material culture, three
population and settlement trends distinguish the Coalition
period throughout the region. The irst is substantial population growth, as indicated by great increases in the number
and size of habitation sites during the thirteenth century.
Undoubtedly, this regional change in settlement pattern is a
product of the massive immigration of Pueblo people from
the central Colorado Plateau throughout the twelfth and thirteenth centuries (Cordell 1979a; Hewett 1953; Mera 1940;
Peckham 1984; Stuart and Gauthier 1981; Wendorf and Reed
1955). The second, the concentration of population into larger
settlements, implies that population growth led to changes in
social organization (Cordell (1979b). The third is the expansion of year-round Pueblo settlement into areas of higher
elevation. Pueblo groups settled narrow drainage systems in
the upper piedmont of the Albuquerque and Santa Fe districts
by the early A.D. 1300s. The appearance of multiroom pueblo
villages also occurs in the Taos, Chama, Pajarito Plateau, and
Galisteo Basin districts.
Lang (1977) observes that most village sites occur along
small drainages with easy access to seeps, springs, and
potentially good agricultural lands. Peckham (1984: 279)
characterizes Coalition Pueblo populations as being highly
mobile and apparently not “reluctant to experiment with new
areas of settlement, expanding their development of some
localities while abandoning others.” Archaeological evidence
of intensiied agricultural practices, including cobble-grids
and terraces, checkdams, and reservoirs, accompanies these
changes in population and settlement (Anschuetz 1998b).
Although there is scant direct evidence for the Pueblo use
of the VCNP during the Coalition period, settlement in the
upper Río Jémez Valley was substantial (Anschuetz 1996;
Anschuetz et al. 1997:106–107). Ten signiicant villages
irst established during the Coalition period occur within
an 8-mile (13-km) radius of the present-day community
of Jémez Springs. These settlements include Patokwa (LA
96), Pejunkwa (LA 130), Boletswakwa (LA136), Wabakwa
(LA478), Totaskwinu (LA479), Setoqua (LA499), Nanishagi
(LA541), and Wahajamka (LA573), which the people of Jémez
Pueblo remember as some of their ancestral homes (Elliott
1982; 1991b). A number of archaeological sites recorded in
San Juan Canyon for the Pueblito Timber sale apparently have
Coalition components (Elliott 1991b:18–19). Elliott reports
further that other unrecorded sites, including ieldhouses,
agricultural terraces, and a probable reservoir also occur in
this locale. Habitation sites also cluster at Vallecitos near the
present-day settlement of Ponderosa (Dodge 1982; Elliott
1991b:19; Holmes 1905:200–201). This grouping consists
of small to medium pueblos, 1- or 2-room ieldhouses, 50to 100-room villages, and a reservoir (Elliott 1991b:19, 44).
Pottery types include common Coalition period wares, such as
Santa Fe Black-on-white and St. Johns Polychrome, as well
as Vallecitos Black-on-white, which dates from the late thirteenth century into the fourteenth century.
16
Archaeological studies of the Pajarito Plateau district have
also found signiicant evidence of Pueblo settlement on the
east lanks of the Jémez Mountains during the Coalition period
(see Anschuetz 1996; Anschuetz et al. 1997). In addition to
numerous artifact scatters, which likely represent hunting
camps and obsidian quarries, known residential sites include
1 rockshelter, 3 cavate complexes, and 19 pueblos (Hill and
Trierweiler 1986).
Given the proximity of these settlements, it seems unlikely
that the scarcity of documented Coalition period occupation
of the Valles Caldera relates to the sudden avoidance of this
locality by Pueblo people. Instead, the relative lack of identiied thirteenth-century sites is probably a product of the low
archaeological visibility of their land use activities during this
period of major population relocation and reorganization (see
Anschuetz 1996; Anschuetz et al. 1997).
Citing patterns of site abandonment and population movement, Elliott (1991b:18–19) attributes the increased Pueblo
settlement of the Jémez district to the arrival of immigrants
from the central San Juan Basin (i.e., Chaco Canyon) and
the northern San Juan drainage (i.e., the Four Corners area,
including Mesa Verde). He observes that archaeologists
working in the upper Jémez Valley long have speculated that
certain aspects of Jémez area material culture are products of
migrations from the nearby Gallina district northwest of the
VCNP. Mera (1935:23) provides the irst published reference
to this supposed cultural-historical event when he uses ceramic
traits to suggest that Gallina populations joined “Río Grande”
Pueblo people already living in the locale. Reiter (1938:69;
Reiter et al. 1940:8) compared Hibben’s (1938) Gallina phase
excavation indings from the Gallina district with his study at
the Classic period Jémez Pueblo of Unshagi. He considered
the similarities between the bins, delectors, vents, and irepits
found in settlements in both areas as evidence supporting
Mera’s (1935) migration interpretation.
Wendorf (1954:213) reserves judgment on the merits of
Mera’s and Reiter’s arguments about the supposed Gallina
migration into the upper Jémez Valley, given the lack of
reported excavation data at the time of his study (see also
Wendorf and Reed 1954). Barnett (1973) and Mackey (1982),
however, subsequently conducted excavations in the San
Ysidro and Vallecitos areas that addressed this gap. Mackey
(1982:95) concludes that the resulting tree-ring, chronometric,
ceramic, and architectural data represent “a good intermediate
evolutionary stage between the Gallina and Jemez Phases.”
Elliott (1991b:19) maintains that ancestral Jémez (Towa)
culture is not distinguishable archaeologically with certainty
until about A.D. 1350. Nonetheless, Ford and others
(1972:25) maintain that Towa culture history in the upper
Río Jémez Valley extends back in time to about A.D. 1 in
the Navajo Reservoir area and that it is possible to trace their
movement into the Jémez district during the thirteenth century.
Many other investigators accept the archaeological interpretation that the people of Jémez Pueblo descended from Gallina
populations (e.g., Cordell 1979b:143; Dick 1976; Stuart and
Gauthier 1981:97). Elliott concedes that the supposed Gallina
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to Jémez migration is plausible; however, he notes that the
archaeological evidence needed to support this interpretation
is circumstantial. He concludes, “The key point concerning the
Gallina to Jémez migration hypothesis is that there are [other]
substantial differences between the architecture, ceramics, and
settlement patterns found in the two areas” (Elliott 1991b:20)
that require explanation.
Classic Period (A.D. 1300–1600)
This time span encompasses the late pre-Columbian history
of the region. Wendorf and Reed (1955:153) characterize the
Classic period, which postdates the central Colorado Plateau
abandonment by Pueblo agriculturalists, as a “time of general
cultural lorescence.” Northern Río Grande Pueblo populations reached their highest levels, even though the area of
settlement continued to shrink. Construction of large villages
with multiple plazas and roomblocks occurred, and elaboration of material culture reached its pinnacle. Habicht-Mauche
(1988:75) describes the Classic period as a time of substantive
changes in settlement patterning, subsistence structure, social
organization, and economic integration.
The beginning of the northern Río Grande Classic period
coincides with the appearance of locally manufactured
red-slipped and glaze-decorated ceramics—the Glaze A
wares—in the Santa Fe, Albuquerque, Galisteo, and Salinas
districts after about A.D. 1315 (Mera 1935; Warren 1979,
1980). Biscuitwares (Harlow 1973; Mera 1934), including
Biscuit A (a.k.a. Abiquiu Black-on-gray, A.D. 1375–1425)
and Biscuit B (a.k.a. Bandelier Black-on-gray, A.D. 1425–
1475), predominate in the lower Río Chama Valley and on
the Pajarito Plateau. These ceramics, made of soft, thick, and
porous volcanic pastes, show great continuity with the earlier
Wiyo Black-on-white.
Shrinking of inhabited areas, aggregation of populations
into fewer but larger villages, and increased residential instability greatly affected Classic period settlement patterns in the
Albuquerque, Chama, Galisteo Basin, Jemez, Pajarito Plateau,
Santa Fe, and Taos districts (Anschuetz 1984). With the abandonment of locales with average elevations in excess of 6,000
feet (1,830 m) in favor of the better-watered broad valleys of
the Río Grande and its major tributaries during the ifteenth
century, the range of year-round settlement declined signiicantly. Some investigators argue that falling water tables and
luctuating climatic conditions across the region as a whole
would have favored the intensiication of settlement along
middle sections of permanent watercourses where stream irrigation presumably was possible (Dickson 1979; Rose et al.
1981; Stanislawski 1981).
Although agriculture clearly had become a focal part of the
subsistence base several centuries earlier, the presence of a
wide variety of faunal and native plant remains in the archaeological record indicates the continued importance of hunting
and gathering in Pueblo economies (Lang 1995; Lang and
Scheick 1989). Classic period populations continued to use
the surrounding mountains, hills, and plains for raw materials,
native plants, and game animals.
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Identiiable Classic period archaeological remains in the
VCNP and its vicinity are rare (Anschuetz et al. 1997:116;
Winter 1983:94). This pattern almost certainly is a product
of the low archaeological visibility of Classic period Pueblo
hunting, plant gathering, and lithic resource collection and tool
manufacture in this mountainous setting (Acklen 1993). This
statement rests on the fact that the upper Río Jémez Valley
experienced its greatest occupation during the Classic period
(Anschuetz 1996:211).
Three-quarters of the more than 1,000 Río Jémez Valley
Pueblo architectural settlements are 1- to 4-room ieldhouses.
Small pueblos are common (ca. 10% of reported sites), and 31
villages have between 50 and 600 rooms (Anschuetz 1996:218).
Nine settlements (Pejunkwa [LA130], Boletswakwa [LA136],
Kiatsukwa [LA132–LA133], Seshukwa [LA303, LA5927],
Wabakwa [LA478], Amoxiumqua [LA481], Kwastiyukwa
[LA482], Tovakwa [LA483–LA484], and Wahajhamka
[LA573, LA5913–LA5914]), have between 650 and 1,850
rooms, 2 or 3 story roomblocks, multiple plazas, and 1 great
kiva (Elliott 1991b). Most ieldhouses occur on low rises on
high mesas with elevations greater than 7,000 feet (2,134 m),
with some reaching altitudes of 8,400 feet (2,561 m). The
big villages occur at elevations between 5,560 and 8,000 feet
(1,695 and 2,439 m) (Anschuetz 1996).
Fliedner (1975:371) describes small agricultural terraces
as other Jémez district phenomena. His Hot Springs Pueblo
site map shows terrace clusters covering broad expanses
around the village (Fliedner 1975:Figure 3). Survey of a
geophysical corridor immediately east of Jémez Pueblo identiied two large, structurally complex, gridded agricultural
terraces dating to the late Classic period (Whatley 1995).
Fliedner reports identifying still other agricultural features
in the upper Jémez Valley, including “stone rows in lat areas
where rocks are arranged in a line, or small dams and heaps
of gathered stones, [occur but] are much less important”
(1975:372).
Lastly, traces of numerous old trails, which might be parts
of a road system that centers on the large Jémez villages, are
visible (Fliedner 1975:374–375, Figures 1 and 3). These ruts
measure 1.6 feet (.5 m) wide and 8 inches (20 cm) deep and run
parallel or oblique to physiographic contours. Some engraved
trails cross bedrock slopes and cut hand-and-toe holds occur
in rocky ravines (Fliedner 1975:375).
The Classic period Jémez district settlement pattern exhibits
three essential characteristics (Elliott 1991b:21). First, population increased greatly from the mid-fourteenth century to
the late sixteenth century. Second, habitation settlement locations shifted from permanent streams to higher elevations.
Third, Pueblo populations consolidated into fewer but larger
villages. Two secondary settlement shifts accompany these
major changes (Elliott 1991b:21). Over time, more and more
ieldhouses, whose substantial stone construction implies
sustained use, were built at greater distances from the major
villages. The geographic focus of the Jémez Valley population
shifted from the Vallecitos and Paliza Canyon locales northwest to Jémez Canyon and the Virgin, Holiday, and Stable
mesas closer to the Valles Grande.
17
No evidence of permanent Pueblo habitations exists in the
VCNP (Kulisheck 2003). LA24553, which dates between
A.D. 1325 and 1425, is a 50-room village a short distance
south of the VCNP. Smeared indented corrugated pottery and
sherds representing early varieties of Jemez Black-on-white
occur in rockshelters in Sulfur Canyon, which is west of the
Valles Caldera.
Although not a place of year-round occupation, the Valles
Caldera was important to the Pueblos. Martin provides a
brief but evocative summary of archaeological evidence and
interpretations regarding the Pueblos’ use of the southwestern
margin of the locality for farming:
On Banco Bonito, the site of the most recent volcanic low in
the range, the farmers built one-room ield houses. Situated
adjacent to the stands of corn and squash, the simple
structures were built of rocks collected in the immediate
area. The hard rhyolite was not suitable for shaping into
building blocks, so the ield houses are made of dry-stacked,
irregularly shaped stones. Up to the summer of 2002, the
remains of about 100 ield houses had been discovered on
Banco Bonito, indicating the importance of the lava lowderived soils to the farmers. Most of the ield houses date
from after 1350. (Martin 2003:13)
While acknowledging the importance of local exposure,
physiography, climate, and cold air drainage in deining the
limits to agricultural intensiication along the valley bottoms,
Elliott (1991b:45) cites the great fourteenth-century population
increase in the Jémez district as the driving force behind the
settlement changes observed archaeologically. Drawing from
Ellis’s (1978:59) ethnohistorical study of Río Grande Pueblo
land and water use, Elliott suggests further that during the
Classic period Jémez populations adopted a land use strategy
of moving out of the large pueblos to live in ieldhouses during
the warm season. From their scattered farming settlements,
the people presumably would make forays into more distant
settings, including the heart of the Valles Caldera country, to
hunt game, gather native plant materials, and collect obsidian,
minerals, and other products. With the fall harvest, the people
returned to their large villages for the winter (Elliott 1991b).
Postscript
As evidenced in the archaeological record, the Pueblos’
history of association with the Valles Caldera dates far back
into the past. Today, many Río Grande Pueblo communities,
including Jémez, Zía, Santa Ana, San Felipe, Cochití, Santo
Domingo, Tesuque, San Ildefonso, Santa Clara, and San Juan,
maintain associations with the area now contained within the
VCNP. In addition, the Pueblo of Zuni of west-central New
Mexico, the Hopi Tribe of northeastern Arizona, the Diné of
the Navajo Nation of the greater Four Corners Region, the
Jicarilla Apache Tribe of northwestern New Mexico, and the
Ute peoples now living in Colorado all have associations
with this same landscape that are variously important to their
respective histories.
Many aspects of such traditional relationships, however,
are rendered largely invisible both in the surviving traces
that make up the archaeological record and the documentary accounts written by Hispanic and Anglo observers. Yet,
scholarly accounts either written by individuals from these
associated communities or compiled by anthropologists and
others who worked closely with these communities offer
insights into signiicant land use traditions and landscape relationships that often date to time immemorial.
In recognition of the existence of traditional community
histories relevant to establishing a fuller dialogue about the
land use history of the VCNP, chapter 9 reviews some of the
available lines of this often overlooked evidence. This chapter
also provides cultural frameworks for building understandings
of key aspects of the communities’ continuing associations
with the VCNP through which the people remember and
celebrate the culture and history of their communities as an
enduring, living process.2.1
2.1: See Endnote 1.1 for explanation of the “LA” number
designation.
18
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1995 Investigations of Limited Activity Sites at Bishop’s Lodge in the Santa Fe Foothills.
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Lang, Richard W., and Cherie L. Scheick, eds.
1989 Limited Excavations at LA2, the Agua Fria Schoolhouse Site, Agua Fria Village, Santa Fe
County, New Mexico. Southwest Archaeological Consultants Research Series 216. Santa Fe,
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Lord, Kenneth, and Nancy S. Cella, eds.
1986 Final Draft: Archaeological and Historical Research at the Abiquiu Dam Reservoir, Río
Arriba County, New Mexico. Albuquerque, NM: Chambers Consultants and Planners.
Mackey, James C.
1982 Vallcito Pueblo (a Fourteenth Century a.d., Ancestral Jeme Site), and LA12761 (a Late
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Intermountain Archeology 1:80–99.
Martin, Craig
2003 Valle Grande: A History of the Baca Location No. 1. Los Alamos, NM: All Seasons
Publishing.
McNutt, Charles H.
1969 Early Puebloan Occupations at Tesuque By-Pass and in the Upper Río Grande Valley.
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Mera, H. P.
1934 A Survey of the Biscuit Ware Area in Northern New Mexico. Technical Series Bulletin 6.
Santa Fe: Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico.
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Santa Fe: Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico.
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1940
Population Changes in the Glaze-Paint Area. New Mexico Archaeological Survey, Technical
Series, Bulletin 9. Santa Fe: Laboratory of Anthropology, New Mexico Archaeological
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Oakes, Yvonne R.
1979 Excavation at Deadman’s Curve, Tijeras Canyon, New Mexico: New Mexico State Highway
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Peckham, Stewart
1981 The Palisade Ruin. In Collected Papers in Honor of Erik Kellerman Reed. Albert H.
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1984 The Anasazi Culture of the Northern Río Grande Rift. In New Mexico Geological Society
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1977 Archaic Settlement and Vegetative Diversity. In Settlement and Subsistence along the Lower
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1938 The Jemez Pueblo of Unshagi, New Mexico, with Notes on the Earlier Excavations at
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5–6. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
Reiter, Paul, William T. Mulloy, and E. H. Bluementhal
1940 Preliminary Report of the Jemez Excavation at Nanshagi, New Mexico. University of New
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1942 Reconnaissance Work in the Upper Río Grande Valley, Colorado and New Mexico.
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1981 The Past Climate of Arroyo Hondo, New Mexico, Reconstructed from Tree Rings. Arroyo
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1941 The Cochise Culture. Medallion Papers, 34. Globe, AZ: Gila Pueblo.
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Chapter 3.
A Sketch of the Cultural-Historical Environment—Part 2:
Spanish Entradas to the Present
Thomas Merlan
Introduction
This chapter outlines the history and culture of the lands
in the Valles Caldera National Preserve (VCNP) from the
mid-sixteenth-century Spanish entradas (expeditions) into
New Mexico to the present. The discussion draws from
documentary sources listed in the accompanying annotated
bibliography.
The Spanish Entradas (1540–1598)
Francisco Vásquez de Coronado was the irst Spanish
explorer to reach the Río Grande. In the winter of 1540–1541,
he made his headquarters at the Tiguex pueblo of Alcanfor
or Coofor near present-day Bernalillo (Schroeder 1979:242),
within sight of Redondo Peak. Coronado and his lieutenants
explored north to Taos, west as far as the Grand Canyon, and
east into the Kansas plains, but they did not ind a reason to
venture into the rugged Jémez Mountains.
In 1541 Captain Francisco Barrionuevo, leading a detachment of Coronado’s main expeditionary force, traveled north
from Tiguex to the Jémez pueblos. Pedro de Castañeda
(1907:339–340, 352, 359), chronicler of this expedition,
recorded seven pueblos in the drainage of Vallecitos Creek and
three villages near the aguas calientes on the Jémez River.
Forty years later, in 1581, fray Augustín Rodríguez and
Captain Francisco Chamuscado led an expedition up the
Río Grande to the Southern Tiwa and Keres pueblos. They
visited several of the Jémez pueblos and left two Franciscan
missionaries at the Southern Tiwa pueblo of Puaray (Bolton
1930:139, 147).
An expedition led by Antonio de Espejo returned to the
region in 1582 to search for the two missionaries left by
Rodríguez and Chamuscado. Espejo learned that the Tiwa
of Puaray had killed the priests. Espejo visited the Jémez
pueblos as well as Ácoma, Zuni, and the Hopi villages
(Bolton 1930:163–166, 182). Just as Coronado, Barrionuevo,
and Rodríguez and Chamuscado, Espejo did not explore the
Jémez Mountains.
In 1598 Juan de Oñate, son of one of the original silver
magnates of Zacatecas, Mexico, and a professional miner, was
awarded a contract to colonize New Mexico. Oñate established
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the irst permanent Spanish colony and capital in New Mexico
at the Tewa Pueblo of Yunge Oweenge (which he renamed
San Gabriel) west of the conluence of the Río Grande and
the Río Chama. As a mining expert, Oñate also noted mineral
indications in his visits to various regions of New Mexico.
He visited eight of the Jémez pueblos, including Giusewa at
the Jémez hot springs. He noted other springs and deposits of
“sulfur and rock alum” in this general area (Reiter 1938:27).
According to historian Lansing B. Bloom, Oñate passed
through the Valles Caldera on his way from San Juan Pueblo
to Giusewa and the other Jémez villages:
He “descended” thro [sic] the Valles to the Pueblos in the
Vallecito drainage then working to the west over the high mesa
land he “descended” from the potrero to the “last pueblo”
of the province which he associates with the marvelous hot
springs. Giusewa is the Pueblo meant beyond any reasonable
doubt, and the trail from the Vallecito down into Hot Springs
is still in daily use (Bloom1946 [1922]:123).
Early Spanish Colonial Settlement
(1598–1680)
The establishment of missions was an important part of
Oñate’s colonization project. Franciscan friars began to set
up missions in the pueblos in the early 1600s. Father Alonso
de Lugo established a church, probably at Giusewa, about
1600 (Reiter 1938:28). The second resident missionary at
the Jémez pueblos was fray Gerónimo Zárate de Salmerón,
who served there from about 1618 or 1620 to 1626. Zárate
de Salmerón was also a prospector. He stated that he iled on
numerous mineral locations in the Jémez Mountains in the
name of the King of Spain (Ayer 1916:217). He might have
been the irst European to take note of the mineral wealth in
what became known as the Cochití Mining District south of
the Baca Location No. 1 (Baca Location).
The period between 1598 and 1680 in Spanish colonial
New Mexico was one of brutal exploitation of the Pueblos
by the new Hispanic overlords. This time also was one of
ierce competition between the Franciscans, who had their
own settlements (the missions) and their own governing hierarchy, and the governor and his secular oficials (Dozier
1970:52–55). This competition was mainly over control and
25
exploitation of the Indians. The Pueblos were decimated by
new diseases to which they had no immunity, and driven to
the brink of extinction by Hispanic masters who exacted their
labor.
The Pueblo Revolt, the Reconquest,
and Spanish Colonial Rule
(1680–1821)
In 1680 the Pueblos revolted and drove the Spanish colonists out of New Mexico. The exiles camped near the mission
of Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe near present-day El Paso,
Texas. They stayed there 12 years, until a new governor,
Diego de Vargas, led a military expedition into the northern
Río Grande in 1692 to begin the reconquest of New Mexico.
Vargas obtained the peaceful submission of 23 pueblos, but
when he returned with a stronger force in 1693, the Pueblos
took up arms. Vargas besieged the former capital of Santa Fe
and recaptured it in early 1694 (Dozier 1970:61). He then
proceeded to subdue the Pueblos along the Río Grande. The
Jémez people vacated their villages, and many led into the
Navajo country. They did not reestablish a town until about
1703. A census at the time recorded some 300 Jémez inhabitants—as little as 1 percent of the aboriginal Jémez population
of 100 years earlier (see Schroeder 1979).
To promote the resettlement of the province of New
Mexico, the Spanish colonial government granted lands to
colonists. The Pueblos were understood to have certain lands,
or “leagues,” reserved for their exclusive use. Yet most of the
Pueblo leagues were not formalized in writing until the late
nineteenth century. Nonetheless, the idea of the Pueblo league
was used by the Spanish colonial authorities to protect Indian
lands against the growing Hispanic population and encroachment on the Indian lands by the land grants to the colonists.
The Cañada de Cochití Grant (1728) was between Cochití
Pueblo and what became the Baca Location; by 1782 this
grant had an Hispanic population of 184 residents. A grant
that included the Rito de los Frijoles was made before 1740
but was abandoned because of nomadic Indian raids.
Governor Pedro Fermín de Mendinueta made the Ojo de
San José Grant on Vallecitos Creek in 1768. Eleven families
were living on this grant by 1776. During the 1700s settlers
also began moving into San Diego Canyon north of Jémez
Pueblo. Governor Fernando Chacón made the Cañon de San
Diego Grant in 1798, which extended north from the Jémez
Pueblo lands to the area of modern La Cueva and Fenton
Lake. The irst European settlement on the grant was probably
Cañon, at the conluence of the Jémez and Guadalupe rivers.
By 1821 the Hispanic population of the Jémez Valley was 864
(Scurlock 1981:135).
By about 1790/1800—because of the growing population, a period of peaceful relations with some Apaches and
other nomads, and the reforms and development promoted
by the ministers of King Charles III (the so-called “Carlist
Reforms”)—some economic diversiication appeared among
26
the Hispanic population. For nearly a century, almost all
settlers had been farmers. Some artisans and skilled craftsmen
now began to set up shops, and farmers began to switch to
herding cattle and sheep. Around this time, Hispanics began
to use the lush grazing lands that became the Baca Location
(Scurlock 1981:134–135).
Although the documentary record is incomplete, the
pastoral use of the Valles Caldera might have begun as much
as a generation earlier. The Miera y Pacheco Map of 1779
makes clear that some New Mexicans knew of the Valles
by the third quarter of the eighteenth century. Cartographer
Bernardo Miera y Pacheco (1779) drew the map at the
request of Governor Juan Bautista de Anza and labeled the
Valles Caldera the Valle de los Bacas (Valley of the Cows
[chapter 6]). The map is not to scale; the caldera is drawn
many times its actual size. This distortion probably indicates the obvious: while travelers and herders had admired its
majesty, no one had yet measured it.
The Mexican Period (1821–1846)
Anglo-American and French Canadians trappers and
traders, arriving in New Mexico as early as 1805, encountered a closed system. Spain limited and often prohibited
trade among its colonies, and between its colonies and other
nations. Trappers and traders were sometimes arrested and
their goods coniscated (Bancroft 1889:277–303). After
Mexico won independence from Spain in 1821, the United
States quickly became New Mexico’s trading partner and
the main source of cash for the departmental government.
A strong American Party, with the declared object of eventual annexation to the United States, grew up in New Mexico.
Nevertheless, foreigners were prohibited by law from trapping fur-bearing animals, and many disputes arose between
Mexican oficials and Americans over fees and customs duties.
Luis María Cabeza de Baca, the original grantee of the Baca
Grant, died in 1827 after being shot by a soldier attempting
to coniscate13 packs of illegally harvested furs, which Baca
had hidden in his house for American trapper Ewing Young
(Cleland 1950:219).
During Spanish colonial times (up to the 1810s), the land
grants owned by individual proprietors, or ricos (individuals
with much land and livestock), were used mainly to raise
sheep, especially in outlying areas where nomadic Indian
raids made it too dangerous to establish permanent communities. Sheep were a measure of wealth and moved across the
internal borders of the Spanish colony with fewer restrictions
than those placed on most other goods. U.S. Army Lieutenant
Zebulon Pike, taken into custody in 1807 for entering New
Mexico illegally, reported seeing large herds of sheep as he
was escorted down the Río Grande to Chihuahua, which was
a major market for New Mexico sheep. After Mexico gained
independence from Spain, relaxed trade restrictions with the
United States meant new markets for wool and sheep. U.S.
Army Lieutenant James Abert, reporting from New Mexico in
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1846, noted that some large proprietors owned tens of thousands of head (Wentworth 1948:112, 114).
The Mexican government allowed Anglo-Americans to
become citizens and to acquire land. As the demand for land
increased, the government made large grants of three kinds: (1)
to individuals or groups of families who proposed to develop
a new community; (2) to farmers and ranchers for the development of agricultural enterprises; and (3) to the Pueblos,
implicit awards of title to the “leagues” which they had occupied either from time immemorial or since the Reconquest.
Some grants were also made to naturalized Anglo-Americans,
with a view to placing the land under private ownership as
a barrier to U.S. expansion. The U.S. Court of Private Land
Claims subsequently conirmed 30 land grants of this period.
Two land grants of the Mexican Period, the Luis María
Cabeza de Baca Grant (1821) and the Town of Las Vegas
Grant (1835), embraced the same lands on the Gallinas River.
To settle this conlict, the Baca heirs eventually relinquished
their claim in exchange for U.S. Congressional authorization
(1860) to select an equal amount of land in ive square blocks
elsewhere in the Territory of New Mexico. The irst block
they chose was the Baca Location. They did not receive title,
however, until 1876, when the New Mexico Surveyor General
completed the survey of the Baca Location.
The U.S. Territorial Period
(1846–1912)
In August 1846 U.S. troops marching from Fort
Leavenworth invaded New Mexico. That the New Mexican
government offered no resistance undoubtedly was due in part
to its economic and social ties to the United States. The U.S.
then occupied Arizona and California. Two years later the
Mexican War oficially ended with the signing of the Treaty
of Guadalupe Hidalgo. When New Mexico became a territory of the United States in 1850, Santa Fe continued to be
the capital. The occupying U.S. Army irst quartered troops in
private houses, but soon began to build Fort Marcy.
Raiding by various Native American nomadic groups,
including the Navajo, Apache, and Ute, was among the challenges the new U.S. administration faced. The Valles Caldera
played a role in several notable episodes.
In 1851, after persistent drought conditions and overgrazing had depleted rangelands at lower elevations closer to
Santa Fe, a civilian company headed by Robert Nesbit and
Hiram R. Parker won a contract from the quartermaster at Fort
Marcy to cut hay in the Valle Grande for the Army’s horses
and mules. Nesbit and Parker established a hay camp, still
remembered as “Old Fort,” on the East Fork of the Río Jémez
(McNitt 1972:184). In the early hours of the morning of July
2, a band of about 35 to 40 Navajo warriors attacked Nesbit
and Parker’s camp, slightly wounded one of the sentries,
and kept the rest of the hay men holed up in their log bunkhouse, massively constructed but poorly sited for defense.
The attackers decamped two hours later with 6 of Nesbit and
Parker’s horses and 43 of their mules, only to be ambushed by
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11 Jémez Pueblo herders who happened to be running cattle
nearby and had heard the commotion. The Jémez herders
killed two of the raiders and recaptured ive mules (McNitt
1972:185; see also chapter 5 for further discussion of the hay
camp raid and its aftermath).
The Navajo continued to plague the Jémez Mountains and
the region over the next three decades. In 1853 raiders killed
two Hispanic shepherds at Vallecitos in the upper watershed
of the Río del Oso, a short distance northeast of the VCNP
(McNitt 1972:256). Three years later Navajos attacked near
Peña Blanca on the Río Grande between the Pueblos of Cochiti
and Santo Domingo. They killed 2 shepherds and stole 400
sheep belonging to José Ignacio Montoya (McNitt 1972:277).
New Mexican militiamen tracked the raiders into the Valle
Grande. The militiamen attacked four Navajo herdsmen who
were tending the stolen animals, killing two and recovering
Montoya’s lock (McNitt 1972:277; Scurlock 1981:137).
Sited on a gentle hill with ready access to water, Nesbit
and Parker’s original hay camp “was apparently later the site
of Camp Valles Grandes, established by the U.S. Army as a
deterrent to Navajo and Apache movement through the area
during the inal Navajo Wars of 1863” (Scurlock 1981:137;
see Whitney v. Otero 1893, Exhibit No. 2, in which Walter
Marmon indicates the location of the “Old Fort” in a map).
Lieutenant Erastus W. Wood, 5 non-commissioned oficers,
and 31 privates from Company A, 1st Infantry, California
Volunteers, manned this encampment under orders from
General James A. Carleton. From this location, they were
. . . to lie in wait for thirty days to kill every Navajo or
Apache Indian who attempts to go through that noted
thoroughfare. No women and children will be harmed; these
will be captured. [General James A. Carleton, in Keleher
1982:314].
Although maps dating between 1876 and the 1930s show
Old Fort’s location, by the late 1950s all traces of the place
had been destroyed, according to John Davenport who served
as the Baca Location ranch manager during the 1920s. Recent
efforts to relocate this site have been unsuccessful (Martin
2003:21–22).
On September 27, 1863, 5 weeks after General Carleton’s
orders to the Company A, 1st Infantry, California Volunteers
to set up a month-long post in the Valles Caldera, Lieutenant
P. A. J. Russell led four mounted men and a group of Pueblo
warriors from the Valle Grande. They rode in pursuit of a band
of Navajo raiders who had stolen livestock from nearby Río
Grande Pueblo villages. This contingent surprised the raiders
at Jémez Springs, killing 8 men, capturing 20 women and
children, and recovering 125 sheep and 2 horses (Keleher
1982:314).
Jémez Pueblo preserves the memory of another battle with
Navajo raiders in the Valles Caldera. A group of young men,
including Cristóbal Sando, were tending the Pueblo’s horse
herd when they spied some Navajos camped on the southeast
side of the Valle Grande. As retold by Joe S. Sando, Jémez
Pueblo historian and Cristóbal Sando’s grandson, Cristóbal
27
stealthily approached the raiders and ired a lethal arrow at the
Navajo leader, starting the Jémez’ surprise attack. The Pueblo
herdsmen then chased the other raiders toward the west with a
sustained volley of arrows, which they meant more as a scare
tactic than an actual effort to kill the leeing Navajos (Sando
1982).
The development of large single-owner herds of sheep,
increased military protection, and the often brutal subjugation
of the Navajos and other nomadic Indians during the 1860s
and 1870s, caused expansion into previously little-known
areas adjacent to the Río Grande Valley. There were two homesteads near the Baca Location by about 1883 (USDA Forest
Service 1883–1913). Maríano Sabine Otero and his uncle,
Miguel Antonio Otero, planned to develop Jémez Springs
as a commercial resort (with the backing of oficials of the
Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railroad). They built a hotel
and new bathhouses in 1882. Prospectors discovered gold and
silver about 5 miles (8 km) south of the Baca Location in 1889.
Major mines and the boomtowns of Albemarle, Allerton, and
Bland followed circa 1894. The demand for lumber led to the
establishment of several sawmills (Scurlock 1981:138).
Maríano Otero bought the Baca Location in 1899 for the
Valles Land Company. He appears to have made this purchase
in an insider deal made possible by a partition suit (Whitney
v. Otero 1893; see also chapter 4). Maríano shared ownership
of the Valles Land Company with his son, Frederico J. (F. J.).
F. J. then became president of the Valles Land Company and
used the Baca Location as summer range. In 1905 the Federal
government created the Jémez Forest Preserve, known today
as part of the Santa Fe National Forest, which surrounds the
land grant.
In 1909 F. J. Otero sold the Baca Location to Redondo
Development Company (with headquarters in Pennsylvania).
He continued to lease the Location for grazing sheep up to
1917.
Early Statehood to World War II
(1912–1945)
In 1917, Frank Bond, one of New Mexico’s most important general merchants in the late Territorial and early
statehood periods, acquired, along with his brother, the
summer grazing rights for the Baca Location. By the end
of the following year, he entered into a purchase contract
for the tract (Scurlock 1981:144, 147; see also chapter 4).
Despite suffering major losses on the Baca Location during
the severe winter of 1918–1919, Bond continued to develop
his operations there. He inalized his purchase of the land
grant in 1926. The Redondo Development Company retained
its timber rights for the next 99 years (Deed, April 8, 1926,
Redondo Development Company to George W. Bond and
Frank Bond, in Abstract of Title of Timber Interest in and to
the Baca Location No. 1, Baca Land and Cattle Company
v. New Mexico Timber, Inc. [Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc.
1967]). Thus, this sale agreement was the basis for largescale timbering in the Valles. The logging would continue
until James Patrick Dunigan, the major shareholder in the
28
companies that bought the Baca Location in 1963, went to
court to restrain logging.
Guy H. Porter and his son, Frank H. Porter, formed the
White Pine Lumber Company in 1922. In 1924 they began
to ship timber from the Cañon de San Diego Grant by rail
to Bernalillo. This meant the condemnation of a right-of-way
across Jémez Pueblo, authorized by the (Federal) Pueblo
Lands Condemnation Act of 1926, subsequently reenacted in
1928. The White Pine Lumber Company cut about 100 million
board feet of lumber between 1924 and 1931 (chapter 7).
T. P. Gallagher, Jr., President of the New Mexico Lumber
and Timber Company (later New Mexico Timber, Inc.),
bought the White Pine Lumber Company after it stopped operations in 1931 because of falling lumber prices, and resumed
logging on the upper Cañon de San Diego Grant. Redondo
Development Company sold the logging rights on the Baca
Location to the Firesteel Lumber Company in 1935. Under an
agreement with Firesteel, New Mexico Lumber and Timber
Company began logging in the vicinity of Redondo Creek and
built a logging camp (Redondo Camp) consisting of cabins,
sheds, stables, a mess hall, and a school for the loggers and
their families in Redondo Meadows. This rush of activity led
the Civilian Conservation Corps to build a road from Los
Alamos to Cuba through Valle Grande in 1935 (Boyd 1938;
see also chapters 4 and 7). This road continues to be the main
access to the Valle Grande.
New Mexico Timber, Inc., received the rights to the
Baca Location’s timber in 1939 (Deed, December 31, 1939,
Redondo Development Company to New Mexico Timber,
Inc., in Abstract of Title of Timber Interest in and to the Baca
Location No. 1, Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967; see also
chapter 7). Redondo Camp was abandoned this same year, and
most of the Valles’ logging was moved to the northwest part of
the Baca Location. Logging continued into the war years and
included cutting on Redondo Peak, at El Cajete, and along the
Jaramillo drainage.
Post-World War II to Present
(1945–2003)
Because of the decline in wool prices during 1939 and
1940, Frank Bond added cattle to his operation. After his death
in 1945, the Bond family leased the Baca Location to various
cattle ranchers. In 1963 James Patrick Dunigan, owner of
Dunigan Tool and Supply Company of Abilene, Texas, bought
the Baca Location to run cattle. In 1964 Dunigan sued New
Mexico Timber, Inc., in federal district court to obtain recognition of his successor interest in the 99-year timber lease.
He appealed his case to the 10th Circuit Court of Appeals in
1967, and won some rather minor restraints on logging (Baca
Co. v. NM Timber, Inc 1967; see also chapter 7). Dunigan
eventually bought back the timber rights in 1971 and temporarily ended logging on the Baca Location. He also drilled
an experimental geothermal steam well in 1963 (following
up the discovery of geothermal capacity in 1960). In the
1970s Westates Petroleum Company, Baca Land and Cattle
Company, and Union Oil Company drilled wells within the
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caldera that produced steam and hot water. Dunigan also made
commercial elk hunts a part of his operation.
In 1976 the National Park Service bought 3,076 acres
(1,244 ha) of the southeast corner of the grant as an addition
to Bandelier National Monument. The National Park Service,
the Forest Service, and the Fish and Wildlife Service began
studies in 1979 with a view to acquiring the Baca Location
for the public.
The Federal Government and the Dunigan companies
signed a purchase contract for the Baca Location on October
27, 1999, and the acquisition was carried out in 2000 (Martin
2003). The Valles Caldera Trust, a Federally chartered oversight board appointed by the President, assumed responsibility
for the operation and development of the property for public
purposes.
References
Ayer, Mrs. Edward E., trans.
1916 The Memorial of Fray Alonso de Benavides. Chicago, IL: Privately printed.
Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc.
1967 Baca Land and Cattle Company and Dunigan Tool and Supply Company, and George W.
Savage, Trustee Under Liquidating Trust Agreement, v. New Mexico Timber, Inc., and T.
Gallagher and Co., Inc. 384 F.2d 701 (10th Circuit Court of Appeals). 8NN-021-89-022
#5648, Federal Records Center (FRC) #76L0201, boxes 110 and 110A. Denver, CO:
National Archives, Rocky Mountain Region.
Bancroft, Hubert Howe
1889 Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, vol. 17. History of Arizona and New Mexico 1530–1888.
San Francisco, CA: The History Company.
Bloom, Lansing B.
1946 [1922] The West Jemez Culture Area. New Mexico Historical Review 21:120–126. Originally
published in El Palacio 12:19–25.
Bolton, Herbert Eugene
1930 Spanish Exploration in the Southwest 1542–1706. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons.
Boyd, Dick
1938 Jemez High Country. New Mexico Magazine 16 (9):14–15, 35–39.
Castañeda, Pedro de
1907 Narrative of the Expedition of Coronado. In Spanish Explorers in the Southwestern United
States 1528–1543. Frederick W. Hodge, ed. Pp. 273–387. New York: Charles Scribner’s
Sons.
Cleland, Robert Glass
1950 This Reckless Breed of Men: The Trappers and Fur Traders of the Southwest. Albuquerque:
University of New Mexico Press.
Dozier, Edward P.
1970 Pueblo Indians of North America. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc.
Keleher, William A.
1982 [1952] Turmoil in New Mexico, 1846–1868. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
McNitt, Frank
1972 Navajo Wars: Military Campaigns, Slave Raids, and Reprisals. Albuquerque: University of
New Mexico Press.
Martin, Craig
2003 Valle Grande: A History of the Baca Location No. 1. Los Alamos, NM: All Seasons
Publishing.
Miera y Pacheco, Bernardo
1779 Plano de la Provincia Interna de Nuebo Mexico que hizo por mandado de el Tnte. Coronel de
Caballeria, Gobernador y Comte. General de dha Prov.a Don Juan Bap.ta de Ansa. On ile:
Santa Fe: Map Room, Angélico Chávez History Library, Palace of the Governors, Museum
of New Mexico.
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
29
Reiter, Paul
1938 The Jemez Pueblo of Unshagi, New Mexico. University of New Mexico Bulletin 4(1).
Monograph of the University of New Mexico and School of American Research.
Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
Sando, Joe S.
1982 Nee Hemish: A History of Jemez Pueblo. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
Schroeder, Albert H.
1979 Pueblos Abandoned in Historic Times. In Southwest. Alfonso Ortiz, ed. Pp. 236–254. Vol.
9 of Handbook of North American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed. Washington, DC:
Smithsonian Institution.
Scurlock, Dan
1981 Euro-American History of the Study Area. In High Altitude Adaptations along Redondo
Creek: The Baca Geothermal Anthropological Project. Craig Baker and Joseph C. Winter,
eds. Pp. 131–160. Albuquerque: Ofice of Contract Archeology, University of New Mexico.
U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Southwest Region
1883–1913 Forest Homestead Records. Albuquerque, NM: Land Status Ofice, Southwest Region.
Wentworth, Edward Norris
1948 America’s Sheep Trails. Ames: Iowa State College.
Whitney v. Otero
1893 Joel Parker Whitney v. Mariano S. Otero et al. Civil Case No. 3632. Records of the U.S.
Territorial and New Mexico District Courts for Bernalillo County. Accession No. 1959–124.
Santa Fe: New Mexico State Records Center and Archives.
30
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Chapter 4.
History of the Baca Location No. 1
Thomas Merlan and Kurt F. Anschuetz
Introduction
The Baca Location No. 1 (Baca Location) is unique among
New Mexico land grants in having two histories that begin in
separate locations. It is the only grant whose patent does not
cover any part of the lands originally granted. It is the only
grant whose patented lands are in three different states.
The lands that became the Baca Location by Congressional
authorization in 1860 lie almost entirely within the Valles
Caldera of north-central New Mexico. The original grant was
in another location altogether, centering on what became the
town of Old Las Vegas in eastern New Mexico.
The lands that became the Baca Location were a frontier
long before they were granted to the Baca heirs. The Valles
Caldera is only a short distance east of the Navajo country (see
also chapter 9). The Valles are within easy striking distance
by nomadic raiders who preyed irst on the Pueblos, then on
the Hispanics, and then on the Anglo-Americans who lived
near or used the Valles Caldera. Bishop Crespo, describing his
visitation of New Mexico in 1730, notes that Jémez is “ive
leagues from the Navahos” (Adams 1954:98).
Of interest to the Valles Caldera National Preserve (VCNP)
is Frank McNitt’s (1972) account of Governor José Antonio
Vizcarra’s 1823 punitive expedition against Navajo raiders
who warred on the Mexican colony. At the end of Vizcarra’s
expedition, he passed through the Valle Grande on his return
to Santa Fe from the Four Corners region:
On August 24, after negotiating the pass through the
Chuska Mountains and reaching the valley below, Vizcarra
discharged two regiments of militia to make their separate
ways home to Río Arriba and Río Abajo. With the balance
of the command he proceeded directly eastward for ifteen
leagues until meeting the Chaco Wash at Fajada Butte. For
the next two days he followed his outward route, resting
briely at Pueblo Pintado before continuing past the Chacra
Mesa and down Torreon Wash. Below the present town of
Cuba the command turned east on a trail leading across
the Jemez Mountains by way of the Valle Grande. At sunset
on August 31, after an absence of seventy-four days, the
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troops arrived in Santa Fe. The expedition was over (McNitt
1972:65).
Vizcarra’s action did not resolve the trouble with Navajo
raiders. For example, between 1826 and 1829, during
Governor Antonio Narbona’s administration:
Navajos raided along the Río Grande, striking repeatedly
at Jemez but ranging from Abiquiu and the Valle Grande
southward to Belen. Thousands of sheep and other livestock
were run off; some of the pastors [shepherders] were carried
away as slaves and others were killed. A token force of ifteen
soldiers was sent in March 1829 to patrol the frontier at
Jemez (McNitt 1972:70).
This proximity to Navajo country became apparent to
contractors Robert Nesbit and Hiram Parker when Navajo
raiders struck their camp in the Valle Grande in the summer of
1851 (Church n.d.; see also McNitt 1972:184–185; see also
chapters 3 and 5).
The documentary history of the Baca Location, therefore, begins at the end of New Mexico’s Spanish colonial
era and the opening of the Mexican Period. In this brief span
of 25 years (1821–1846) during which New Mexico was part
of the Mexican nation, the Mexican authorities made large
land grants in northern and eastern New Mexico to place the
land under private ownership as a buffer against the expansionist United States. Instead, after the U.S. occupation of
the colony of New Mexico in 1846 and the formation of the
New Mexico Territory in 1850, the grants became an important part of the economic development of the Territory and
subsequently the State of New Mexico. The grant lands and
the agricultural and extractive enterprises on them gradually became part of a regional, then a national economic
network.
This chapter is a detailed examination of the documentary
history of the Baca Location. The discussion derives from the
sources provided in the accompanying annotated bibliography.
Table 4.1 provides a timeline of selected events important in
the history of the Baca Location.
31
Table 4.1. Timeline of selected events important in the Baca Location No. 1’s History.
Year
Date
February 18.
post-February
Spanish colonial authorities place New Mexico under the
jurisdiction of the province of Nueva Vizcaya.
January 16
Baca re-petitions the provincial deputation of Nueva Vizcaya for
the grant land.
1820
1821
Event
Luis Maria Cabeza de Baca petitions Spanish colonial authorities
of New Mexico for land on the Gallinas River at Las Vegas.
May 29
August 14
The provincial deputation notiies the Governor of New Mexico of
the approval of Baca’s grant request.
Mexico wins its independence from Spain with the signing of the
Treaty of Cordova.
1823
Governor José Antonio Vizcarra passes through the Valle Grande
on his return to Santa Fe after leading a punitive expedition
against Navajo raiders in the Four Corners region.
1826
The Alcalde of San Miguel del Vado delivers legal possession of
the grant. Baca builds a house or hut on the Gallinas River, and
runs sheep and mules.
1827
Baca dies of a gunshot wound suffered during an argument with a
Mexican government soldier over the coniscation of contraband
property belonging to an American trapper. His son, Juan Antonio
Baca, takes over the family’s ranching operation.
Navajo raiders kill Juan Antonio and steal all of the family’s sheep.
The Baca heirs do not reoccupy the grant because of continuing
Indian hostilities.
1835
The Town of Las Vegas receives its grant (Town of Las Vegas
Grant). In 1838 Francisco Tomás Baca, son and executor of Juan
Antonio Baca, protests to Governor Armijo that the Town of Las
Vegas Grant covers the same lands as the Baca Grant. Armijo
takes no action.
1846
U.S. troops (the Army of the West) occupy New Mexico, thereby
marking the beginning of the American period.
1850
The U.S. Congress recognizes the former Mexican province of
New Mexico as a territory of the United States.
1851
Navajo raiders strike Robert Nesbit and Hiram Parker’s hay
cutting camp in the Valle Grande.
1855
Luis Maria Cabeza de Baca’s heirs petition New Mexico Surveyor
General William Pelham for conirmation of the Baca Grant. With
Francisco Tomás Baca as the driving force in this effort, the heirs
allege that the Town of Las Vegas Grant is null because it was
made in the knowledge that its lands were part of the Baca Grant.
Pelham conducts a hearing on the two applications.
1856
32
John Watts iles the brief of the claimants and suggests that the
Baca family would be willing to select an equivalent number of
acres rather than displace the residents of the Las Vegas Grant.
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Table 4.1. Continued.
Year
1857
Date
May 1
Event
Luis Maria Cabeza de Baca’s heirs record an agreement before
the probate clerk of Bernalillo County. This agreement confers
plenary authority on Francisco Tomás Baca to pursue their land
grant claims.
Surveyor General Pelham recommends to Congress that both the
Baca and Las Vegas grants be conirmed, leaving it to the courts
to determine the rights of the parties. To avoid litigation, the Baca
heirs offer to give up their claim, provided they get an equivalent
amount of land somewhere else in the Territory of New Mexico.
1860
June 21
The U.S. Congress conirms the Town of Las Vegas Grant and
authorizes the heirs of Luis Maria Cabeza de Baca to select
vacant lands in up to ive equal-sized tracts, each square in plan,
throughout the territory.
The survey of the Town of Las Vegas Grant totals 496,446.96
acres. The Baca heirs receive scrip for an equivalent amount of
land. They choose ive tracts, each measuring 99,289.39 acres.
The irst of these parcels is the Baca Float No. 1 (a.k.a. the Baca
Location No. 1 [henceforth, the Baca Location]).
ca. 1861–1872
Francisco Tomás Baca acquires interests of other heirs in the
Baca Location and eventually assembles an interest of just over
one-third of the tract.
ca. 1875
Tomás Dolores mortgages his claimed 100% interest in the Baca
Location to José Leandro Perea, Maríano Sabine Otero’s fatherin-law, for $10,000.
1876
Deputy U.S. Surveyors Sawyer and McBroom survey the Baca
Location. The United States delivers title to Luis Maria Cabeza de
Baca’s heirs.
1880
Maríano Otero and his uncle, Miguel Antonio Otero, begin
planning to develop Jémez Springs as a commercial resort.
1881
James Greenwood Whitney purchases Francisco Tomás Baca’s
interest in the Baca Location from his widow, María Gertrudis
Lucero Baca. With the additional purchase of Baca’s children’s
interests, Whitney claims a one-third interest in the tract..
August 17
The discovery of gold and silver nearby leads to the establishment
of mines and mining towns in the area. The demand for lumber
also sees the establishment of several sawmills close by in
response to the growing demand for timber products.
1889–1894
1884
May 17
Weary of his prolonged personal and legal ights with members
of the Otereo family over land issues, James Whitney sells his
interests in the Baca Location to his younger brother, Joel Parker
Whitney.
1890
Maríano Otero and his son, Frederico J. (F. J.), begin buying
interests in the Baca Location from the Baca heirs after Maríano
inherits his father-in-law’s interest in the land grant.
1893
Joel Whitney petitions for partition of the Baca Location.
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33
Table 4.1. Continued.
Year
1897
Date
December 6
1899
(continued)
An interlocutory decree is entered making indings and an
adjudication of the respective fractional interests of each party to
Whitney’s partition suit.
October
The court enters a decree directing partition of the Baca Location
and appoints commissioners to determine the feasibility of
partition in kind.
December
Commissioners report that partition of the Baca Location in kind
was infeasible, and they recommend sale of all real property and
the division of the proceeds.
January–March
The court enters a decree ordering the sale of the Baca Location.
The Special Master sells the grant to Frank W. Clancy, who was
Whitney’s counsel of record, as well as counsel to Otero’s Valles
Land Company and Thomas B. Catron, another claimant to the
case. The Special Master distributes the proceeds to 46 owners,
including two groups of Baca heirs, Whitney, Otero, and Catron.
March 18
Maríano Otero purchases the balance of the grant. F. J. Otero
becomes the president of the Valles Land Company and uses
the Baca Location as summer range for large numbers of horses,
cattle, and sheep.
1898
1899
Event
1904
Maríano Otero dies. F. J. Otero takes over full responsibility of the
family’s business interests.
1905
The Federal Government creates the Jemez Forest Preserve
(subsequently renamed the Santa Fe National Forest).
1907
Timbering around the Baca Location was decimating local forests.
Consequently, the value of the tract’s timber holdings were
increasing. Estimates of the Baca Location’s timber resources
were estimated to include 425 million board feet of white pine and
from 15 to 25 million board feet of spruce.
1909
October 16, 1909
The Valles Land Company sells the Baca Location to the Redondo
Development Company.
1915
April, 1
The Redondo Development Company mortgages the Baca
Location to Warren Savings Bank of Pennsylvania.
F. J. Otero does not renew his grazing lease. The Redondo
Development Company leases the property’s grazing rights to
Frank Bond. Bond extends his family’s partido sheep business
operations into the Baca Location.
1917
1918
December 14
Redondo Development Company contracts with George W. and
Frank Bond for the sale of the Baca Location, excepting and
reserving all timber for a period of 99 years.
1920s
Logging operations expand in the Jemez Valley. White Pine
Lumber Company obtains Federal legislation to condemn a rightof-way across the Jemez Pueblo Grant for the transport of their
products.
1926
April 8
The Bond brothers complete their purchase of the Baca Location
from the Redondo Development Company, which reasserts its 99year right to all of the tract’s timber resources and one-half of all if
its minerals.
1930
May 15
34
Redondo Development Company executes a irst mortgage on
its timber and mineral rights to Warren Savings Bank and Trust
Company.
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Table 4.1. Continued.
Year
Date
Event
January 16
Redondo Development Company renews its mortgage with
Warren Savings Bank and Trust.
September 9
Warren Savings Bank and Trust pledges the note, bond and
mortgage to the Reconstruction Finance Corporation as collateral
for borrowing money.
1933
The Civilian Conservation Corps builds a road through the Valle
Grande.
July 19
Redondo Development Company sells its timber right to Robert
Anderson, who owns Firesteel Lumber Company, for the term of
99 years.
Under an agreement with Firesteel Lumber Company, New
Mexico Timber Company begins logging operations; establishes
the Redondo Logging Camp in Redondo Meadows for 25
employees and their families.
1935
December 17
May 26
Anderson protests his taxes on the timber and wins a reduction
in state district court iled this date. He claims that there are 312
million board feet of timber on the Location in 1931, the same in
1932 and 1933, and 270 million board feet in 1935.
Warren Bank sells the bond of $130,000 and the irst mortgage on
the timber to Blue Diamond Trading Corporation of New York.
May 28
Reconstruction Finance Corporation receives Redondo’s note for
$65,000 from Warren Bank and Trust Company, then reassigns
the note to Warren Savings.
December 31
Anderson assigns all his right, title and interest in the timber to A.I.
Kaplan of New York.
1937
October 14
Blue Diamond sells the renewal note and assigns the bond to
Calumex Corporation in Delaware.
1938
September 16
Kaplan assigns all his right, title and interest to New Mexico
Lumber and Timber Company.
December 31
Redondo Development Company deeds all the timber to
New Mexico Timber Co., whose President is T. P. Gallagher.
New Mexico Timber Company mortgages the timber to the
Reconstruction Finance Corporation for $182,436.52, at interest of
5 percent per year.
1936
1939
New Mexico Lumber and Timber Company closes the Redondo
Camp when it moves its logging activity to the northwest part of
the Baca Location.
April 30
New Mexico Lumber and Timber Company assigns all its right
to New Mexico Timber Company. T. P. Gallagher remains the
President of the new interest.
June 27
Reconstruction Finance Corporation recognizes the satisfaction of
the mortgage and bond dated May 15, 1930.
January 16
Reconstruction Finance Corporation releases the mortgage it
holds on the timber.
1940
1942
1945
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Frank Bond dies. His son, Franklin, takes over the family business
and begins leasing grazing rights for the Baca Location to various
cattle operations. Franklin also hires employees to work the ranch,
thereby ending the partido sheep business system.
35
Table 4.1. Continued.
Year
Date
1954
1963
January 11
Event
With Franklin Bond’s death, the family leases the Baca Location
ranch to outside parties, including the King family. With this
transaction, the last of the Bond livestock were removed from the
tract.
George W. Savage, trustee for Ethel Bond Huffman (widow
of Franklin Bond), sells the Baca Location to James Patrick
Dunigan through the Dunigan Tool & Supply Company. Dunigan
establishes the Baca Land and Cattle Company.
1963–1980
While his investors propose various development plans for the
Valles Caldera, including a ski resort, a racetrack, and a resort
community of home sites and stores, Dunigan remains committed
to his idea of maintaining the property as a working ranch and
sustaining the Valle Grande’s beauty.
1964
Baca Land & Cattle Company, Dunigan Tool & Supply Company,
and George W. Savage, Trustee, sue New Mexico Timber, Inc.
and T. P. Gallagher & Co., Inc., on three counts: (1) to establish
the parties’ interests under the deed and contract of 1918 and
1926; (2) to seek damages for timber cut in violation of the terms
of the instruments of 1918 and 1926; and (3) to seek damages for
wasteful logging practices.
1967
U.S. District Court renders summary judgment for the plaintiffs on
irst two counts of the complaint, establishing Baca Land & Cattle
Company’s interest, and for damages for timber cut in violation
of the instruments of 1918 and 1926. On third count, for wasteful
logging practices, District Court orders trial by jury.
Baca Land & Cattle Company, Dunigan Tool & Supply Company,
and George W. Savage, Trustee, appeal the decision of the
District Court. The Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals dismisses the
case and remands it back to the District Court.
1967
(continued)
August 12
1969
September 10
The District Court issues ruling, denying plaintiffs’ motion for
partial summary judgment.
New Mexico Timber, Inc., and T. P. Gallagher & Co., Inc., ile an
appeal in the Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals against the District
Court’s ruling on logging practices and the award of compensatory
damages.
1971
Dunigan buys the timber rights to the Baca Location from New
Mexico Timber, Inc. and halts logging on the tract.
1980
James Dunigan dies.
2000
The U.S. government purchases the Baca Location.
2001
Valles Caldera National Preserve permits timber hauling on South
Mountain to complete a timber project that was in progress when
the Federal Government bought the ranch. The Preserve also
begins the rehabilitation and obliteration of existing logging roads
on 100.1 acres and 4.9 miles of roads.
2002
Interim cattle grazing program initiated, with up to 2,000 head run
on 23,380 acres in Valle Grande, Valle Toledo, Valle San Antonio
and Cerro Seco pastures.
36
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Birth and Conirmation of the Baca
Location Land Grant
On February 18, 1820, Luis María Cabeza de Baca individually and on behalf of eight other persons petitioned New
Mexican colonial authorities for a tract of vacant land on the
Gallinas River. The object of Baca’s petition is present-day
Las Vegas and environs.
Baca’s associates dropped out of the project before an
answer came from the governmental authorities. In 1820, in
the turmoil of the revolution against Spain that had begun in
1810 and would shortly result in an independent Mexico, the
New Mexican colony was placed under the jurisdiction of
the province of Nueva Vizcaya (now the Mexican States of
Chihuauhua and Coahuila). On January 16, 1821, Baca, for
himself and his 17 sons, petitioned the provincial deputation
of Nueva Vizcaya for the same grant that he had requested
originally. Baca and his sons described their requested tract
as bounded on the north by the Chapelote River, on the east
by the Aguaje de la Yegua and the Antonio Ortíz Grant, on the
south by the San Miguel del Vado Grant and on the west by
the summit of the Pecos Mountains (Bowden 1969:794).
On May 29, 1821, the provincial deputation notiied the
New Mexican colonial governor that the grant had been
approved. The Alcalde of San Miguel del Vado was supposed
to deliver legal possession of the grant to Baca and his sons,
and after considerable delay, he did so in 1826 (U.S. Congress,
House 1860). Meanwhile, by the Treaty of Cordova, signed on
August 24, 1821, Mexico won its independence from Spain.
Luis María Cabeza de Baca built a little house on the
Gallinas River at the place called Loma Montosa, and ran sheep
on the grant. He died in 1827 after being fatally wounded by a
soldier in an argument over 13 packs of contraband pelts that
belonged to American trapper Ewing Young (Martin 2003;
see also chapter 3). His son, Juan Antonio Baca, took on the
ranching operation.
The Baca family had begun taking their sheep into the Jémez
Mountains during periods when the Navajos refrained from
raids. In 1835, however, Navajo raiders suddenly struck. They
killed Juan Antonio and stole his sheep (Martin 2003:27).
Because Indian hostilities simultaneously plagued the
Gallinas River, Juan Antonio’s heirs did not reoccupy the grant
given to Luis María Cabeza de Baca. After the Town of Las
Vegas received its grant in 1835, Francisco Tomás Baca, son
and executor of Juan Antonio Baca and one of Luis María’s
many grandsons, protested to Governor Armijo that the Town
of Las Vegas Grant covered the same lands as the Baca Land
Grant, but Armijo took no action (Bowden 1969:797).4.1
In 1846 U.S. troops (the Army of the West) occupied the
colony of New Mexico. In 1850 Congress recognized the
4.1
Because it is a source of considerable historical confusion, it
is important to note that Francisco Tomás referred to himself as
Tomás even in legal documents. Francisco Tomás, however, had
a brother, Tomás Dolores, who was 20 years younger. Tomás
Dolores usually appears in historical documents as Tomás D.
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former Mexican province as a territory of the United States.
The irst Anglo-American relationship with the Valles Caldera
was military. The Army of the West brought cash and contracts
to the region. The U.S. Army was a market for forage and
beef, buying irst for its own needs. Then, as it paciied the
various Indian groups and conined them to reservations, the
Army bought beef to feed them. This military activity was
the beginning of modern ranching in what was to become the
State of New Mexico.
In 1851 Navajos raided the camp that civilian contractors
Nesbit and Parker had established to cut hay for the U.S. Army
(Church n.d.; see also McNitt 1972:184–185; see chapter 5).
This camp was on the East Fork of the Jémez and “was apparently later the site of Camp Valles Grandes, established by
the U.S. Army as a deterrent to Navajo and Apache movement through the area during the inal Navajo Wars of 1863”
(Scurlock 1981:137).
In 1855 the surviving heirs of Luis María Cabeza de Baca
petitioned New Mexico Surveyor General William Pelham for
conirmation of the grant. Francisco Tomás Baca apparently
was the driving force behind this effort. The heirs alleged that
the Town of Las Vegas Grant was null because it had been
made with the knowledge that its lands were part of the original Baca Land Grant.
The heirs of Luis María Cabeza de Baca waited for the
Surveyor General to act on the matter. Two years later, on
May 1, 1857, the heirs, including 5 grandsons who represented
their deceased fathers and 10 other male heirs (including 2
males representing female heirs) recorded an agreement
before the probate clerk of Bernalillo County, New Mexico,
conferring plenary authority on Francisco Tomás Baca to
pursue their claims to lands granted to Luis María Cabeza
de Baca, and which were now occupied by “settlements that
have no legal right.” Francisco Tomás agreed to assume all
expenses. Francisco Tomás’ widow, María Gertrudis Lucero
Baca, would later claim that the other heirs stated that at the
“inal conclusion” of the matter, Francisco Tomás would be
paid by them either in lands “satisfactory to him” or in money
(Whitney v. Otero 1893, Exhibit A, May 1, 1857). In this way,
Francisco Tomás Baca and his immediate family claimed
to have acquired about one-third interest in the total grant
(Martin 2003:38). This document neither speciies the Baca
Location nor names the speciic percentage of any grant, a
point that igured prominently in the inal resolution of the
1893–1899 partition suit.
New Mexico Surveyor General Pelham conducted a
hearing on the Baca and Town of Las Vegas Grant applications. He recommended to Congress in 1860 that both grants
be conirmed, leaving it to the courts to try to determine
the rights of two parties (U.S. Congress, House 1860). To
avoid litigation, the Baca heirs offered to give up their claim,
provided they got an equivalent amount of land somewhere
else in the New Mexican Territory. Congress approved an act
on June 21, 1860, conirming the Town of Las Vegas Grant
and authorizing the heirs of Luis María Cabeza de Vaca [sic]
to select vacant lands in “square bodies, not exceeding ive in
number” (U.S. Public Law 167 1860).
37
The Town of Las Vegas Grant was surveyed in 1860 for
a total of 496,447 acres (200,901 ha). The Baca Land Grant
heirs received scrip for an equivalent amount of land. They
promptly chose ive tracts measuring 99,289 acres (40,180
ha). Each appears as a distinctive square on historical land
grant maps. All ive tracts were in the Territory of New Mexico
in 1860. Due to subsequent boundary changes, two parcels are
now in Arizona, and one in Colorado.
The irst tract, called Baca Float No. 1 because it was
“loated” or relocated from the original grant, was located
in Sandoval County, New Mexico, on December 6, 1860. Its
original description was:
Beginning at a point 2½ miles [4 km] west of the corner
of Townships 19 and 20 North and Range 4 and 5 East,
N.M.P.M., and thence North, South, East and West from said
center point a suficient distance to embrace 99,289.39 acres
[40,180.24 ha] (Bowden 1969:799).
This boundary encompassed the Valle Grande, the Valle
San Antonio, the Valle Santa Rosa, and Redondo Creek, lands
subsequently known as Baca Location.
Baca Float No. 2, in San Miguel County north of Tucumcari,
was patented in 1860. Baca Float No. 3, now in Arizona, was
subsequently relinquished due to conlicts with a prior grant.
Baca Float No. 4, in Saguache County, Colorado, was patented
in 1900. Baca Float No. 5, in Yavapai County, Arizona, was
patented in 1865 (Bowden 1969:799ff).
Competing Interests: The Basis for
the Baca Location Partition Suit
Contrary to the claims made by Francisco Tomás Baca and
his heirs, several sources identify his younger brother, Tomás
Dolores, as the sole inheritor of the Baca Location during the
late nineteenth century (Scurlock 1981:138; U.S. Congress,
House 1860). From his base in Peña Blanca, Tomás Dolores
ran one of the largest sheep and cattle enterprises in the
Territory of New Mexico until he moved to Las Vegas in 1865
to open a mercantile and to run freight wagons over the Santa
Fe Trail (Cabeza de Baca 1994:80). According to his granddaughter, Fabiola Cabeza de Baca, Tomás Dolores mortgaged
the 100,000-acre (40,000 ha) Baca Location to José Leandro
Perea, Maríano Sabine Otero’s father-in-law, for $10,000
about 1875. Tomás Dolores mortgaged the land to make up a
shortfall of $40,000 that became known while he served as a
bondsman for the newly elected San Miguel County sheriffclerk-treasurer (Cabeza de Baca 1994:72–73). This action,
in which Tomás Dolores treated the whole Baca Location as
his exclusive property, helped to create the grounds for the
bitter partition suit of 1893 involving Maríano Otero and Joel
Parker Whitney. This suit in turn led to the extinction of all
the rights that Luis María Cabeza de Baca’s heirs had in the
Baca Location.
The coming of the railroad created an endeavor never
before known in New Mexico: the tourist trade. Two
38
well-to-do businessmen with local and national political
connections, Maríano Otero and his uncle, Miguel Antonio
Otero, began planning to develop Jémez Springs in 1880
following their purchase of the old bathhouses that local residents had long used.4.2 The Oteros intended to make Jémez
Springs, located outside the west boundary of the Baca
Location as deined by the 1876 survey of the land grant
(Sawyer and McBroom 1876), a commercial resort. Their
venture had the backing of oficials of the Atchison, Topeka,
and Santa Fe Railroad. Their plan was to operate the springs,
with customers arriving by spur line that would connect Jémez
Springs with Bernalillo. Their company built a hotel and new
bathhouses at this location in 1882 (Otero 1935:237–238,
241–277). After Miguel Antonio Otero died that same year,
plans to make Jémez Springs a major resort were dropped,
although the Otero family continued to run successful businesses in the community for the next 20 years (Martin
2003:41).
Even after the arrival of the railroad, few people moved
into the high country around the Valles Caldera. There were
only two homesteads near the Baca Location by about 1883
(USDA Forest Service 1883–1913).
Gold and silver were discovered about 5 miles (8 km) south
of the Baca Location in 1889. Major mines and the boomtowns of Albemarle, Allerton, and Bland followed about 1894.
The demand for lumber led to the establishment of several
sawmills (Scurlock 1981:140).
Maríano Otero and his son, Frederico J. (F. J.), began buying
interests in the Baca Location from the Baca heirs about 1890
after Maríano inherited an interest in the land grant following
the death of his father-in-law, José Leandro Perea. As noted
previously, Perea bought the mortgage on Tomás Dolores
Baca’s interest in the property about 1875, after Tomás D.
discovered that, as a bondsman, he owed $40,000 to San
Miguel County (Cabeza de Baca 1994:72–73). Numerous
transactions in the records of Bernalillo County show that other
grant heirs sold their interest in the Baca Location piecemeal
and that the Oteros bought up these interests as they became
available. The Oteros also formed the Valles Land Company
at this time (Bernalillo County, New Mexico 1849–1903).
The Partition Suit of 1893–1899
The Baca Location was transformed from a land grant held
by multiple owners to a corporate entity under the sole control
of one man by an Anglo-American innovation: the partition
suit.
The U.S. Territorial government made the laws necessary
to accomplish the transfer of most of the Spanish Colonial
4.2
Miguel Antonio Otero studied law in St. Louis before returning
to New Mexico to serve as private secretary to Governor William
Lane (1852–1853). Maríano Otero dealt in real estate in central
New Mexico to build upon his family’s wealth and inluence.
He served two terms as the delegate from the Territory of New
Mexico to the U.S. Congress (Martin 2003:34).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
and Mexican period land grants from the grant heirs to private
speculators—usually Anglo-Americans but including several
Hispanic patrones—men who acquired land and made that
land the basis of their participation in regional and national
trade networks. Maríano Otero was one of these men.
The partition statute of 1876, variously amended and
now codiied at 42-5-1 through 9 NMSA 1978, authorizes
the holder of an undivided interest in a land grant to sue all
other holders in an action for partition. This statute means that
anyone who has acquired an undivided interest in a land grant
can request its partition, which constitutes a legal action that
effectively terminates the grant and allocates exclusive holdings to individuals in proportion to their interest in the tract.
For example, an individual with a one-third undivided interest
in a land grant of 100 acres (40 ha) would receive exclusive
rights to or compensation for 33.33 acres (13.33 ha) upon the
grant’s termination. Contention between Hispanic and AngloAmerican speculators—men who had purchased interests in
the Baca Location from various Baca heirs for control of the
land grant—took the form of a partition suit.
As noted above, from about 1861 to 1872, Francisco
Tomás Baca, grandson of Luis María Cabeza de Baca, and
his immediate family claimed to have acquired a 33.3 percent
interest in the Baca Location from other heirs. Other individuals, including Maríano Otero, José Leandro Perea, and
Thomas B. Catron, subsequently obtained signiicant interests
in the grant through mortgages, purchases, and inheritances.
James Greenwood Whitney, an English immigrant who
became wealthy from cattle ranching and operating a mercantile, purchased the claimed 20 percent interest that Francisco
Tomás Baca held in the Baca Location from his widow, María
Gertrudis Lucero Baca, on August 17, 1881. María Gertrudis
Lucero, in turn, persuaded her children to sell their interests
to Whitney, to give the speculator her family’s full one-third
interest in the grant (Martin 2003:35, 38).
James Greenwood Whitney was a ierce competitor with
the Otero family in the acquisition of another important land
holding. While gaining a foothold in the Baca Location, he
simultaneously claimed the title to the Bartolome Baca Land
Grant in the Estancia Basin of central New Mexico, a holding
that the Oteros believed they had rightfully acquired.4.3 Violent
and scandalous events followed. Whitney was tried for the
4.3
4.4
In the court battle over the Bartolome Baca Land Grant title,
Thomas B. Catron, who subsequently played a key role in the
Baca Location partition suit, served as legal counsel to the Otero
family.
Whitney engaged in a shootout with Manuel B. Otero at the Otero
family’s Estancia Springs Ranch house. During the exchange in
which 10 shots sounded in 10 seconds, Whitney’s brother-in-law
died, Otero was mortally wounded, and Whitney himself was
wounded. Whitney led the scene.
Authorities subsequently charged him with murder while he
convalesced at St. Vincent Hospital in Santa Fe. He escaped from
the hospital with the assistance of his brother, Joel Parker Whitney,
and boarded a private car on a train headed to California. He was
recaptured at a train stop south of Las Vegas with the help of
Miguel Antonio Otero II, Manuel B. Otero’s cousin, who would
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
murder of Manuel B. Otero, Maríano’s irst cousin, who died
in a gunight.4.4
Weary of his legal troubles, Whitney well knew that the
powerful Otero family and its many supporters continued
to hold him responsible for Manuel B. Otero’s death.
Consequently, James Greenwood Whitney sold his right, title,
and interest in the Baca Location, Cañada de Cochití, and
Ojo del Borrego land grants to his brother, Joel Parker Whitney,
on May 17, 1884, for $17,000 (Whitney v. Otero 1893).
After waiting nearly a decade, Joel Parker Whitney iled suit
against Maríano Otero et al. on August 25, 1893, requesting
partition of the Baca Location (Whitney v. Otero 1893). He
claimed that after the death of Luis María Cabeza de Baca,
Baca’s grandson Francisco Tomás had appeared before the
Surveyor General at the request of all the Baca heirs to pursue
their land claims. Whitney added that Francisco Tomás’ efforts
led to the Congressional act of 1860 authorizing the ive Baca
Locations. The heirs paid Francisco Tomás with a one-third
interest in the Las Vegas Grant, in the Ojo del Espiritu Santo
Grant, and in any other grants he might locate, by an agreement dated May 2, 1857 (Whitney v. Otero 1893).
Joel Parker Whitney asserted that the 15 signers of this
document acted as representatives of all the other Baca
Land Grant heirs, but he did not know on what authority and
had no written evidence. Whitney also claimed that in this
way Francisco Tomás Baca obtained a one-third interest in
the Baca Location, which his widow subsequently sold to
Whitney’s brother, James Greenwood Whitney (Whitney v.
Otero 1893).
No agreement of May 2, 1857, appears in the court papers,
but a Spanish transcript of a document dated May 1, 1857, is
Exhibit A. This certiicate states that Francisco Tomás Baca
was authorized to represent the heirs, and that he subsequently
was to be paid in money or in “a portion of the lands satisfactory to him” (Whitney v. Otero 1893). This document does not
mention any particular grant.
Joel Parker Whitney claimed one-third of the Baca Location
plus additional interests (i.e., both the interests that Francisco
Tomás Baca bought from the other heirs and those that accrued
to him for his representation of the other heirs before U.S.
become Governor of the Territory of New Mexico between 1897
and 1906.
While traveling in custody back to Valencia County for trial,
Whitney received bail for $25,000 during an unusual, hastily
arranged court hearing in Albuquerque. This hearing raises
questions about the presiding judge’s motives. Among other
things, the judge’s actions suggest the possibility that he accepted
a bribe. Alternatively, his conduct also may be viewed as a
prudent act acted to prevent a crowd of incensed Otero family
supporters in Los Lunas from lynching Whitney on his return to
Valencia County.
After recovering from his gunshot wounds in California, Whitney
returned to New Mexico to stand trial for the murder of Manuel
B. Otero (Martin 2003:36–37). On April 29, 1884, during court
proceedings that lasted just one day, the mostly Anglo-American
jury acquitted Whitney of the crime, inding that he had acted in
self-defense.
39
authorities) amounting to about 45 percent of the entire grant.
The commissioners appointed by the court, however, subsequently found Joel Parker Whitney’s interest to be about 19
percent of the grant.
Maríano Otero, aided by Thomas B. Catron, who iled an
afidavit in support of Otero’s (Valles Land Company) petition in early 1898 (Whitney v. Otero 1893), argued that the
Valles Land Company actually had held true right to lands
claimed by Whitney because many of Francisco Tomás
Baca’s purported land purchases were not legally recognized
transactions. The defendants called upon the Baca heirs to
testify that they never agreed to pay Francisco Tomás Baca
for his services with a share of their interest in the land grant.
Besides, Maríano Otero had inherited a signiicant share in the
Baca Location following the death of his father-in-law, José
Leandro Perea, who had obtained the interest by buying the
mortgage on Tomás Dolores Baca’s interest in the property.
The court determined that Maríano Otero’s interest in the
Baca Location was 34.9 percent—just over a full third. On
December 6, 1897, an interlocutory decree was entered making
indings and an adjudication of the respective fractional interests of each party to the suit (Whitney v. Otero 1893).
On October 4, 1898, a decree was entered directing partition of the Baca Location and appointing commissioners to
determine the feasibility of partition in kind. Two months
later, on December 5, 1898, the commissioners reported
that partition in kind was not feasible, given their identiication of 46 valid, undivided interests in the property that
ranged from more than 34,700 acres (14,960 ha) to as few
as about 113 acres (45.2 ha) (Martin 2003:38–39). The
commissioners recommended the sale of all the real property and the division of the proceeds. On January 27, 1899,
Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the Territory of
New Mexico John R. McVie entered a decree ordering the
sale of the entire Baca Location in public auction to the
highest bidder. He appointed a special master to carry out
the sale and to distribute the proceedings to the claimants
(Whitney v. Otero 1893).
In his report to Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of
the Territory of New Mexico J. W. Crumpacker, Special Master
William D. Lee stated that he sold the Baca Location to Frank
W. Clancy for $16,548.21 on March 13, 1899, “for cash at the
Court House door of the Court House of Bernalillo County in
the Town of Albuquerque” (Whitney v. Otero 1893). Clancy
was Joel Parker Whitney’s attorney of record. Clancy was
also, according to a court decree entered some time subsequent to December 4, 1897, “of counsel” to the Valles Land
Company (Whitney v. Otero 1893). Moreover, Clancy simultaneously served as Catron’s counsel in a disbarment suit.
The special master’s deed from Lee to Clancy was iled in
the Bernalillo County Clerk’s Ofice on March 29, 1899. This
deed conveyed the full fee title to the Baca Location without
exceptions or reservations (Bernalillo County, New Mexico
1849–1903, reel 31, Deed Books 352–353).
On March 18, 1899, just 5 days after he bought it, Frank
W. Clancy sold the entire Baca Location to the Valles Land
Company, whose owners were none other than Maríano
and F. J. Otero. The subsequent deed iled for this purchase
40
conveyed the full fee title without exceptions or reservations
(Bernalillo County, New Mexico 1849–1903, reel 31, Deed
Books 354–355).
In this case, a partition suit ended uncharacteristically with a Hispanic capitalist in full control of the lands.
Maríano Otero was not an heir to the grant; rather, as a
member of New Mexico’s economic elite, he was sophisticated enough to use the law to his advantage. Otero
demonstrated his ability to make at least temporary alliances with Anglo-American claimants, including Thomas
B. Catron, a formidable land speculator and owner of lands
within the Baca Location acquired from the Baca heirs. As
shown by a much later petition (October 15, 1909) by F. J.
Otero to the New Mexico Supreme Court (asking the Court
to issue a decree conirming that all unknown heirs of Luis
María Cabeza de Baca were bound by the proceedings in
the case), Catron became a stockholder in the Valles Land
Company (Whitney v. Otero 1893, petition of Valles Land
Company, October 18, 1909). This suggests an explanation
of Catron’s acquiescence in the sale of the Baca Location to
the Otero family.
The Otero Family’s Tenure
Having acquired the Baca Location, the Valles Land
Company began to use the land as summer range for large
numbers of horses, cattle, and sheep (Martin 2003:44; see
also chapter 6). Following his father’s death in 1904, F. J.
Otero managed the Baca Location as summer range between
1905 and 1909.
While Maríano Otero purchased the Baca Location as a
business proposition, he already was a member of the Cañon
de San Diego Grant around nearby Jémez Springs by right
of being a resident of the grant community. Over the years,
however, Otero had increased his interest in this 110,000acre (44,000-ha) land grant signiicantly in support of his
expanding sheep enterprise. By the time of his death he had
come to treat the entire community tract as his private property (Martin 2003:44). Trying to assert their interests, the
other Cañon de San Diego Grant heirs iled suit against F. J.
Otero and his brothers over their inheritance claim.
As recounted previously, the contested inheritance claims
between Francisco Tomás and his younger brother, Tomás
Dolores, led to the extinction of the claim of the Luis María
Cabeza de Baca heirs to the Baca Location. Unintended
consequences carried the day: the dispute over the inheritance
of right in the Cañon de San Diego Grant led to the sale of the
Baca Location by the Otero brothers, and to the end of their
family’s interest in their community land grant as well.
To settle the dispute, the judge awarded 80 percent of the
acres to the heirs of the original grantees and ordered the
[Cañon de San Diego] land grant sold and the money divided.
Combined with other losses, the settlement forced the brothers
to look elsewhere to add to their cash low. By 1905 Frederico
Otero actively marketed the Baca Location to prospective
buyers, most of whom hailed from the East Coast (Martin
2003:44).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
In 1909 F. J. Otero, as president of the Valles Land Company,
sold the Baca Location to the Redondo Development Company,
an organization with access to eastern capital and headquarters in Warren, Pennsylvania (see also chapter 7). The deed
contained no reservations (Baca Land and Cattle Company
v. New Mexico Timber, Inc. [Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc.,
1967], Valles Land Company to Redondo Development
Company, October 16, 1909, in Abstract of Title, box 110A).
F. J. Otero subsequently leased the grazing rights to the Baca
Location for 9 years, from 1909 to 1918.
Redondo Development Company:
Mortgaging the Baca Location’s
Future
Three years after Redondo Development Company
purchased the Baca Location, George White, who had irsthand
knowledge of the Jemez Mountains going back to the days
when he had helped string telephone line through the locality
in 1905, iled a homestead entry for 156 acres (62.4 ha) in the
Valles de los Posos along the east border of the Baca Location,
as determined by Daniel Sawyer and William H. McBroom’s
1876 survey. “White and his wife Lottie built a small cabin
in the northern arm of the Posos at the foot of an old trail that
crossed the Sierra de los Valles from Guaje Canyon” (Martin
2003:52). The isolation of this tract, however, led the Whites
to abandon the homestead within the year.
One of White’s contemporaries, James Leese, who had
lived in the locality for about a decade, iled entry for White’s
abandoned Valles de los Posos homestead on June 3, 1915
(Martin 2003:52). The Leese family built a two-story log
summer home with a corrugated metal roof, and fenced
a 3-acre (1.2-ha) garden in which they grew potatoes and
other vegetables. They made none of the other improvements
required for a homestead patent, however. The Leese family
occupied the property only during the warm season of 1915
and the summers of 1916 and 1917. Even then, James Leese
worked elsewhere and only visited the homestead (Martin
2003:52).
Redondo Development Company challenged the legality
of the Leese homestead entry, citing Lewis D. W. Shelton’s
unoficial 1910 survey of the Baca Location’s boundaries to
show that the Sawyer and McBroom survey was in error and
that the Leese claim was really on their land. The Santa Fe
National Forest supervisor asserted that Leese had not met the
requirements of the Homestead Act. The Surveyor General
in Santa Fe authorized a new boundary survey to resolve the
discrepancies between the Sawyer and McBroom and Shelton
surveys. Leese bowed out, giving Redondo Development
Company a quitclaim deed for the tract. The company paid
Leese for the log house and fencing that he had erected on the
property (Martin 2003:53).
The resurvey redeined the east, south, and west grant boundaries. Three patented homesteads and the two sulfur-mining
claims made by John W. Walton and Maríano Otero, all of
which had been thought to lie outside the Baca Location (based
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
on the Sawyer and McBroom survey), were discovered to be
within the land grant. “Because these homesteaders and miners
had received valid title to their land and had acted in good faith,
their ownership was not challenged” (Martin 2003:53).
Timbering approached the Baca Location from lower
elevations that were more accessible to the railroad (chapter
7). As with the grass needed for herding and ranching, the
timber of the Valles Caldera rose in value as the lower areas
were sharply reduced in productivity.
In 1898 the Anglo-American owners of the Ramón Vigil
Land Grant on the nearby Pajarito Plateau leased the timber
rights on the grant to H. S. Buckman, a lumberman from
Oregon. Buckman began cutting timber on the Plateau in
1899. Hal Rothman (1989:203) observes, “Buckman’s timber
enterprise destroyed what remained of the native ecosystem
on the Vigil Grant.”
[C]hanging patterns of land use in the region ignited a
complicated process of economic, social, political, and
environmental change. This change was incremental.
Each stage pushed the people of the area closer toward
dependency on outside markets. Native American and
Hispanic populations found themselves with less and less of
the plateau at their disposal. The Ramón Vigil Land Grant,
its productivity demolished by Bishop and Buckman, was
no longer available. The density of Hispanic and Native
American stock outside the Vigil Grant increased, and more
animals competed for less grazing land. Anglo overgrazing
extended the impact of earlier limited overgrazing by
Hispanics and Native Americans; cattle and sheep trails
were no longer centralized around water sources. Larger
herds also drove game higher into the Jemez Mountains, and
the black bear, wild turkeys, and pumas that characterized
the pre-1800 plateau became scarcer. The advantages of the
plateau as a subsistence environment quickly disappeared.
The people that depended on this land had to ind new
sources of sustenance. Prior to the lumber camps and
tie-gangs, few Hispanics or Native Americans worked for
anyone else. Instead, they grew foodstuffs, tended animals,
and traded for items that they could not produce themselves.
Cash money was scarce, and labor was a commodity to be
bartered, not sold. Buckman’s crews received cash for their
labor, and the inlux of money made the goods in the stores
by the railroad in Española more available to the people
of the region. With motives born of desire and necessity,
Hispanics and Native Americans began to participate in
the cash economy. As their base of subsistence became
less fruitful, many Hispanics entered the market to trade
for foodstuffs. Many also sought to acquire the tools and
implements of industrial America. These were expensive,
and often required credit—the inal step in becoming a part
of the cash economy…the need for credit and its availability
dramatically changed both farming and grazing in the
Pajarito Plateau area. Cash crop farming became prevalent,
and new patterns of land use emerged (Rothman 1989:205–
206).
41
The timber on the Baca Location was estimated in 1907
at 425 million board feet of white pine and from 15 to 25
million board feet of spruce. Another informant estimated
403 million board feet of merchantable timber. A “cruiser”
stated that there were also “telegraph poles, ties, piling,
mine props and stulls in large quantities” (Laughlin Papers
1907).
During 1911 and 1912, the U.S. Surveyor General (Santa
Fe) made restorative surveys. The object of this work was to
clarify the shared boundaries of the Baca Location, the Jémez
Forest Preserve, and the Ramón Vigil Land Grant. Notes
accompanying the cadastral surveys indicate the interests that
would predominate on the Baca Location over the next 50
years: “The ridges, densely timbered with ir and spruce, and
considerable pine, give good timber values” (Douglass and
Neighbour n.d.).
This survey also showed that the operation on the Ramón
Vigil Land Grant, carried on under the name of the Ramon
Land and Lumber Company, had cut about 100,000 board feet
of timber from the Jémez National Preserve (rather than the
west side of the Vigil Grant) (USDA Forest Service 1915).
A later (1921) cadastral survey again noted:
The remainder of the [Baca Location] grant is covered with
timber, the bulk of which is spruce, ir and aspen. Some of the
lower elevations and southerly slopes, contain considerable
valuable pine timber. Oak undergrowth occurs most in the
higher pine levels (Osterhoudt et al. 1921).
On April 1, 1915, Redondo Development Company mortgaged the Baca Location to the Warren Savings Bank of
Pennsylvania, borrowing $175,000. Redondo Development
Company reserved a right to sell timber from the lands for
a price not less than $175,000. The company authorized the
issuance of bonds in the value of $175,000, securing the
payment of principal and interest (at 6%) by this mortgage
to Warren Savings Bank of Pennsylvania. The bonds were to
mature on April 1, 1925.
This mortgage applied to:
. . . all that certain tract of land cummunly [sic] known as
Baca Location No. One, situated in the counties of Sandoval
and Río Arriba in the Territory of Mexico [sic], the same
being one of the tracts of land located by the heirs of Luis
María C. de Baca under the authority conffered [sic] by
section 8 of an act of Congress of the United States approved
June 21, 1860. . . (Redondo Development Company 1915).
Divided Rights, Part I:
Bond Family Ranching and the
Beginning of Commercial Timbering
F. J. Otero did not renew his grazing lease in 1917. The Bond
brothers, George W. and Frank, irst leased the grazing rights
to the Baca Location from Redondo Development Company
in 1917 as part of their efforts to acquire the pasturage that
42
they needed to sustain their dominant position in northern
New Mexico’s sheep and wool industries. In March 1918,
Frank Bond inquired about buying the Baca Location. On
December 14, 1918, Redondo Development Company signed
a contract with the G. W. Bond and Brothers Company for
the sale of the Baca Location, reserving an exclusive 99-year
timber right. G. W. Bond and Brothers Company continued to
lease the Baca Location from 1918, fulilling the terms of the
purchase contract in 1926 (Kelly 1972:6–7; Otero 1935:237;
Wentworth 1948:239–241).
In the meantime, Guy H. Porter and his son, Frank H.
Porter, formed the White Pine Lumber Company in 1922. In
1924 they began to ship timber from the Cañon de San Diego
Grant by rail to Bernalillo. This required the condemnation of
a right-of-way across Jémez Pueblo. New Mexico’s members
of Congress obtained passage of the (Federal) Pueblo Lands
Condemnation Act of 1926 to enable the lumber company to
take the Pueblo lands. The act turned out to be defective—it
did not name the United States as the representative of the
Indians. New Mexico’s members of Congress went back
and obtained passage of a second Federal statute in 1928.
Anglo-American businesspersons, including New Mexico’s
U.S. Senators, found ready acceptance in Congress and in
the White House of the assumption that the rights of Indians
should be set aside to facilitate exploitation of the lands for
private proit.
On April 8, 1926, the Bond brothers completed their
purchase of the Baca Location, with a half interest in its mineral
rights, for $400,000. The terms of the contract excepted and
reserved all the:
. . . timber, trees and wood and increment thereof, standing,
growing, lying and being in and upon the above described
premises, with the right of entry and reentry at all times for
and during the term or period of ninety-nine years from the
date hereof. . . (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, 8NN021-89-022 #5648, FRC#76L0201, box 110A; see also Bond
and Son 1918–1919; Scurlock 1981:144).
Timber operations on the Baca Location began in 1926 and
continued under various auspices until 1971 (chapter 7).
On May 15, 1930, Redondo Development Company mortgaged the “timber, trees and wood owned by this company
standing, growing, lying and being upon land…Commonly
known as Baca Location No. 1” to Warren Savings Bank and
Trust Company (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, Abstract
of Title to Timber Interest, box 110A). Redondo Development
Company also conveyed a one-half interest in all minerals.
The company executed a promissory note to the bank for
$65,000 payable in 4 months, with a bond of $130,000 (Baca
Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, Abstract of Title to Timber
Interest, box 110A).
The company renewed its mortgage to Warren Savings
Bank and Trust Company on January 16, 1933, by delivering a
promissory note for $65,000. Warren Savings Bank and Trust
Company, in turn, pledged Redondo Development Company’s
promissory note, bond, and mortgage to the Reconstruction
Finance Corporation on September 9, 1933, to borrow funds
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
for its own use (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, Abstract
of Title to Timber Interest, box 110A).
Redondo Development Company sold its timber interests to
Robert Anderson of Firesteel Lumber Company for $150,000
on July 19, 1935 (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, Abstract
of Title to Timber Interest, box 110A). The term of this sale
was 99 years and was subject to approval by Warren Savings
Bank and Trust Company.
Under an agreement with Firesteel Lumber Company, New
Mexico Lumber and Timber Company began logging near
Redondo Creek in 1935. Firesteel’s owner, Robert Anderson,
variously claimed (in a 1935 petition for a reduction of taxes)
that there were 270 to 312 million board feet of merchantable timber on the Baca Location (Baca Co. v. NM Timber,
Inc. 1967, box 110A). New Mexico Lumber and Timber
Company built Redondo Camp at Redondo Meadows to house
25 employees and their families (chapter 7). This logging
camp included log cabins, transportable skid-mounted frame
houses, sheds, stables, a mess hall, and a school. In addition,
during 1935, the Civilian Conservation Corps built the road
across the Valle Grande that continues to be the main connection between Los Alamos and Cuba today (Tucker and
Fitzpatrick 1972:162–171).
New Mexico Lumber and Timber Company’s Redondo
Camp closed in 1939 when logging activity shifted to the
northwest part of the Baca Location (Scurlock 1981:151).
Heavy logging continued through the war years and included
cutting on Redondo Peak, at El Cajete, and along the Jaramillo
drainage.
When Frank Bond died in 1945, his son, Franklin, began
leasing parts of the Baca Location to various cattle operations.
The Bond family also ended their reliance on the traditional
partido system and began hiring shepherds and cowboys to
work their locks and herds (chapter 6). Following Franklin’s
death in 1954, the family leased the ranch to outside parties. The
King family, whose son Bruce subsequently served three 4-year
terms as governor of New Mexico in the 1970s, 1980s, and
1990s, obtained a 5-year lease in 1959 for summer pasturage of
their cattle. With this transaction, the last of the Bond sheep were
removed from the Valle Grande and this important part of the
Bond family’s connection to the Baca Location came to an end.
Lena Bonaguidi, Leonard M. Tartaglia, and Irene Tartaglia
sued Frank Bond and Son, Inc., and New Mexico Timber,
Inc., on January 13, 1959, complaining that they were rightful
owners of 74 acres (30 ha) in Section 9, T19N, R3E. The court
found for the plaintiffs. The judge determined that the west
fence line of the Baca Location is on the east boundary of the
tract held by Bonaguidi and others (Baca Co. v. NM Timber,
Inc. 1967).
Divided Rights, Part II: James
Patrick Dunigan vs. New Mexico
Timber
On January 11, 1963 George W. Savage, trustee for Ethel
Bond Huffman (Frank Bond’s widow), sold the Baca Location
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
to James Patrick Dunigan, owner of Dunigan Tool and Supply
Company, Abilene, Texas, for $2.5 million.
Dunigan’s acquisition of the Baca Location began a significant interlude in the pattern of use of the Valles Caldera.
Dunigan continued cattle leases, but he also initiated the
drilling of experimental steam wells. Dunigan was interested
speciically in long-term conservation and went to extraordinary lengths, as shown by his lawsuit against New Mexico
Timber, Inc., to try to restrain wasteful land use. Further, his
companies eventually sold the Baca Location back to the
public after his death.
New Mexico Timber, Inc., merged with the San Diego
Land Corporation on April 30, 1963. In this transaction, New
Mexico Timber, Inc., assumed the name of its parent corporation.
In 1964 Dunigan’s Baca Land and Cattle Company sued
New Mexico Timber, Inc., and T. P. Gallagher and Co., Inc.,
on three counts: (1) to establish the parties’ interests under the
deed and contract of 1918 and 1926; (2) to seek damages for
timber cut in violation of the terms of the deed and contract of
1918 and 1926; and (3) to seek damages for wasteful logging
practices (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, box 110A).
In a response to interrogatories iled on October 19,
1964, in this case, Vega Testman, representing New Mexico
Timber, Inc., deposed that the logging operation on the Baca
Location between the years 1960 and 1963 had employed 81
men. Based on the employees’ surnames, it appeared that 54
were Hispanic. The others apparently were Anglo-Americans,
although Jémez Indians could have been in both groups (Baca
Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, box 110A).
Baca Land and Cattle Company argued that the defendant,
New Mexico Timber, Inc., did not own any of the trees or
wood “which were not in being on December 14, 1918” (Baca
Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, Motion for partial summary
judgment iled December 23, 1965, box 110A). That is, Baca
Land and Cattle Company claimed that New Mexico Timber,
Inc., owned only the trees growing on the land at the time of
signing the 1918 agreement.
While Dunigan and the timber companies were in court,
logging continued. One deposition noted that logging took
place on Cerro Toledo about 1966, with roads built “around
and around the mountain” (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967,
Deposition of J. B. Harrell, Jr., July 17, 1968, box 110A). The
roads were later bermed and abandoned, but the scars remain
clearly visible today.
Dunigan had only partial success in his lawsuit. In 1967
the U.S. District Court rendered summary judgment for the
plaintiffs on the irst two counts of the complaint (Baca Co. v.
NM Timber, Inc. 1967). The Court established Baca Land and
Cattle Company’s interest in the timber on the Baca Location
and right to damages for timber cut in violation of the instruments of 1918 and 1926. With regard to the third count,
although the District Court ordered New Mexico Timber,
Inc., to restrain wasteful and abusive logging practices, it
ordered trial by jury to consider the question of restitution for
damages. Importantly, in doing so, the District Court upheld
New Mexico Timber, Inc.’s 99-year timber lease on the Baca
Location.
43
Baca Land and Cattle Company, Dunigan Tool and Supply
Company, and George W. Savage, the trustee of the Bond
family, immediately appealed the District Court’s decision.
The 10th Circuit Court of Appeals dismissed the case on
October 19, 1967. The court found that Baca Land and Cattle
Company had set forth three different legal theories on the
same set of facts as the basis for its dismissal. Because each
theory of the appellants arose out of the same transaction or
occurrence, the 10th Circuit said that the common practice of
all circuit courts directed it “to conclude that the trial court’s
ruling is not appealable” (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967).
The case was remanded to the District Court.
Dunigan testiied on July 18, 1968, that the Baca Location
ran 7,000 steers from about April 15 to November 15 (Baca
Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, Record on Appeal, box 110A).
Dunigan said that this had been his operation for the years
1965 through 1968 (in 1963 and 1964, the prior lessee still
controlled the grass).
George W. Savage, the Bond family trustee, testiied that
logging had marred the natural beauty of the Baca Location.
He claimed that the severity of this disturbance eliminated
“the motive of pride of possession” and that in his opinion
this might reduce the value of the Baca Location from $2.5 to
$1.5 million (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, Deposition
of George W. Savage, July 18, 1968, in Record on Appeal,
box 110A).
In his indings of fact and conclusions of law dated June 5,
1969, U.S. District Judge H. Vearle Payne found that timbering
methods used before the 1960s meant that an area that had
been logged could be used for cattle grazing. Moreover, he
concluded that:
. . . the slash and debris did not form barriers to livestock or
deer or other reasonable uses of the land by the fee owner,
numerous trees were left standing, and erosion problems
were localized to widely spaced lead roads and skid trails.
Slash and debris left did not constitute a grave ire danger
(Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, Findings of Fact and
Conclusions of Law, H. Vearle Payne, June 5, 1969, box
110A).
Payne added, however, that:
. . . as a result of the timbering practices employed by the
defendants commencing about the time plaintiffs acquired
their interest in the Baca Location, slash and debris is piled
upon slash and debris forming a barrier to livestock and deer
and depriving plaintiffs of reasonable use of land (Baca Co.
v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, Findings of Fact and Conclusions
of Law, H. Vearle Payne, June 5, 1969, box 110A).
Judge Payne found that clear-cutting meant that both dead
and damaged live trees were left standing, such that they
might constitute a severe ire danger, or might blow down and
increase the tangle on the ground. He added that the recent
system of haul roads had created a severe erosion problem
(Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, Abstract of Title to
Timber Interest, box 110A).
44
Judge Payne then found that the timbering methods now
being used were not contemplated in 1918 and 1926. He found
that clear-cutting had not been anticipated originally and that
this method destroyed the scenic value of the Baca Location
(to which, he clearly indicated, the fee owner had a right).
Yet the judge explicitly authorized clear-cutting of spruce
and mixed conifers because this was the common method at
the time of his ruling (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967,
Abstract of Title to Timber Interest, box 110A).
Judge Payne awarded damages to the plaintiff to pay for
the harm caused by the defendant, but he rejected Baca Land
and Cattle Company’s argument that New Mexico Timber,
Inc., owned only the timber existing as of 1918, pointing to
the 99-year provision and ruling that this period controlled,
and that “increment” meant the natural increase and growth
over this period. He upheld the property right of the defendant, while at the same time recognizing that Baca Land and
Cattle Company could use the land for any purpose other than
timbering, including scenic value and use (Baca Co. v. NM
Timber, Inc. 1967, Abstract of Title to Timber Interest, box
110A).
In the ruling that followed on August 12, 1969, Judge
Payne denied the motion of the plaintiffs (Baca Land and
Cattle Company, Dunigan Tool and Supply Company, and
George W. Savage, Trustee) for partial summary judgment.
New Mexico Timber, Inc., and the other defendants, he said,
were the owners of all timber, trees and wood “and the increment thereof,” and were permitted to clear-cut spruce and
“mixed conifer-type” trees (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc.
1967, Abstract of Title to Timber Interest, box 110A).
Judge Payne stipulated methods to repair damage: (1) cut
down dead and living trees that were likely to blow over, (2)
properly reseed and reconstruct water bars at appropriate
spots on all roads not regularly used for timber harvesting,
and (3) straighten out slash and debris so it lay on the ground.
The timber companies must accomplish these tasks within one
year, the judge ruled, and added that Baca Land and Cattle
Company could use the Baca Location for any purpose except
for the rights reserved in the 1918 contract and the 1926 deed.
He also awarded Baca Land and Cattle Company compensatory damages of $202,278.31. Nevertheless, he awarded
no damages for the clear-cutting of the Cerro del Medio area
as of about January 7, 1969, nor any damages for the timber
practices of the defendants up to and including January 7,
1969 (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, Abstract of Title
to Timber Interest, box 110A). In conclusion, however, Judge
Payne’s ruling made it inevitable that more logging damages
would occur in the future.
New Mexico Timber, Inc., and the other defendant companies appealed this ruling on September 10, 1969 (Baca Co. v.
NM Timber, Inc. 1967, Abstract of Title to Timber Interest,
box 110A). In 1971, however, the parties settled. Dunigan
bought back the timber rights and temporarily halted logging
on the Baca Location (chapter 7).
Under Dunigan’s ownership, two land sales occurred
(Martin 2003:103–104). Until this time, three small homestead entries and the sulfur mineral claims iled by John W.
Walton and Maríano Otero were the only legally recognized
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
inholdings within the Baca Location (see chapter 8). Each of
the properties received patents because their owners had acted
in good faith under the belief that the respective tracts were
outside the land grant boundaries that were based on the 1876
Sawyer and McBroom survey.
In 1975, Dunigan inalized the sale of a 165-acre (66-ha)
parcel along the Baca Location Land Grant’s east margin to
the Pajarito Mountain Ski Area. This sale allowed the ski
operators to open a new lift and allow development of new
north-facing slopes for ski runs. In 1977, the National Park
Service (NPS) bought the 3,076-acre (1,245 ha) Upper Frijoles
Tract at the southeast corner of the grant as an addition to
Bandelier National Monument for $1,350,000. As part of the
complex negotiations for this transaction, Dunigan traded
a 12-acre (4.8-ha) parcel on the south side of New Mexico
Highway near the Upper Frijoles Tract to Jacob Harrell,
Union Oil Company of California, in exchange for the undivided mineral interest in the property that the NPS wished to
acquire (Martin 2003:105–106).
After James Patrick Dunigan died in 1980, his estate sold
two other small properties within the land grant to private
individuals. These transactions took place in 1986 and 1987
(Martin 2003:106).
Federal Acquisition of the
Baca Location
By the 1970s, Dunigan was well aware of initiatives by the
NPS, USDA Forest Service, and U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service
to explore the public acquisition of the Baca ranch. This was
not the irst time that the U.S. Government had considered
the issue. Congress irst briely entertained the idea in 1888,
inspired by “the writings of ethnologist Adolph F. Bandelier
and journalist Charles Lummis” (Martin 2003:73–74). Edgar
Lee Hewett, the renowned archaeologist who was the driving
force behind the legislative act that established the Bandelier
National Monument, irst lobbied Congress in 1900 to include
the Valles Caldera in a great “Pajarito National Park.” The
irst bill died in committee. Hewett became a tireless advocate for the protection of the Pajarito Plateau’s archaeological
resources. It took him 16 years, 6 more congressional bills,
and countless meetings with ranchers, loggers, homesteaders,
and Pueblo communities—who all had stakes and vocal
concerns about their access to the Jemez Mountains’ land
and natural resources to win Congressional authorization of
Bandelier National Monument—a small area within the much
larger park originally proposed in 1916.
Ranchers, miners and loggers inally accepted the monument to put an end to proposals for a larger park, but Hewett
felt that Bandelier National Monument was an inadequate
fragment of his vision. He revisited the idea of placing the
Valles Caldera in public ownership in his 1923 proposal to
establish a geographically expansive “Cliff Cities National
Park” (Martin 2003:74). The NPS was responsive to the idea
because it would have included the transfer of huge tracts to
their administration, including 195,000 acres (78,000 ha) of
the Santa Fe National Forest, the entire Baca Location, and
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
the culturally signiicant pre-Columbian and early Historic
period Tewa Pueblo villages of Otowi and Puye. The USDA
Forest Service, Frank Bond and other ranchers, loggers, homesteaders, and Pueblo communities each renewed its objections
to Hewett’s plan of creating an archaeological preserve whose
reach extended beyond the established boundaries of the nowexisting Bandelier National Monument (Martin 2003:74).
Two more attempts to establish a national park that
included at least major parts of the Valles Caldera were made
before Dunigan’s acquisition of the Baca Location. In 1938
H. E. Rothrock, Natural Resources Division, NPS, spearheaded an attempt to establish a million-acre (400,000 ha)
national park that would have included “the entire Valles
Caldera, and thus all of the Baca Location, the ancient
villages on the mesas to the north and south, the Bond-owned
Ramon Vigil Grant on the Pajarito Plateau, and the Cañada
de Cochiti Grant” (Martin 2003:75). The coalition of other
Federal, private, and tribal interests kept Rothrock’s expansive idea from moving from the Department of the Interior
to Capitol Hill.
In 1961 an inluential local resident, Evelyn Frey, informed
New Mexico Senator Dennis Chavez that the Bond family was
interested in selling the Baca Location (Martin 2003:75–78).
Chavez found that the idea of creating a national park that
included the Valle Grande interested both his colleague, New
Mexico Senator Clinton P. Anderson, and the NPS. By this
time the NPS had a long history of welcoming any proposal
that would increase its holdings around the Bandelier National
Monument. Senator Anderson engaged the Bond Estate, the
NPS, and the USDA Forest Service in various discussions.
T. P. Gallagher, president of New Mexico Timber, Inc., was
steadfast in his opposition to the idea. He repeatedly reminded
the parties that his company owned the timber on the Baca
Location and intended to log it all (Martin 2003:77; see also
chapter 7).
Dunigan was sympathetic to the idea of the preservation
of the Baca Location, and listed the Valles Caldera with the
NPS as a National Natural Landmark (NNL). Rather than
focusing on the tract’s scenic, cultural-historical, and cultural
values, however, the NNL nomination highlighted the Valles
Caldera’s long, rich volcanic history (Martin 2003:111).
While his investors proposed various development plans
for the Valles Caldera, (including a ski resort, a racetrack,
and a resort community of home sites and stores), Dunigan
remained committed to his idea of maintaining the property as
a working ranch and sustaining the Valle Grande’s beauty (see
Martin 2003:80–82).
After Dunigan died in 1980, negotiations for the Federal
acquisition of the Baca Location were shelved until the early
1990s. The USDA Forest Service (1993) issued a preliminary
study titled, Report on the Study of the Baca Location No. 1
Pursuant to Public Law 101-556. The study was intended “to
support informed and educated decisions regarding the Baca
in the future” (USDA Forest Service 1993:2). The purpose of
this document was to prepare for the acquisition of the Baca
Location by the Federal Government. The report did not state
this intent because the owners were not offering the Baca
Location for sale at the time.
45
New Mexico’s Congressional delegation pursued acquisition throughout the 1990s. After lengthy negotiations with
the Dunigan companies, the Federal Government acquired the
Baca Location in 2000 and established the VCNP.
References
Adams, Eleanor B., ed.
1954 Bishop Tamarón’s Visitation of New Mexico, 1760. Publications in History, 15. Santa Fe:
Historical Society of New Mexico.
Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc.
1967 Baca Land and Cattle Company and Dunigan Tool and Supply Company, and George W.
Savage, Trustee Under Liquidating Trust Agreement, v. New Mexico Timber, Inc., and T.
Gallagher and Co., Inc. 384 F.2d 701 (10th Circuit Court of Appeals). 8NN-021-89-022
#5648, Federal Records Center (FRC) #76L0201, boxes 110 and 110A. Denver, CO:
National Archives, Rocky Mountain Region.
Bernalillo County, New Mexico
1849–1903 Bernalillo County Clerk’s Ofice Records. Accession No. 1974-034.
Reels 1–33. Santa Fe: New Mexico State Records Center and Archives.
Bond and Son
1918–1919 Ledger. Item 103. Bond, Frank, and Son Records. Albuquerque: Center for Southwest
Research, General Library, University of New Mexico.
Bowden, J. J.
1969 Private Land Claims in the Southwest. Masters thesis. Houston: TX: Southern Methodist
University.
Cabeza de Baca, Fabiola
1994 We Fed Them Cactus. 2nd ed. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
Church, Peggy Pond
n.d. Peggy Pond Church Correspondence. Los Alamos, NM: Los Alamos Historical Museum.
Douglass, William Boone, and Hugh M. Neighbour
n.d. Restorative Survey of the Baca Location No. 1. Microiche on ile. Santa Fe, NM: State Ofice,
Bureau of Land Management.
Kelly, Daniel T., with Beatrice Chauvenet
1972 The Buffalo Head: A Century of Mercantile Pioneering in the Southwest. Santa Fe, NM:
Vergara Publishing.
Laughlin Papers
1907 Unsigned letter to L.W. Dennis, Chicago, Illinois, August 14, 1907. Napoleon B. Laughlin
Papers, Accession No. 1959–131, Box 10, Folder 145. Santa Fe, NM: State Records Center
and Archives.
Martin, Craig
2003 Valle Grande: A History of the Baca Location No. 1. Los Alamos, NM: All Seasons
Publishing.
McNitt, Frank
1972 Navajo Wars: Military Campaigns, Slave Raids, and Reprisals. Albuquerque: University of
New Mexico Press.
Osterhoudt, L. A., W. V. Hall, and Charles W. Devendorf
1921 Independent Resurvey of the Baca Location No. 1. Microiche on ile. Santa Fe, NM: State
Ofice, Bureau of Land Management.
Otero, Miguel Antonio
1935 My Life on the Frontier. Albuquerque, NM: Press of the Pioneers.
46
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Redondo Development Company
1915 Deed of Trust, Redondo Development Company to Warren Savings Bank, April 1, 1915.
Sandoval County, New Mexico, Records, Deed Record No. 2 (1911–1922). Accession No.
1959-042. Santa Fe, NM: State Records Center and Archives.
Rothman, Hal
1989 Industrial Values and Marginal Land: Cultural and Environmental Change on the Pajarito
Plateau. New Mexico Historical Review 64:185–211.
Sawyer, Daniel and McBroom, William H.
1876 Field Notes of the Survey of Baca Location No. One, in New Mexico, being Grant made to
the heirs of Luis Maria Baca by act of Congress approved June 21, 1860. Surveyed by Daniel
Sawyer and William H. McBroom, U.S. Dep. Surs., under their Contract No. 68, of April 15,
1876. Microiche on ile. Santa Fe, NM: State Ofice, Bureau of Land Management.
Scurlock, Dan
1981 Euro-American History of the Study Area. In High Altitude Adaptations along Redondo
Creek: The Baca Geothermal Anthropological Project. Craig Baker and Joseph C. Winter,
eds. Pp. 131–160. Albuquerque: Ofice of Contract Archeology, University of New Mexico.
Tucker, Edwin A., and George Fitzpatrick
1972 Men Who Matched the Mountains: The Forest Service in the Southwest. Albuquerque, NM:
U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Southwest Region.
U.S. Congress, House
1860 H.R. Doc. No. 14, 36th Cong., 1st sess., 45.
U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Southwest Region
1883–1913 Forest Homestead Records. Albuquerque, NM: Land Status Ofice, Southwest Region.
U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service
1915 Fire Map, Jemez National Forest, Santa Fe. Copy on ile. Santa Fe: Angélico Chávez History
Library, Palace of the Governors, Museum of New Mexico.
U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service
1993 Report on the Study of the Baca Location No. 1. U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest
Service, Southwest Region, August, 1993.
U.S. Public Law 167
1860 An Act to Conirm Certain Private Land Claims in the Territory of New Mexico. 36th. Cong.,
1st sess., June 21, 1860.
Wentworth, Edward Norris
1948 America’s Sheep Trails. Ames: Iowa State College Press.
Whitney v. Otero
1893 Joel Parker Whitney v. Mariano S. Otero et al. Civil Case No. 3632. Records of the U.S.
Territorial and New Mexico District Courts for Bernalillo County. Accession No. 1959–124.
Santa Fe: New Mexico State Records Center and Archives.
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
47
48
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Chapter 5.
Plant Gathering, Game Hunting, Fishing, Mineral
Collecting, and Agriculture
Kurt F. Anschuetz
Introduction
Native American populations have cut wood for shelters and fuel, gathered native plants, hunted game animals,
and collected various other resources, such as obsidian for
making chipped-stone tools, clay for crafting pottery vessels,
and stone slabs for producing piki (corn meal paper bread)
griddles, in the Valles Caldera National Preserve (VCNP)
for countless centuries (chapter 2). Archaeological evidence
recounted in chapter 2 documents that Pueblo groups from
the upper Río Jémez Valley farmed the Banco Bonito within
the VCNP during pre-Columbian times. Although the available evidence is scanty, it appears likely that Pueblo groups
caught trout in the Valles Caldera’s former marsh lands and in
streams for immediate consumption while they were staying
in the locale for other purposes.
Consisting of a relatively narrow assemblage of raw materials—primarily obsidian debitage, chipped stone tools,
charred botanical materials, a few fragments of animal bone,
and the remnants of stone ieldhouses—the archaeological
record offers insights only into a fraction of the activities that
took place in the past. Moreover, it is largely silent on the
social and ideational contexts underlying the aboriginal use of
the locale before the arrival of Europeans in the region in the
sixteenth century. Consequently, archaeological constructions
of the pre-Columbian occupation in the Valles Caldera, as
presented in chapter 2, necessarily focus on economic issues.
The ethnohistoric and ethnographic records reveal that
many Pueblo communities have maintained signiicant relationships with the VCNP throughout the Historic period. Like
their pre-Columbian forebears, these peoples have gathered
native plants, hunted game animals, ished, and collected
various minerals. Similarly, their stays were comparatively
brief; the Pueblos never built and occupied permanent habitations in the locality. Because Spanish colonial administrators
generally failed to recognize Native Americans’ traditional
land use practices (Anschuetz 1998c), the continued occupation of the Valles Caldera by the Pueblos is underrepresented
in the documentary record.
Historic Pueblo communities maintained cultural and
historical afiliations with the Valles Caldera. These communities included neighboring settlements (e.g., the Pueblos of
Jémez, Santa Clara, and Zía), as well as villages located at
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
great distances (e.g., the Pueblo of Zuni in west-central New
Mexico) (chapters 1 and 9). Secrecy has effectively shielded
speciic detail of the Pueblos’ activities in the Valles Caldera
from the view of outsiders (e.g., Weslowski 1981:114). The
keepers of indigenous cultural knowledge invoked conidentiality to protect the sanctity and power of their communities’
age-old traditions (Anschuetz 2002a:3.35–3.37; Friedlander
and Pinyan 1980). Ethnographic observations, however,
indicate that the Pueblos’ gathering, hunting, and collecting
pursuits satisied subsistence, social, and ritual needs (see
chapter 9).
Other Native American groups known to have come to the
Valles Caldera for their own purposes include the Apache,
Navajo, and Ute. Just as with the Pueblos, available documentary evidence indicates that these visits were not necessarily
undertaken for material needs or as a stopover along a journey
from the north, northwest, or west to the Río Grande Valley.
These nomadic groups also held the Valles Caldera in regard
for important social and cultural reasons (chapter 9).
Wood cutting, plant gathering, hunting, and mineral
collecting in the Valles Caldera by Hispanic soldiers and
herdsmen date to the eighteenth century. At this time, raids by
various Native American nomads prompted punitive military
expeditions. In addition, the diversiication of New Mexico’s
economy fueled the search for new livestock pastures (chapters 3 and 6). The Spanish colonial administration of New
Mexico also began making land grants for settlers in the Río
Jémez and Río Chama valleys in the early eighteenth century.
Hispanic settlers from the Chama district farmed in high elevation settings northeast of the Baca Location No. 1’s (Baca
Location’s) historical boundaries during the mid-early eighteenth-century drought cycle. For this reason, it is possible that
other Hispanic, Pueblo, or Genízaro (i.e., hispanicized Native
American) groups from the south or east similarly planted in
selected, well-watered meadows in the Valles Caldera.
The activities undertaken by Hispanic visitors likely were
completed at a relatively small scale. Most also probably were
undertaken to fulill some immediate need of individuals during
their brief visits to the locale. Detailed information about their
speciic use of the Valles Caldera is lacking. Ethnohistorical
accounts offered by lifelong residents of the locality, however,
suggest that the Hispanic residents, like their Native American
49
counterparts, developed special relationships with this unique
upland setting that transcended economic activity.
By the late nineteenth century, permanent settlement moved
closer to the Valles Caldera. Hispanic and Anglo-American
homesteaders settled around Battleship Rock near Jémez
Springs some time after 1876. By 1880 there was a small
ranching settlement east of the Baca Location in the setting now
occupied by Los Alamos (Scurlock 1981:138). The village
of Archuleta (subsequently renamed Perea and now Jémez
Springs), located near the Jémez Hot Springs on the Cañon
de San Diego Land Grant, was established about the same
time near Archuleta’s original 1850s cabin (Smith 1979, in
Scurlock 1981:138). Archuleta built the irst crude bath houses
for commercial use (Martin 2003:41). Homesteads gave rise
to the settlement of La Cueva near the southwest corner of
the Baca Location. At about 1883, homesteaders, including
John Kelly, Polito Montoya, N. R. Darey, Angeline Eagle, J.
S. Eagle, and S. D. Thompson moved still closer to the Valles
Caldera (USDA Forest Service 1883–1913; see also chapter
6). Meanwhile, Maríano Sabine Otero and his uncle, Miguel
Antonio Otero, working with oficials of the Atchison, Topeka,
and Santa Fe Railroad, made plans to develop the Jémez Hot
Springs—which they bought from Archuleta—and Sulfur
Springs as resorts. The passage of the Enlarged Homestead
Act (1909) and the Stock-raising or Grazing Homestead Act
(1916) brought intense settlement by Hispanics and AngloAmericans. This act quickly brought the establishment of at
least 19 homesteads, occupied land claims, and ranches around
La Cueva and Upper Vallecitos, which are just southwest and
south of the VCNP, respectively (Scurlock 1981:142).
With this development in the last decades of the nineteenth century, local residents and entrepreneurs increasingly
looked toward the Valles Caldera for the raw materials and
recreational venues for their new communities and businesses. Recreational hunting increased and timber joined
ranching, making these the dominant activities. Consequently,
game animals, such as elk, rapidly became depleted and the
construction of sawmills brought commercial timbering to the
upper Río Jémez Valley in the 1890s (Scurlock 1981:140).
Even as development resulted in increasingly dramatic physical and ecological changes to parts of the Jémez Mountains,
traditional Native American and Hispanic hunting, ishing,
plant gathering, and various mineral, rock, and other resource
collecting activities persisted in comparative obscurity.
This chapter reviews historical and ethnohistorical evidence
of plant gathering, game hunting, ishing, mineral collecting,
and agriculture within the Valles Caldera. Except for a brief
episode of commercial hay cutting in the mid-nineteenth
century, small-scale ishing by a small number of Pueblo
men to satisfy a limited demand in Santa Fe during the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and a sport hunting
business begun by James Patrick Dunigan in the 1960s during
his tenure as the owner of the Baca Location, the land uses
considered in this chapter were either traditional subsistence
or vernacular (qua common indigenous practice) activities.
As I note in my preceding comments, gathering, hunting,
and collecting pursuits undertaken by traditional Native
American and Hispanic groups often have important social
50
and ritual meanings, as well as economic functions. To follow
the structure of the chapters on the history of ranching (chapter
6), industrial timbering (chapter 7), and industrial mineral
extraction and geothermal exploration (chapter 8) within the
Valles Caldera, I primarily focus the following discussion
on subsistence issues. I refer the reader to chapter 9, which
addresses how the VCNP represents a multilayered ethnographic landscape, for insights into the social and ideational
importance of native plant gathering, game hunting, ishing,
and obsidian, clay, and other resource collecting among the
Native American and Hispanic communities who maintain
associations with this locality.
Native Plant Gathering
Collecting plants in the late summer and fall undoubtedly was an important draw for the people who have visited
the Valles Caldera over countless centuries. Archaeological
sites within the study area do not occur only in areas of the
greatest diversity of mammals and birds. These locations
generally also have high plant diversity (Winter 1981:176).
Nevertheless, grinding stones, such as manos and metates,
are rare. Excavations conducted in the Redondo Creek Valley
for the Baca Geothermal Anthropological Project did not
ind storage pits, hearths, or other features expected at plant
processing sites (Winter 1981:177). Investigators recovered
small numbers of edible Chenopod and Monocot seeds from
sites that also had ground-stone tools.
Secrecy has limited opportunities by anthropologists
to observe plant gathering in the Valles Caldera irst hand.
In comparison, more is known of native plant gathering by
Native American groups that used the VCNP. Much of what
is known is owed to Lois Vermilya Weslowski (1981), an
anthropologist who reported on Jémez Pueblo’s cultural and
historical relationships with the Redondo Creek Valley nearly
25 years ago in anticipation of geothermal development.
Although the entire Redondo Peak vicinity is important to the
Pueblo, Weslowski (1981:111–112) states that the Redondo
Creek watershed was especially important for the gathering of
many plants and herbs traditionally used by the community’s
people. She offers useful context:
Plant gathering is viewed as an integral part of community
survival and is undertaken as a comprehensive activity.
In earlier years, a rich assortment of plant species was
collected, providing the village with wild food supplements,
raw materials for household needs, building supplies, and
fuel. Moreover, all plant collection was ritually tied to the
societal gathering of herbs and medicines. These ceremonial
plants continue to be regarded as extremely sacred and are
still gathered with reverence. The entire Redondo Creek
Valley is recognized as the main location for obtaining
certain ritual herbs and medicines, as dictated by traditional
religious practice (Weslowski 1981:111).
The Redondo Creek Valley supports a large number of the
native plants that were historically gathered by the people of
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Jémez Pueblo and the other Pueblos for food. These resources
include native grapes, strawberries, chokecherries, currants,
oceanspray, Gambel oak acorns, white pine nuts, and clusters
of pink New Mexico locust lowers. The latter taxon offers
a delectable nectar when eaten raw (Weslowski 1981:111;
citing Castetter 1935:27, 42, 49; Cook 1930:27, 28).
Betty Woods (1942) speculates that the people of Jémez
Pueblo visited the Valles Caldera to harvest piñon nuts and to
gather other native plant products. Writing for New Mexico
Magazine in the early 1940s, she reported, “every day during
the piñon season they [the Jémez] pass through [Vallecito de
los Indios] on their way to the mesa tops, for they, too, are
great nut hunters” (Woods 1942:30, emphasis in the original).
Because the VCNP today supports only a small number (<100)
of piñon trees near Redondo Meadow and has no landforms
that fulill the usual physiographic deinition of mesas, it is
dificult to imagine that extensive piñon stands existed in the
VCNP even during pre-Columbian Pueblo times at elevations
of 8,500 feet (2,591 m) (Dr. Bob Parmeter, personal communication, VCNP, Los Alamos, 2005).
The Jémez harvested mountain mahogany root, a highly
resilient forest product found on the Valles Caldera’s mountainous slopes, for making rabbit sticks, clubs, baby cradles,
fruit drying racks, and various tool handles (Weslowski
1981:111). The people prized the supple boughs of the chokecherry, currant, and New Mexico locust for use in making
bows, and favored the hard wood of the Gambel oak as well
as mahogany root for making clubs and rabbit sticks (Cook
1930:27; Weslowski 1981:114). The Jémez produced a red
dye to color moccasins by boiling a mixture of alder bark,
mountain mahogany, and birch (Cook 1930:20). The value of
mountain mahogany root and Gambel oak further is illustrated
by the fact that the Jémez today continue to use these woods
as fuel for iring pottery (Weslowski 1981:114).
One of Weslowski’s (1981:114) male informants noted
that the Redondo Creek Valley supports the growth of an
unspeciied tall grass that is used in basketry, and a marsh
grass that is needed for weaving mats and pads for drying
fruit. He also mentions that Jémez women use yucca, which
occurs elsewhere in the Valles Caldera, in their basketry. This
informant added that the Jémez also use marsh grass in some
of the Pueblo’s dances. Finally, he notes that this people visit
the Valles Caldera area to obtain ponderosa pine timbers
for roof vigas and aspen branches for thatch (in Weslowski
1981:114).
The collection of the above resources was undertaken by
the Jémez “in relation to the societal gathering of herbs and
medicines,” which were procured from speciic localities “in
accordance with ritual procedures passed on by oral history”
(Weslowski 1981:114). Native plant products used in Jémez
Pueblo rituals include Douglas ir boughs and sprigs, which
the people use in nearly every dance as part of their costumes.
As stated by the Jémez themselves, Douglas ir branches “are
commonly carried in the hand as well as tied to headdresses,
collars, waist belts, and legs. On some occasions, entire trees
are even set out in the plaza” (Weslowski 1981:114). After
their use in ceremonies, the Jémez dispose of the Douglas ir
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products that they had gathered for these observances with
reverence and through ritual.
Other Valles Caldera plants used in Jémez rituals include
blue lag (native iris) lowers dried for certain December
dances, cinquefoil blooms for summer ceremonies, native
grapes for producing body paints needed by dancers, and moss
for costumes used in the sickle dance (Cook 1930:22, 24, 28;
Weslowski 1981:114). The Jémez harvest aspen trunks from
alpine settings for making drums and wati grass from around
mountain springs for use as prayer sticks (Ellis 1956:56–57;
Parsons 1925:104). Other species that grow around springs,
such as sedges and rushes, as well as the algae that thrives
in the water, are harvested for use in the kivas (Weslowski
1981:114). The signiicance of these resources lies in their
association with spring water, which the Pueblos consider
powerful medicine (Parsons 1996 [1939]:352, 416, 453–454;
see chapter 9).
Given the ritual and power associated with medicinal
herbs, comparatively little is known publicly about the traditional pharmacology of Jémez Pueblo. Weslowski observes:
Sage is documented as a remedy for stomach trouble.
Prepared lichens are applied to sores (Cook 1930:20, 28).
Other studies of Pueblo medicine in general describe uses for
a few other plants found in the study [i.e., the Redondo Creek
Valley] area, including mountain mahogany, white ir, aspen,
and wild rose. Whether or not the Jemez actually utilize these
same species for medicinal purposes is unknown (Weslowski
1981:114; bold added).
During their forays into the Valles Caldera, the people of
Jémez Pueblo traditionally built temporary shelters of tree
boughs and rocks. They occasionally also built more substantial log cabins for shelter, hunting rites, and related ceremonial
purposes (Weslowski 1981:111).
Another anthropologist, Leslie A. White (1962), offers
a few additional insights into the use of Valles Caldera
plants by nearby Pueblo communities. Reporting his study
at Zía Pueblo, downstream of Jémez Pueblo in the lower
Río Jémez Valley, White (1962) states that retreats into the
Jémez Mountains remain an important part of this community’s ritual life. Members of Zía’s medicine societies, just
as those from Jémez and other nearby Pueblo communities, were required by their respective community traditions
to make pilgrimages into the Jémez Mountains in general
and the Valles Caldera locality in particular. The duties of
society members participating in these special expeditions
often included the gathering of yucca leaves (used both for
making whips and soapy water for blowing bubbles [cloud
symbols] in medicine bowls), several unspeciied kinds of
grass, and oak for use in their respective community’s many
rituals and ceremonies. During summer pilgrimages, society
members collected decorative material, such as spruce and
piñon boughs, for their kivas. They would also harvest willow
branches for making prayersticks, and oak branches for
kicksticks, if ceremonial races were involved in the upcoming
ceremony (White 1962:172, 232).
51
The importance of these plant-gathering expeditions was
not entirely lost on Frank Bond. From the time of his purchase
of the Baca Location Land Grant until his death in 1945
(chapter 4), Bond “permitted the people of the surrounding
pueblos various types of access to the property.” Through the
1940s, Jémez people received permission to conduct ceremonies on the property. Limited hunting was also allowed, and
perhaps included the construction of traditional log structures
(Martin 2003:66).
Native Americans were not the only people to gather
native lora in the Valles Caldera. Hispanic residents of the
surrounding valleys have a long, even if little reported, tradition of gathering plants in the Jémez Mountains. Carrillo
and others (1997:136–137) briely discuss Hispanic land
use patterns along the length of the Public Service Company
of New Mexico’s once-proposed Ojo Line Extension (OLE)
construction corridor, which crosses the east margin of the
Baca Location land grant boundaries. These authors note
generally that area residents visited the Jémez Mountains,
including the Baca Location, to gather herbs, berries, nuts,
and broom grass for household consumption, medicinal use,
and ritual practices (Carrillo et al. 1997:137). For example,
one of their informants stated:
I recall gathering piñon nuts, broom grass, and other things
in the area of the power line, especially the Baca Location.
Broom grass was a sacred plant found in the Baca Location
(Informant I, personal communication 1991, in Carrillo et al.
1997:137).
Another informant added that Hispanics actually harvested
two kinds of broom grass.
“There is the traditional broom grass, which is out of a thin
grass, which is straight stemmed and hard, and then there is
another type of broom grass which is quite a bit taller, with a
thicker stem” (Informant I, personal communication 1991, in
Carrillo et al. 1997:137).
Carrillo and others (1997) note further that area Hispanic
residents harvested wood for use as fuel and building material.
An informant stated that they favored slower-burning piñon
and oak during the winter. Both of these species, however, are
much less common in the high elevations of the VCNP than in
the surrounding areas (Dr. Bob Parmeter, personal communication, VCNP, Los Alamos, 2005). Local residents preferred
“cedar” (possibly meaning tamarisk) and juniper for summer
use (Informant B, personal communication 1991, in Carrillo
et al. 1997:137). These fuels burn rapidly, thereby allowing
the ires to cool more quickly.
Hispanic traditions refer to the acquisition of Jémez
Mountain timbers for construction since the earliest colonial settlement in the area. Given the remote location of the
Valles Caldera, however, lumber harvests were minimal until
the twentieth-century (chapter 7). Instead, Hispanic shepherds
and ranchers constructed sheds, corrals, lambing pens, and
other structures of logs or milled lumber at their larger stock
camps (Winter 1981:178, after Scurlock 1981).
52
Although Carrillo and others (1997) do not elaborate
on any of these observations, Hispanic gathering traditions
overlap markedly with those of the region’s Native American
communities. That such a blending exists is not surprising,
given the process of mestizaje—the hybridization of Indian,
Mexican, and Iberian cultures through intermarriage—that
has characterized northern New Mexico’s history and culture
since Spanish colonization (e.g., Anzaldúa 1987:5; Lamadrid
and Gandert 2001:66; see also Mörner 1967; Wolf 1959).
Equally important is syncretism, which refers to melding of
the structure and symbolic content of Indian and of Iberian
(i.e., Catholic) religious belief (e.g., Anzaldúa 1987:25–39;
Ingham 1986:180–193; Rodriguez 1994:143–148; see also
chapter 9).
Direct observations of speciic native plant gathering
activity in the VCNP by Native American and Hispanic
groups are limited. Nonetheless, an initial survey of key
ethnobotanical reference materials illustrates the richness
of this mountainous habitat in terms of the number of plant
taxa important to the everyday secular and ritual lives of the
region’s traditional communities that historically have maintained an association with this locality. This sample includes
plant uses by the Río Grande Pueblos (i.e., Jémez, the northern
Tiwa [Picurís and Taos], the southern Tiwa [Isleta and Sandia],
the Eastern Keres [Cochití, Santa Santo Domingo, and Zía],
the Tewa [Nambe, Pojoaque, San Ildefonso, San Juan, Santa
Clara, and Tesuque], the Western Keres [Acoma and Laguna],
Zuni Pueblo, the Hopi Tribe, the Navajo Nation, the Jicarilla
Apache Tribe, the Ute tribes of Colorado, and New Mexican
Hispanics [chapter 1]). I also include references to archaeological samples collected from pre-Columbian Pueblo and
seventeenth-century Spanish colonial assemblages because
these resources establish the antiquity of certain plant uses,
including some that are not known from direct ethnobotanical
observation.
As shown in tables 5.1 and 5.2 (tables are at the end of the
chapter), the VCNP may offer as many as 350 native plant
taxa that at least one of the associated Native American and
Hispanic communities is known to have used traditionally. Of
this assemblage, 125 taxa represent plant species that ethnobotanical references identify explicitly. I base the identiication
of the use of the remaining 225 taxa on analogy. That is, when
ethnobotanists identify a plant either by genera or a related
species, I assume that the pertinent Valles Calderas botanical
specimen(s) possess the potential for similar use(s) as those
reported.
To simplify the task of compiling this diverse, rich body of
information, I follow ethnobotanists William W. Dunmire and
Gail D. Tierney (1995, 1997) and report plant uses in terms
of seven general categories: (1) food or beverage; (2) medicine; (3) smoking or chewing (for recreation); (4) construction
or fuel; (5) dyes, pigments, tanning, soap, or crafts; (6) iber,
cordage, basketry or matting; and (7) tools. In an attempt to
document food uses and other ethnographic observations of
interest more fully, table 5.1 offers a comment ield that identiies edible plant parts and selected supplemental detail. Out
of respect for the sensitivity of information related to Native
American ceremony, I did not attempt to inventory ritual use
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by taxa. The small number of published observations provided
in the preceding paragraphs speciic to the Jémez Mountains
will have to sufice.
While table 5.1 reports uses by individual taxon, table 5.2
offers summary counts. Throughout table 5.1 I distinguish
which uses are for plant species that exactly match reported
Valles Caldera species and which applications are based
on analogy. The reader should note that many of the Valles
Caldera plant taxa have plant uses based on both direct observation and analogy. Table 5.2 does not attempt to discriminate
between functions based on direct observation and analogy
within individual taxa. Instead, I rely on the occurrence of any
instance of direct observation within species in classifying my
summary counts.
The information represented in tables 5.1 and 5.2 admittedly
sacriices much useful ethnobotanical detail. Nevertheless, it
allows identiication of several important patterns relevant to
evaluations of the land use history of the VCNP before largescale herding and industrial timbering reached the area.
First, the identiication of 290 (82.9%) plants in the category “Foods and Beverages” might initially appear to suggest
that the Valles Caldera was a virtual Garden of Eden at some
times of the year for subsistence plant gatherers. This raw
count is misleading, however. Of this diverse inventory, few
species represent either high-quality foods or resources that
people can depend upon to occur with unwavering abundance
over time.
Dunmire and Tierney (1995:56) note that certain key
resources, including “wild nuts and grains, cactus fruits, and
amaranth and goosefoot seeds and leaves…are high in protein,
their inclusion in early diets must have been critical to maintaining a healthy population.” In addition, they observe that
aboriginal methods for gathering and preparing a variety of
supplemental native foods found in the Valles Caldera, such
as “wild celery and beeplant greens in the spring; amaranth
greens, groundcherry pods, and wild onions in the summer;
and…sunlower seeds in the fall” (Dunmire and Tierney
1995:57) helped to ensure that Native peoples included a
beneicial mix of essential nutrients in their diets.
Native plant resources upon which traditional peoples
depended either as staples or key supplemental foodstuffs,
however, characteristically have a patchy distribution in highaltitude mountainous settings and/or exhibit a high degree of
variability in productivity from year to year. They do not offer
either the productivity or the reliability needed to sustain a
large number of people in one place for a signiicant length
in time. It is not surprising, therefore, that the archaeological and historical records alike document that the permanent
settlement of the VCNP did not occur until the past century.
Moreover, year-round habitation of this locality was inally
made possible because of a reliance on commercial ranching
operations (chapters 4 and 6). Even then, comparatively few
people ever lived on the Baca Location year-round. Most of
the land grant’s residents occupied it, usually from spring to
late fall, as seasonal employees.
Equally important, as many indigenous Southwestern
peoples became more dependent on corn and other cultigens
for their livelihood:
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. . . gathering became more seasonal and less of a factor
in the people’s diet. Today, except for piñon nuts, most
gathering for food by Pueblo Indians [and all other
traditional peoples of the northern Southwest] seems to be
done in conjunction with other activities—tending crops,
hunting for game, or management of livestock—rather than
of itself . . . (Dunmire and Tierney 1995:56).
Area Hispanic residents probably followed the Pueblo
model of plant gathering as primarily an adjunct activity
during their visits to the Baca Location. As noted previously,
the VCNP likely did not support the dense stands of piñon
trees needed to sustain intensive nut gathering activity during
the fall (Dr. Bob Parmeter, personal communication, VCNP,
Los Alamos, 2005). Even among late nineteenth-century
populations who still largely pursued hunting and gathering
as a way of life, such as the Navajo, Apache, and Ute peoples,
plant gathering in the Valles Caldera almost certainly was a
periodic, short-term activity undertaken in combination with
other transitory purposes.
One additional type of food gathering activity in the VCNP
is mentioned because it serves to underscore the tenuous
nature of the edible native plant resources in this high altitude forest habitat. Three tree species—Rocky Mountain
maple, limber pine, and ponderosa pine—found in the Baca
Location locality produce an edible inner bark, the cambium
(table 5.1). High in calories because of the concentration of
sugars contained in its ibrous mass, cambium was variously
consumed by traditional Native American and Hispanic populations at any time of the year during times of need (Dunmire
and Tierney 1995:100; Hudspeth 1997:29).
Writing of the ponderosa pine, whose bark can give the
sweet scent of vanilla (especially when the trees are not drought
stressed), Dunmire and Tierney (1995) add that people might
simply chew pieces of raw cambium to release its sugars. “The
cambium can be very bitter, so if used in quantity, it was probably processed by pounding or grinding and then leaching
with water” (Dunmire and Tierney 1995:100).
Trees harvested for their cambium on a large scale
yield telltale scars on their trunks. Rather than girdling
and killing a tree, people would cut through the outer bark
and pry off long, vertical planks of outer and inner bark.
On mature ponderosa pine trees, the residual scars, which
might date back more than a century, can extend from near
the base the tree’s trunk to heights of nearly 10 feet (3 m)
(Author’s personal observation, Río Grande Foundation for
Communities and Cultural Landscapes, Santa Fe, 1998).
Surviving features of this type, which are part of the
archaeological record because they represent a locus of
human activity, are important in reaching an understanding of
the land use history of the VCNP. They possess the potential
to help students of natural and cultural history—archaeologists, historians, and ecologists—understand some of the
circumstances that lead people to rely on so-called starvation foods in this setting. Through the adoption of a regional
perspective and a multidisciplinary approach that includes
climatological and dendrochronological information, investigators might be able to address an intriguing question:
53
Why did groups who visited the Baca Location over the past
several centuries harvest cambium? Widespread drought
stress is one possibility. The inherently low productivity of
edible native lora in the Valles Caldera might have required
groups visiting the locality to intensify their gathering if they
were forced to stay in the mountains for extended periods
due to times of open raiding and warfare. As noted in chapter
3, the Valles Caldera lies along major routes used by many
Native American communities and Spanish and U.S. military forces alike to travel between the Río Grande valley and
areas to the west and northwest.
Second, the large number of native plant species in the
VCNP with one or more directly documented or inferred
medicinal uses (n = 286 [81.7%]) simultaneously illustrates
and strengthens the importance of observations made previously by Dunmire and Tierney:
Some medicinal plants associated with Pueblo people grow
only at higher elevations. Not many of these are detailed…
[in published works such as theirs because most of these taxa
are not readily visible to the public]. But certain members
of the medicine societies that use these plants still make
regular forays to the mountains to collect them. Thus, many
Puebloans are concerned about having continued legal
access and rights to use these lands for medicinal herb
collection, even though they may technically be outside the
oficial boundaries of their Pueblo. These people also have a
legitimate interest in such lands, which typically are within
the national forests of New Mexico, not being developed for
heavy recreational or commodity uses that might diminish
the quality of habitat for their medicinal plants (Dunmire
and Tierney 1995:59).
As shown in the studies by Karen Cowan Ford (1975)
and Michael Moore (1977), traditional Hispanic communities similarly possess extensive native plant pharmacologies,
including numerous taxa found in the mountainous setting
of the VCNP (table 5.1). Consequently, the argument that
Dunmire and Tierney make for Pueblo concerns about their
ability to continue their traditional relationship with the native
medicinal plants within the former Baca Location applies
to Hispanic communities equally. The same unquestionably holds true for the people of the Navajo Nation whose
ethnopharmacology also is comparatively well studied (e.g.,
Dunmire and Tierney 1997; see also table 5.1). Although
medicinal plant uses among the Jicarilla Apache and Ute are
less well documented (table 5.1), it is reasonable to anticipate
that Dunmire and Tierney’s commentary would apply similarly to these communities.
The medicinal species identiied in table 5.1 are included
in the pharmacologies of one or more traditional associated
communities because the people have long understood that
certain plants by themselves, or particular combinations of
plants, possess healing properties. (The persistent interest
of today’s pharmaceutical companies in ethnopharmacology
indicates that the chemical basis of many indigenous cures
remains to be discovered and quantiied [after Dunmire and
Tierney 1995:58].) The power of healing, however, is not
54
merely a secular matter. It concurrently enters the realm of
ritual, a topic that is beyond the scope of this discussion.
Third, as documented in table 5.1, many of the medicinal
plants used by Native Americans and Hispanics are also food
plants. We can similarly expect that many of these medicinal
plants also have important, highly sensitive ritual applications. It is conceivable that other plant species, which occur in
the Valles Caldera but are not listed in table 5.1, might be used
in community rituals (after Dunmire and Tierney 1995:58).
It is important to emphasize that some medicinal plants
found in the Valles Caldera that ethnobotanists and other
anthropologists have observed being used by associated
communities in ceremonies such as private prayer, public
dance, and healing ritual, cannot be collected anywhere else
(Winter 1981:177). This does not mean that the occurrence
of some plants is unique to the Baca Location, however. The
geographical association of certain plants with the Valles
Caldera contributes to traditional cultural knowledge and
values, which specify the need for people to harvest particular
plant taxa only from this location (chapter 9).
Fourth, plants that are native to the VCNP and are used for
purposes other than food, beverage, or medicine illustrate the
breadth of the traditional occupation of this locality by associated communities. The species represented among the ive
residual categories (i.e., “Smoking or Chewing,” “Construction
or Fuel,” “Dyes, Pigments, Tanning, Soap, or Crafts,” “Fiber,
Cordage, Basketry or Matting,” and “Tools”) were necessary for sustaining diverse aspects of Native American and
Hispanic people’s lives. Although many of these uses are
virtually invisible except through ethnographic and ethnobotanical investigation—just as is the case with the harvesting
of edible tree bark—the active pruning of long-lived, woody
species for certain tools, craft items, such as bows, cradle
boards and pine resin, or even fuel wood can embody invaluable, although frequently often overlooked, archaeological
evidence (Dr. Richard I. Ford, personal communication,
Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann
Arbor, 1998; Louie Hena, personal communication, Pueblo of
Tesuque, 2001; Felipe Ortega, personal communication, Owl
Peak Bed and Breakfast, La Madera, NM, 1998). In the case
of trees, whether dead or still living, dendrochronology may
be used to determine the date when a piece of a trunk or limb
was harvested. Moreover, the act of pruning living lora rather
than unnecessarily killing an entire plant for certain desired
products attests to traditional land use practices than may
differ from those that have predominated in the locality over
the past century.
Robert Nesbit and Hiram R. Parker’s Hay
Cutting Enterprise Revisited
The large-scale commercial harvesting of native plant
products, other than trees for lumber and pulpwood, in the
Valles Caldera was limited to a brief episode in the midnineteenth century. Persistent spring drought conditions and
overgrazing had combined to deplete rangelands at lower
elevations close to Santa Fe at the beginning of the 1850s. The
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Army was becoming desperate for fodder to feed the horses
and mules on which the Fort Marcy garrison depended. The
Army looked toward the well-watered valleys of the Jémez
Mountains for hay. The Army’s resolution to improve the
road between Santa Fe and the Valles Caldera, a distance of
40 miles (64 km), to facilitate the transport of hay harvested
in the Jémez Mountains back to Santa Fe partly attests to the
great need that the garrison faced. This road crossed the Río
Grande at present-day Buckman, ascended the Pajarito Plateau
via Mortandad Canyon, and traversed the Sierra de los Valles
through Cañon de Valle. The 1851 contract award by Fort
Marcy Quartermaster Alexander W. Reynolds to a civilian
company headed by Robert Nesbit and Hiram R. Parker to cut
and haul Jémez Mountains hay to Santa Fe at the premium rate
of $50.00 per ton also seems to attest to the severity of the hay
supply shortage (Frazer 1983:50). Quartermaster Reynolds,
however, had a history of making shady deals with Robert
Nesbit that ensured the two men were among the wealthiest
residents in the whole Territory of New Mexico (Jordan et al.
2000:465–468, 470, 494).
Nesbit and Parker expected a substantial proit. They
bought a train of mule wagons from Pinckney Tully in Santa
Fe. The partners apparently had hoped that they would ind
good hay in the lower elevation valleys closer to Santa Fe
(McNitt 1972:184). Not only would their cartage costs be
reduced (assuring them of an even larger proit), the hay crew
would be less exposed to the threat of Navajo raiders who
were moving through the Jémez Mountains upland valleys.
They found that prevailing drought conditions had stunted
and browned the grasses in the lower valleys. Nesbit and
Parker had to lead their crew higher into the Jémez Mountains
(McNitt 1972:184). The Valle Grande, which they referred to
as the “Grande Bioh” in a letter dated July 6, 1851, to Colonel
Munroe, Commander, 9th Military Detachment, U.S. Army
(Church n.d.), was “an emerald swatch surrounded by tall
timber” (McNitt 1972:184).
Nesbit and Parker built a stout hay camp near several
springs at the head of the East Fork of the Río Jémez. They
built a blockhouse of “bottom wood logs” and an attached
corral measuring 30 by 50 feet (9.1 by 15.2 m) constructed “of
large, green cottonwood logs” (letter from Lieutenant Beverly
H. Robertson to 1st Lieutenant L. McLaws, dated July 17,
1851, in Church n.d.) that were stacked a height of 4 or 5 feet
(1.2 or 1.5 m) (McNitt 1972:184).
Historical documents call Nesbit and Parker’s hay camp
“Old Fort.” The camp apparently became “the site of Camp
Valles Grandes, established by the U.S. Army as a deterrent
to Navajo and Apache movement through the area during the
inal Navajo Wars of 1863” (Scurlock 1981:137; see also
chapter 3). Nonetheless, Nesbit and Parker neither situated
nor built their encampment for effective defense. It occupied
a gently sloping hill within 50 yards (46 m) of a stand of trees.
Nesbit and Parker also failed to provide loopholes for iring
guns. The only opening in the blockhouse that faced the corral
was too high to allow the hay men to protect their horses and
mules.
The afternoon of July 2, 1851, saw the haying operation
caught by a soaking rainstorm. Although the heavy rain gave
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way to a steady drizzle at nightfall, the continuing inclement
conditions reduced visibility to a minimum, with the two men
posted on guard unable to see 20 paces into the night (letter
from Robert Nesbit and Hiram R. Parker to Colonel Munroe
[Commander, 9th Military Detachment, U.S. Army], dated
July 6, 1851, in Church n.d.).
At about 1:00 AM on the morning of July 2, the man
guarding the corral was struck in the neck by an arrow. The
wounded guardsmen ired his rile almost simultaneously,
with his shot waking the other members of the hay party who
were asleep in the cabin. Nesbit and Parker’s team found
themselves under attack by Navajo raiders (letter from Robert
Nesbit and Hiram R. Parker to Colonel Munroe [Commander,
9th Military Detachment, U.S. Army], dated July 6, 1851, in
Church n.d.).
According to Nesbit and Parker, 250 to 300 warriors
besieged their camp for two hours. During this time the hay
team engaged the raiders in:
. . . a continued ight…on three sides of the house, while
another portion of the Indians were endeavoring to pull
down the corral to get the animals out, which they succeeded
in doing after three o’clock—when they drove off all the
animals, consisting of over one hundred in all (letter from
Robert Nesbit and Hiram R. Parker to Colonel Munroe,
Commander, 9th Military Detachment, U.S. Army, dated July
6, 1851, in Church n.d.).
Colonel Munroe repeatedly asked Nesbit and Parker to
make afidavits supporting their claims of losses (in McNitt
1972:185n4). He believed that the partners were planning to
petition Congress for compensation, given their claim that their
losses were so great that their business faced ruin. Colonel
Munroe even warned the Commissioner of Indian Affairs
in Washington against paying “greatly exaggerated” claims
based on the “weakest proof” (Jordan et al. 2000:470–471).
Nesbit and Parker never submitted the afidavits that
Colonel Munroe required (Jordan et al. 2000:471; McNitt
1972:185n4). The documentary record supports Colonel
Munroe’s conclusion that the two had greatly inlated their
claimed losses.
Colonel Munroe sent Lieutenant Beverly H. Robertson
from the Abiquiú Army Post to investigate the attack and to
document Nesbit and Parker’s claimed losses. As Robertson’s
patrol of dragoons entered the Valle Grande, they spied
a group of 11 Jémez Pueblo men herding cattle on the
opposite side of the valley (Martin 2003:19; McNitt
1972:184). Thinking that the herdsmen were Navajos,
Robertson ordered his troops to ire their weapons.
The Native Americans immediately rushed on horseback
across the valley toward the soldiers, frantically making
signs of friendship. Robertson recognized the riders as being
from Jémez Pueblo and ceased ire before anyone was hurt
(Martin 2003:19).
Talking with the Jémez afterward, Robertson learned that
they had been herding their cattle near the fort during the
55
night of the attack (McNitt 1972:184). The Jémez stealthily
followed the raiders, who numbered perhaps 30 or 40 warriors,
as they led with about 50 of Nesbit and Parker’s animals. The
Jémez hid until the raiders started down a steep hill. While
the Navajos were exposed, the Jémez herdsmen attacked,
killing two of the raiders and capturing ive mules (McNitt
1972:185).
Following Colonel Munroe’s orders, Robertson pursued
his investigation. He persuaded one of the Jémez herdsmen to
accompany his dragoons to Nesbit and Parker’s hay camp.
Robertson described the log house and corral. He examined
the spot where the raiders had torn down the corral walls to
steal the mules and horses. He saw the 40 to 50 arrows that the
attackers had ired at the log blockhouse’s doorway to prevent
the hay men from breaking out. He also noted that there were
no rile loopholes in the blockhouse’s walls, and the very high
single opening in the wall on the structure’s corral side that
prevented the men inside from iring at the raiders as they
pulled down the stacked log enclosure and drove off the livestock (McNitt 1972:185).
Robertson questioned the wounded guard, who said he
wasn’t sure, but that there were probably only a few more
than 40 attackers, not the 250 to 300 warriors that Nesbit
and Parker had claimed. Worse still, Nesbit and Parker’s hay
cutters testiied that the raiders made off with only 43 mules
and 6 horses, not 100 animals (McNitt 1972:185). In addition, besides the shot that the guard had ired to sound the
alarm, Robertson learned that Parker ired his revolver only
twice because the opening was too high for the defenders
to see their targets. One of Parker’s shots hit the topmost
log on the opposite side of the corral; the other went even
higher, into the trees beyond the corral. Robertson concluded
that none of the other hay cutters ired their riles (McNitt
1972:185).
Hunting
Hunting in the Valles Caldera has undoubtedly been an
important activity for millennia, even though faunal remains
were not recovered at pre-Columbian archaeological sites
excavated in the Redondo Creek Valley during the Baca
Geothermal Anthropological Project (Winter 1981:178).
Broken dart and arrow points, other hunting tools, and a
pattern of preferred site locations downwind from elk calving
areas all suggest that the absence of animal bones at the excavated archaeological sites most likely is a product of poor
conditions for bone preservation rather than an absence of
hunting. In addition, the oral traditions of the region’s Native
American communities provide invaluable glimpses into the
importance that game animals and the Valles Caldera have
had since the beginning of human history in the northern
Southwest (chapter 9).
Documentary history leaves no question about the value
of the Valles Caldera’s game animals to Indian, Hispanic, and
Anglo-American groups since the time of irst contact. Since
the arrival of Spanish colonists at the end of the sixteenth
century, the many communities that have been associated
56
with the Baca Location hunted elk, deer, bear, mountain lion,
bobcat, mountain sheep, rabbit, beaver, and squirrel.
Oral histories of the people of Jémez Pueblo say that mule
deer, white tail deer, and elk once were numerous (Weslowski
1981:108). As reported by historian Lansing B. Bloom (1946
[1922]:121), the Jémez held “community rabbit drives in the
valley, and in the sierras they hunt the deer and bear, the wolf
and fox, the gallina de tierra and the eagle of the sky” through
the early decades of the twentieth century.
The Valles Caldera’s lush meadows and forested mountain
slopes also provided habitats favorable to a variety of birds.
The principal game bird species favored by Native American,
Hispanic, and Anglo-American hunters alike included turkey
and grouse. Jémez Pueblo, and presumably other Native
American communities, also hunted hawks, robins, and
magpies for ritual purposes (Weslowski 1981:111; see also
Tyler 1979). Moreover, ethnographic information documents
that Jémez Pueblo designated lands around Redondo Peak as
one of the places where the community captured eagles alive
for community ceremonies (Weslowski 1981:111).
Again drawing from Jémez Pueblo ethnographic accounts,
Native Americans traditionally relied upon bows and arrows,
slings, bolas, traps, and snares in their hunts (Weslowski
1981:111). Before guns were available, the bow and arrow
was the preferred weapon for hunting turkeys, rabbits, larger
game animals, and many predators in wooded habitats. The
Jémez reportedly also used the sling, which was thrown with
a stone projectile encased in the weapon’s pocket, to kill
turkeys, bobcats, and even young cougars in open settings
(Weslowski 1981:111).
As I note in my earlier discussion of plant uses, Jémez
Pueblo (and presumably other Native American) hunters
traditionally built temporary shelters of tree boughs and rocks
for shelter while seeking game in the Valles Caldera. The
Jémez occasionally built substantial log cabins as well, in
which to observe the requisite rites that accompanied certain
hunts (Weslowski 1981:111; see also Martin 2003:66).
Other physical remains of Jémez hunting activity include
eagle pit-snares (covered by brush) and hunting shrines.
Archaeologically documented examples of seemingly analogous features occur at LA904705.1, which is about 8 miles
(12.8 km) north of the Baca Location’s northeast corner. The
site’s 14 features occur along a .3-mile-long (500-m) eastfacing mesa edge.
[They] typically consist of rectangular pits, about 1.5 m [4.9
ft] long, 0.5 m [1.6 ft] wide, and as deep as 2 m [6.6 ft],
excavated into solid tuff bedrock. Traces of suspected foot
paths worn into the bedrock appear to connect some of the
pits. Virtually no artifacts or other cultural manifestations
were discovered. Capture of large animals such as deer, elk,
or especially mountain sheep is seen as the probable function
of the site with the pits serving as traps. Use of some of the
features as eagle traps is also considered (Evaskovich et al.
1997a:597–598).
The broad, grass-covered valleys and the numerous
clear streams of the Valles Caldera were probably irst used
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by Hispanic settlers for hunting and ishing by about 1800,
when the expansion of sheep herding and cattle ranching
in the territory drove a search for new pasturage (Scurlock
1981:134–135, citing Smith 1979; see also chapter 6).
Although Anglo-American and French trappers began
operating in New Mexico as early as 1805, commercial fur
trading between the territory and the United States was limited
until Mexico achieved its independence from Spain with the
signing of the Treaty of Cordova in 1821. The opening of the
Santa Fe Trail the following year connected the relatively
isolated New Mexican territory with U.S. markets and their
insatiable demand for fur (Scurlock 1981:135).
Mexican law usually prohibited foreigners from trapping
fur-bearing animals. The Nuevo Mexico colony, however,
allowed nonresidents to obtain trading permits in Santa Fe
that allowed them to trap for fur. Between 1821 and 1823,
approximately 100 trappers, most of whom were either
English or French, were operating along the Río Grande
Valley (Hill 1923:4; Yount 1965:ix). Other English and
French trappers, including George Yount and James O. Pattie,
operated illegally in more remote areas of the colony. Their
trapping territory apparently encompassed the Valles Caldera
(Scurlock 1981:135).
Although documentary records do not directly attest to
foreign trappers working the prime beaver country of the
Valles Caldera, Historian Dan Scurlock bases his inference
that Anglo-Americans were working the locality for furs
shortly after New Mexico’s independence from Spain on two
incidents:
One party of trappers headed by George Yount cached their
beaver pelts on the banks of the Jémez River somewhere
near the ruins of Gíusewa Pueblo and San José Church in
the summer of 1828 to avoid coniscation by government
oficials. Later they retrieved the furs and smuggled them
into Taos. Santa Fé merchant Thomas H. Boggs and Ramon
Vigil were less fortunate, for in the spring of the same year
25 beaver pelts which they had bought from trapper James
O. Pattie were coniscated by the alcalde of Jémez Pueblo
(Scurlock 1981:135, citing Weber 1971:140, 167 and Yount
1965:63).
Troubles caused by foreign trappers were not limited to the
Valles Caldera; they were widespread throughout the territory.
As noted in chapter 3, Luis María Cabeza de Baca, the original
grantee of the Baca Land Grant, died in 1827 after being shot
by a soldier who was trying to coniscate contraband furs that
Baca was holding. According to documentary records, Baca
had hidden these illegal pelts for American trapper Ewing
Young at his house along the Gallinas River near the present-day town of Las Vegas (Cleland 1950:219).
By the beginning of the twentieth century, riles became
the preferred weapon for hunting among all of New Mexico’s
communities (Van Ness 1991). Up to this time, most of the
region’s Native American and Hispanic populations relied on
the bow and arrow, including projectiles that were tipped with
stone or metal points.
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Subsistence hunting remained important throughout the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Residents from the
nearby Chama Valley relate that even though local Hispanic
communities were running large numbers of cattle, the people
did not eat beef. Cattle were for sale in the region’s emerging
market economy:
Men would hunt deer, before the time of licenses, when
they wanted meat for jerky (Informant G, personal
communication 1991, in Carrillo et al. 1997:135).
We grew up eating carne del venado (i.e., venison)…In those
days we hardly ever ate any beef, although we raised a lot.
The beef was sold at auction, and the money used for paying
bills and buying other food we could not raise (Informant H,
personal communication 1991, in Carrillo et al. 1997:135).
The large number of newly arrived Anglo-American
settlers, who joined the area’s established Native American
and Hispanic residents, increased subsistence hunting. For
example, Dick Cotton, a New Mexico Timber Company
employee who arrived at Camp Redondo in 1937 from
Missouri, built a cabin (whose remains are designated site
BG-19) for his residence on the outskirts of the settlement
(Scurlock 1981:148, citing Darnell 1979 and Smith 1979).
Following Camp Redondo’s closure in 1939 (chapter 7),
Cotton supported himself by hunting, trapping and poaching
(Winter 1981:179).
Even though many area residents, such as Dick Cotton,
depended on hunting for subsistence, Anglo-American sports
enthusiasts who prized hunting primarily as a recreational
outlet soon embraced the introduction of eficient new weaponry to the consumer market. Together, increased levels of
subsistence and sport hunting quickly led to the decimation
of native game animal and bird populations. Mule deer and
wild turkey were drastically reduced by the late 1800s and
early 1900s. The popularity of elk hunting was so great that
this species was eradicated across the State of New Mexico
by 1910.
At the same time, a change in management policies
adversely affected several other native and introduced animal
populations that had become a traditional part of the Valles
Caldera’s ecology. As recalled by Homer Pickens (1979,
in Scurlock 1981:148), a long-time trapper and wildlife
specialist, ranchers and federal agents placed poisoned grain
at Gunnison prairie dog towns on the Baca Location in the
1920s to rid pastures of these pests. Ranchers and government
oficials also regarded feral burros and horses as nusisances
because they competed with cattle and sheep for pasturage.
In a concerted effort to rid the Jémez Mountains of such
unnecessary competition to the livestock industry, U.S. Forest
Service personnel rounded up 1,500 burros and horses from
the greater Jémez district area, including the Baca Location
(Tucker and Fitzpatrick 1972:81).
With the depletion of elk, mule deer, turkey, horse, and
prairie dog populations in the Jémez Mountains, gray wolves,
mountain lions, and coyotes killed increasing numbers of sheep
57
and cattle around the Valles Caldera (Winter 1981:178). In
1916 the United States Forest Service initiated a new predator
control program (Scurlock 1981:144). The U.S. Biological
Service (now known as the Fish and Wildlife Service) sent
trappers into the Jémez Mountains, including the Valles
Caldera, to exterminate gray wolves and mountain lions. John
Davenport, who once served as one of Frank Bond’s Baca
Location ranch managers, killed the last New Mexican gray
wolf in the Valle Grande in 1932 (Pickens 1979, in Scurlock
1981:148).
In 1947, the New Mexico Department of Game and Fish
worked to reintroduce elk by releasing 47 head imported
from the Yellowstone, Wyoming, area into the Río de las
Vacas Valley west of the Baca Location (Martin 2003:104,
citing Allen 1997). Although the Jémez Mountains grasslands
provided favorable habitat, the introduced elk herd increased
at a slow rate, with the population reaching only an estimated 200 animals in 1961. The New Mexico Department
of Game and Fish introduced another 58 elk from Jackson
Hole, Wyoming, between 1964 and 1965. These populations
continued their slow increase in the Valles Caldera over the
next decade (Martin 2003:104, citing Allen 1997). Dramatic
ecological change that had both an immediate and great impact
on local elk demography occurred in 1977:
In June of that year, the 25,000-acre [10,000-ha] La Mesa
ire burned in the ponderosa pine forests on the Pajarito
Plateau at Bandelier National Monument. The ire converted
the forest into grassland and opened up considerable winter
habitat for the Jémez elk population. With favorable climatic
conditions, the elk herd expanded to about 7,000 in 1989. In
2001 it was estimated that between 4,000 and 6,000 elk used
the Baca Ranch for summer range (Martin 2003:104, citing
Allen 1997).
The Baca Location’s last private owners, Frank Bond,
Franklin Bond, and James Patrick Dunigan, all were hunters.
They hunted for sport and promoted sport hunting.
Despite his hard-nosed attitude toward business, Frank
Bond found pleasure in owning the Baca Location beyond
its proitability. Bond loved to ish, and from 1917 until he no
longer was able to make the journey, he spent two weeks a
year in the central Jémez Mountains, trying his luck on the
streams (Martin 2003:65).
Frank Bond was also generous in granting permission to
the students of the Los Alamos Ranch School to ish, hunt, and
camp on the property through the 1930s (Martin 2003:66).
Ted Mather, who had worked for Frank Bond during the
rancher’s irst year of leasing the property, was the head
wrangler at the school and had an intimate knowledge of
the Baca Location. Many of the boys, who mostly hailed
from eastern cities, caught their irst trout in the East Fork
of the Jémez in the Valle Grande. Each year the school ran a
summer camp that included a three-week trail ride through
the Jémez. The route generally started at Camp May in
58
the Sierra de los Valles above the school and descended a
steep trail into the Valle de los Posos. A camp also was set
up along the Rito de los Indios, and the route to the San
Pedro Parks passed through the Valle San Antonio (Martin
2003:66–67).
As noted previously, Frank Bond also allowed members
of the various nearby Pueblos limited access to the ranchland
for plant gathering, hunting, and ceremonial purposes even
though he had rescinded their grazing privileges shortly after
buying the property (after Martin 2003:66; see also chapter
6). This permission, however, apparently ended in the 1940s
about the time of Bond’s death.
It is uncertain if Frank Bond or his son, Franklin, ever
formally extended recreational hunting and ishing rights
during their lifetimes to the employees of New Mexico Lumber
and Timber Company (later New Mexico Timber, Inc.), which
began commercial logging operations on the Baca Location
in 1935 (chapter 7). It is clear, however, that the Bond Estate
at least tolerated the loggers’ hunting and ishing during the
early 1960s. James Patrick Dunigan bought the Baca Location
from the Bond Estate in 1963 (chapter 4). When he iled suit
against T. P. Gallagher, Jr., over the question of the land grant’s
timber rights, he forbade Gallagher’s employees from ishing
and hunting on the property (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc.
1967; see also chapter 7).
By the late 1970s, Dunigan’s 1972 decision to decrease his
cattle operations to promote the growth of the reintroduced
Jémez Mountain elk herd, which he recognized was an important part of the ranch’s ecology, began to realize fruition (see
Martin 2003:104). Helped further by the La Mesa ire within
the nearby Bandelier National Monument in 1977, the rapidly
expanding Jémez Mountain elk herd provided Dunigan with
a new business opportunity: guided elk hunts on the Baca
Location.
By the late 1970s, a private operator, North Country
Outitters Company, had leased the hunting rights for the
whole Baca Location. Under the terms of the lease, Dunigan
issued 40 bull permits each hunting season, which was held
in October during the fall rut, at a cost of $4,000.00 per
permit (Winter 1981:178). By 1998, the elk herd had grown
to such an extent that the Baca Land and Cattle Company
issued 265 hunting permits, with the fee for a trophy bull
selling for $10,000 (Martin 2003:105). In addition to the
hunting permit fees, the Baca Land and Cattle Company
received income for use of the Dunigan Casa de Baca as a
hunting lodge.
Fishing
In comparison to most other southwestern Indians, the
Pueblos of north-central New Mexico did not have broad
proscriptions against catching and eating ish. Information
concerning the Pueblos’ dietary reliance on ish and their
ishing practices is rare and incomplete, however.
Despite the paucity of published reports, the available
evidence indicates that the proximity and productivity of large
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streams traditionally were the primary factors determining the
Pueblos’ use of ish. For example, the Keres of Cochiti Pueblo
(Bandelier 1892:149; Lange 1959:140–141, 147–148) and
the Tewa from Santa Clara Pueblo (Hill 1982:59–61) were
known to have organized communal ish seining operations
along the Río Grande near their homes during the late nineteenth century. Given the river’s productivity and the fact
that the use of seining nets possesses the potential to harvest
large quantities of ish, catches could be shared among the
residents of the ishermen’s villages. Hill (1982) reports that
participants in the Santa Clara seining operations commonly
took home between 5 and 20 ish to share with their families.
Lange (1959) notes that the Cochiti ishermen probably similarly distributed the fruits of their work among their kin.
By the middle of the twentieth century, the communal
ishing of the Río Grande and the broad sharing of catches
had become a thing of the past. Lange (1959) tells that individuals and small groups of family members used bated
hook-and-lines, small nets, hayforks, and hands to catch ish.
Ford (1992:175) observed that by the time of his study in
the 1960s, ish consumption among the San Juan Tewa was
limited to harvests resulting from the use of private weirs
along the Río Grande mainstem and the gathering of ish found
stranded in the bottoms of canals after irrigating their ields.
Moreover, given the typically small sizes of these catches, not
all members of the Pueblo ate ish (Ford 1992). Men were the
primary consumers. Children, who were likely to accompany
the men while they worked their ields or checked their weirs,
had greater access to ish than women, whose duties required
them to be elsewhere.
The above patterns suggest that in the absence of opportunities for large and reliable harvests using nets in big
watercourses, the Pueblos’ consumption of ish was limited
to the proceeds of small, and often opportunistic, catches. It
is likely, therefore, that Pueblo ishing in the Valles Caldera
usually was restricted to comparatively brief and informal
episodes when individuals or small groups visited the locality
for some other purpose. In addition, it is probable that these
catches were consumed immediately as part of the group’s
foraging activity to sustain itself while traveling away from
home, rather than a component of a major economic activity
for the beneit of the community as a whole.
Before leaving the subject of ishing, a story that Clayto
Tafoya, a Santa Clara elder, shared with Richard I. Ford
when he was completing his doctoral studies in anthropology in the 1960s is worth retelling. Tafoya talked about
how a small number of Santa Clara men would periodically
ish the Valles Caldera’s marshes (the caldera bottomlands
were swampier back then and had larger standing ponds) and
streams for trout as part of private entrepreneurial enterprise
(Dr. Richard I. Ford, personal communication, Museum of
Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 2006).
Riding into the Valles Caldera at night, they would use basket
traps to catch trout, which they would then carry to Santa Fe
via horseback for sale. Given Tafoya’s age, the context of his
remarks, and the time of their conversation, Ford (personal
communication, Museum of Anthropology, University of
Michigan, Ann Arbor, 2006) estimates that this resourceful
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and industrious business activity took place between the late
1800s and 1940.
Mineral Collection
Weslowski (1981:114) reports that the people of Jémez
Pueblo gather manganese and iron ore, both of which are
rare, from locations in the Valles Caldera for use as pigment
in painting pottery. One of her informants added that clay
might also be collected (Weslowski 1981:114–115). While
this informant claimed that pottery clay was usually found
closer to the villages, Parsons (1996 [1939]:352; see also
Ferguson and Hart 1985:127) observes that the Pueblos
sometimes use clay and mud collected from springs as ritual
body paint. As I note in my earlier discussion of the importance of plants and algae gathered from the same springs, the
signiicance of these resources derives from their association with spring water, which the Pueblos consider powerful
medicine (Ellis 1956:56–57; Parsons 1996 [1939]:352, 416,
453–454; see also chapter 9). In fact, the Jémez, like the other
Pueblos, gather spring water for use in puriication rites and
other solemn rituals (Weslowski 1981:115).
Other Pueblo similarly visited the Valles Caldera for decorative pottery clay and pigment. For example, Carl E. Guthe
(1925; see also Friedlander and Pinyan 1980) notes that the
San Ildefonso residents made trips to the Baca Location for
orange-red slip and black ware paint for iring their ceramics.
He identiies the location, procurement, and use of these
resources:
Orange Red Slip
This substance is a yellow clayey earth, in texture somewhat
like the two white slips. It occurs in the “Valle” to the west,
beyond the irst Jémez range, near Ojo Caliente. It was dug
with a stick…and is carried home in shawls and bags. Before
being stored it is put out into the sun to dry thoroughly, then
placed in ollas and kept until needed. Like the other slips, it
is prepared for use by being mixed with water. A saturated
solution is made, but the consistency remains that of water.
This material, which in solution is a brilliant yellow, is
used for two purposes—as a slip to color the bases of bowls
and ollas, and as a paint to supply the red elements of
polychrome designs. After being ired it assumes an orangered or burnt-sienna color…
Black Ware Paint
This is a paint used for making matte designs on polished
black ware, a new departure in decorative technique irst
used by Maria and Julian Martinez of San Ildefonso, in June,
1921. The substance is a hard yellow stone, said to occur in
the “Valle,” west of the Jémez range, near Ojo Caliente, in
the same district as the orange-red paint.
The irst step in preparing the paint for use is to scrape
the stone with a knife. The resulting powder is mixed with
59
water, and there is then added about one-fourth as much
dissolved “guaco” [powdered roots of the Rocky Mountain
Beeplant {Cleome serpulata}]…as there is paint. It is said
that the purpose of the guaco is to make the paint “stick”
to the polished surface. This paint, when ready for use, is
kept in a small earthenware or china dish. The consistency
of the mixture, like the other paints, is that of water (Guthe
1925:24–25).
The Pueblos, the Navajo, and other Native American groups
traditionally harvested obsidian for ceremonies, including its
use as a prayer offering (Ellis 1956:56–57; Van Valkenburgh
and Begay 1938:30; see also Harrington 1916). Weslowski
(1981:115) states that the Jémez continue to collect obsidian
from the Redondo Creek Valley. She speculates further that they
might also harvest the higher-quality volcanic glass present in
the neighboring Valle Grande (Weslowski 1981:126n20). The
Tewa collect obsidian from the slope of Tsikumu (Obsidian
Covered Mountain [a.k.a. Cerro Chicoma]) at the northeast
corner of the Baca Location Land Grant, among other places
(Harrington 1916).
Acklen and others (1997:301) refer to regional archaeological evidence that demonstrates the great importance of Jémez
Mountains obsidian for tool use among the Navajo throughout
the early Historic period. Because ine-grained obsidian
source information is unavailable, the question whether
Valles Caldera obsidian is represented in these archaeological samples cannot be answered. Archaeological surveys
in the Chama district similarly report inding rich evidence
of Jémez Mountains obsidian use among Historic period
sites with Navajo, Apache, and/or Ute cultural components
(e.g., Anschuetz 1993, 1995, 2000; Schaafsma 1975, 1976,
1979). Of particular relevance to the management of cultural
resources in the VCNP, Anschuetz (1993, 1995, 2000) reports
that among the rich assemblage of Jicarilla Apache sites in the
nearby Río del Oso Valley, Jémez Mountains obsidian is the
predominant raw material used in the manufacture of chipped
stone lithic tools. He notes that the lithic reduction technologies are identical to those used by Archaic period (ca. 5500
b.c.–a.d. 600) hunters and gatherers (chapter 2).
The Jémez quarry lagstone slabs, which they use to make
piki griddles, in the Valles Caldera (Weslowski 1981:115).
Piki, the Pueblos’ renown paper-thin bread made of inely
ground corn meal, embodies essential cultural tradition. Piki
griddles and the baking of this bread alike are rich in symbolic
meaning (e.g., Anschuetz 1992). Consequently, inished piki
stones and their quarries are signiicant traditional cultural
properties that the Jémez treat with considered reverence.
Certain pebbles found along watercourses that originate on
Redondo Peak (an extremely important summit [chapter 9]
for many Pueblo and Navajo communities) and other peaks in
the Jémez Mountains were collected for ritual use. According
to White (1962:232), the Zía and other Pueblos placed four
waterworn pebbles collected from sacred mountains on each
of the four sides of a medicine bowl, which, in turn, is placed
on sand and corn meal paintings used in summer rain ritual.
This act is highly meaningful because the medicine bowl is a
representation of the Pueblos’ respective worlds. The terraces
60
formed on the bowls rim and these special stones, which were
worn smooth by the water that lowed off these peaks, denote
the mountains of cardinal direction and their essential relationship to rain and snow (chapter 9). Although White does
not say so, it is probable that within this highly patterned
system of signiicant cultural meaning and associations,
at least some of the Pueblos, especially Jémez and Zía, use
stones gathered from Redondo Peak to symbolize one of their
mountains of cardinal direction during the celebration of these
rites. Similarly, Richard F. Van Valkenburgh (1940:9; Van
Valkenburgh and Begay 1938:30) describes the ritual use
of various stones by the Navajo (besides obsidian) as prayer
offerings when visiting mountaintop shrines, such as those that
occur within the Valles Grande (see chapter 9). Just as White,
Van Valkenburgh does not mention Redondo Peak, but given
that some Navajo communities historically considered this
summit their Mountain of the East (chapter 9), it is a certainty
that some Navajo groups collected pebbles from Redondo Peak
and other Valles Caldera area summits in their rites.
People from the Pueblo of Zuni are known to have visited
two locations, He:mushina Yala:we and K’ya:k’yałna’
K’ya:kwayinna, at the southwest margin of the Valles Caldera
(Ferguson and Hart 1985:127). The Zuni collected white
powder medicine, hunted, and obtained materials used in kiva
initiations, as well as gathered medicinal herbs, at He:mushina
Yala:we. The Zuni traditionally collected mud and silt at
K’ya:k’yałna’ K’ya:kwayinna.
The use of obsidian in the Historic period for profane and
sacred activities was not limited to Native Americans. One
of the informants with whom Carrillo and others (1997)
consulted about the proposed construction of the OLE power
line revealed that Hispanic residents used bow and arrows,
including projectiles tipped with obsidian points, until the
time that irearms became broadly available at the turn of the
twentieth century:
I remember hearing stories of people hunting with bows and
arrows. There were badgers in those days. The tips of the
arrows were made from metal. I remember also seeing some
made from obsidian (Informant F, personal communication
1991, in Carrillo et al. 1997:135).
Hermanos (members of the Penitente Brotherhood) living
near Abiquiú also collected obsidian for use in Pentiente
ritual:
Most of the obsidian for the Hermanos came from the
Polvadera area, because the obsidian from around Abiquiu
was not the glass type, the clear type. It was cloudy and
pitted. I remember that they would bring in some obsidian,
although I was not there to see them gather it…I haven’t
been to the area of Mesa Pedregosa [which is just 1.5 miles
{2.4 km} north of the Baca Location Land Grant]…but I
have heard the people say that there is a place up there that
you cannot even walk because there is so much obsidian, on
the Mesa Pedregosa (Informant B, personal communication
1991, in Carrillo et al. 1997:137).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Agriculture
As recounted in chapter 2, Jémez farmers planted on the
Banco Bonito during the Classic period (ca. a.d. 1350–1600)
(after Martin 2003:13). There is no further mention of farming
in the Valles Caldera until the late nineteenth century. Two
citations are of interest because they discuss why the production of commercial agricultural crops was climatically and/or
economically not feasible.
First, reporting their survey of the Baca Location in
June1876, U.S. Deputy Surveyors Daniel Sawyer and William
H. McBroom stated that while the soils in the Valles Caldera
area were rich, the locale’s high elevation brought temperatures “too cold to raise any kind of grain or vegetables”
(Sawyer and McBroom 1876: 14–15). As a result, no settlers
were living upon the Baca Location at this time.
Second, Adolph F. Bandelier similarly noted during his
explorations in New Mexico in the 1880s that the Valles
Caldera offered little inducement for agriculture, “for although
the soil is fertile, ingress and egress are so dificult that even
potatoes, which grow there with remarkable facility, cannot be
cultivated proitably” (1892:200).
Final mention of farming in the Baca Location dates
to about 1917. This account, retold by Martin (2003:52),
builds on Bandelier’s preceding remark that area residents
were highly successful in growing root crops for their own
consumption in this high altitude environment. According to
Martin (2003:52; see also chapter 4), James Leese iled entry
for George White’s 1912 homestead claim in the Valle de los
Posos in 1915. Leese continued to work elsewhere but made
frequent trips to see his wife and three children who occupied
the homestead over the next two summers.
Little was done to improve the land as required by the
Homestead Act. The family continued to plant potatoes
on three or four acres [1.2–1.6 ha] but did no additional
clearing nor did they attempt to irrigate their ield, which
were required improvements for those seeking to patent a
homestead. However, their farming was successful enough
for them to grow 15,000 pounds [6,804 kg] of potatoes in the
summer of 1917! (Martin 2003:52).
It is worth noting that documentary evidence of agricultural
land use in the Valles Caldera—just as discussed for traditional
subsistence or vernacular plant gathering, game hunting, and
mineral collecting activities—might be incomplete. While
I doubt that agricultural practice ever was intensive outside
the Banco Bonito, archaeological investigations along the
proposed OLE power line documented the existence of two
small eighteenth-century farm sites, LA66859 (Acklen et al.
1997:298–299; Evaskovich et al. 1997b:357–373; Holloway
et al. 1997:97–98, 104, 107) and LA66869/LA66870 (Acklen
et al. 1997:299–302; Evaskovich et al. 1997a:537–597;
Holloway et al. 1997:99–101, 104, 107). It is signiicant that
the agricultural functions of these sites were not suspected
based on survey documentation alone; their identiication as
seasonal farming settlements was made following excavation
and analysis of botanical samples.
LA66859, which is at an elevation of 7,660 feet (2,426 m)
in an open meadow that enjoys southern exposure and receives
runoff, has a poorly preserved ieldhouse, pottery that dates
between 1700 and 1760, relatively high maize pollen concentrations, and sheep bone. Although faunal analysts could not
determine if the sheep bone represents native bighorn or domesticated species, its presence indicates that the site’s occupants
either hunted or ran sheep during their stay. Based on the site’s
dates and artifact assemblages, the excavators suggest that
Tewa likely occupied this seasonal farm site (Acklen et al.
1997:298–299; Evaskovich et al. 1997b:357–373; Holloway
et al. 1997:97–98, 104, 107). 5.1
LA66869/LA66870, at a slightly higher elevation of 7,860
feet (2,396 m), yielded the severely eroded remnants of several
temporary dwellings, ash pile deposits that date between
roughly 1760 and 1800, and comparatively high corn pollen
concentrations. Given the artifact assemblage recovered and
settlement trends in the local area, this site’s inhabitants were
probably Hispanic (Acklen et al. 1997:299–302; Evaskovich
et al. 1997a:537–597; Holloway et al. 1997:99–101, 104,
107).
The signiicance of these sites is that the eighteenth century
was characterized by repeated severe but short-term drought
cycles (Dean et al. 1985:ig. 1). During a similar climatic
regime, which lasted from about the mid-A.D. 1300s to the
mid-A.D. 1500s, Pueblo populations throughout much of the
northern Río Grande region occupied and farmed higher-elevation settings, including the Banco Bonito (e.g., see Anschuetz
1998b:9–22, 216–242; Anschuetz et al. 1997). Therefore, it is
possible that a record of subtle archaeological traces related to
the occupation of the Valles Caldera for comparatively smallscale, seasonal farming by various Native American and
Hispanic groups remains to be recognized.
5.1
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
See Endnote 1.1 for explanation of the “LA” number
designation.
61
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68
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Table 5.1. VCNP ethnobotanical inventory.
VCNP Species
a
Common Name
Exact
Species
Match?b
Abies concolor
White fir
Yes
Acer glabrum
Rocky Mountain
maple
Yes
Achillea millefolium
Western yarrow,
common yarrow
No
Agoseris aurantiaca
var. purpurea
Mountain
dandelion
Yes
Agropyron cristatum
var. cristatum
Allium cernuum
Crested
wheatgrass
Nodding onion
Geyer’s onion
Medicine
Northern Tiwa
(Krenetsky
1964); Tewa
(Robbins et al.
1916); Western
Keres (Swank
1932)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Northern Tiwa
(Krenetsky
1964)
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Pre-Columbian
(Windes and
Ford 1996);
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Eastern Keres,
Northern Tiwa,
Tewa, and Zuni
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995); Navajo
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Ute
(Chamber-lin
1909); Hispano
(Moore 1977)
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Tewa (Robbins
et al. 1916)
Cambium and shoots
are edible (Hudspeth
1997).
Entire aboveground
part of plant may
be dried, boiled in
water, and strained
for nutritious
broth; also, may
be used as remedy
for disordered
indigestion and rundown feeling (Kirk
1970).
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Rootstocks may be
dried and ground,
with meal then baked
into bread (Kirk
1970). Seeds also
are edible (Hudspeth
1997).
(See
comments)
Hispano (Ford
1975; Moore
1977)
Yes
No
Smoking or
Chewing
Southern Tiwa
(Jones 1931)
Yes
Yes
No
Allium geyeri var.
geyeri
Food or
Beverage
69
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995);
Most Four
Corners Groups
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Tewa (Ford
1992); Southern
Tiwa (Jones
1931); Zuni
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995); Hispano
(Moore 1977)
Bulbs may be
eaten raw, boiled,
or steamed. Wild
onions often are
ingredients for soups
or as seasoning
(Kirk 1970). Seeds
also are edible
(Hudspeth 1997).
70
VCNP Speciesa
Common Name
Alnus incana var.
occidentalis/Alnus
Thinleaf alder
incana ssp. tenuifolia
Alnus tenuifolia
Mountain alder
Amaranthus powellii Powell’s
var. powellii
amaranth
Amaranthus
retroflexus
Redroot pigweed
Exact
Species
Match?b
Food or
Beverage
Amaranthus wrightii
Smooth pigweed
Wright’s
amaranth
Yes
Western Keres
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Yes
Zuni (Bohrer
1960)
Yes
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Yes
(See
comments)
No
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995, 1997);
Western Keres
(Swank 1932);
Most Four
Corners Groups
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
No
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Amelanchier
alnifolia var. pumila
Serviceberry,
Rocky Mountain
juneberry
No
Androsace
septentrionalis
Rock jasmine
No
Southern Tiwa
(Jones 1931)
Dogbane, Indian
hemp dogbane
Aquilegia elegantula Red columbine
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995); Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
No
Pre-Columbian
(Stevenson
1915); Hopi,
Navajo, and
Ute (Dunmire
and Tierney
1997) Southern
Tiwa (Jones
1931)
Apocynum
cannabinum
Smoking or
Chewing
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Yes
Yes
Amaranthus
hybridus
Medicine
Pre-Columbian
(Magers
1986a);
Northern Tiwa
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Leaves may be eaten
as greens. Seeds
may be eaten in a
variety of ways,
from raw to cooked
(Hudspeth 1997;
Kirk 1970).
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Leaves may be eaten
as greens. Seeds
may be eaten in a
variety of ways,
from raw to cooked
(Hudspeth 1997;
Kirk 1970).
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Western Keres
(Swank 1932);
Hispano (Ford
1975; Moore
1977)
All species produce
edible berries, which
may be eaten raw,
dried, or cooked
(Kirk 1970).
Navajo
(Fewkes 1896)
No
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Yes
Western Keres
(Jones 1931)
Southern Tiwa
(Jones 1931)
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
VCNP Species
a
Aquilegia triternata
Arabis fendleri var.
spatifolia
Common Name
Exact
Species
Match?b
Southwestern red
columbine
No
Fender rockcress
Food or
Beverage
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Yes
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Hispano (Ford
1975; Moore
1977)
Jémez (Cook
1930);
Northern Tiwa
(Krenetsky
1964); Tewa
(Ford 1992)
No
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Tewa (Ford
1992)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Eastern Keres
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Yes
Arnica chamissonsis
var. foliosa
Arnica
No
Artemisia carruthii
Carruth’s
sagewort
Yes
Artemisia
dracunculus
Tarragon
Yes
Yes
Artemisia
franserioides
Ragweed
sagebrush
Yes
(See
comments)
Artemisia frigida
Artemisia
ludoviciana var.
ludoviciana
Louisana
sagebrush
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Acidic berries
may be eaten and
sometimes are used
in beverages. Seeds
also may be ground
for cooking (Kirk
1970). Shoots also
are edible (Hudspeth
1997).
Zuni
(Stevenson
1915)
(See
comments)
Yes
Yes
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Hispano
(Moore 1977)
Yes
Yes
Construction
or Fuel
Navajo
(Wyman and
Harris 1951)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Western Keres
(Swank 1932)
Arctostaphylos uva- Bearberry,
ursi var. adenotricha manzanita
Fringed
sagebrush
Medicine
Smoking or
Chewing
(See
comments)
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Southern
Tiwa (Jones
1931); Tewa
(Robbins et
al. 1916); Zuni
(Stevenson
1915); Hispano
(Ford 1975;
Moore 1977)
71
Tewa
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995);
Western Keres
(Swank 1932);
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Navajo (Bryan
and Young
1940)
Ute (Dunmire
and Tierney
1997; Smith
1974)
All species may
be used for food,
although A.
tridentata, which is
not present in the
Pre-Columbian study area, is the
(Magers
best. Seeds and
1986a); Navajo fruits may be dried,
(Elmore 1944) pounded into a meal
to make pinole, or
eaten raw (Kirk
1970). The Hopi
use A. frigida as a
seasoning.
72
VCNP Species
a
Common Name
Artemisia campestris Pacific
var. pacifica
wormwood
Artemisia campestris
Northern
ssp. borealis var.
wormwood
scouleriana
Exact
Species
Match?b
Food or
Beverage
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Asclepias
subverticillata
Horsetail
milkweed
No
Aster ascemdems/
Symphyotrichum
ascendens
Western
American aster
No
Aster falcatum
var. commutatum/
Symphyotrichum
falcatum var.
commutatum
White prairie
aster
No
Aster foliaceus var.
canbyi
Leafy-bract aster
No
Aster laevis var.
geyeri
Smooth aster
No
Aster lanceolatus
spp. hesperius
Panicle aster
No
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Pre-Columbian
(Stiger 1977);
Hopi (Whiting
1939); Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
PreColumbian?
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995);
Eastern Keres
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995); Navajo
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire
(Dunmire and
and Tierney
Tierney 1997)
1995); Tewa
(Robbins et
al. 1916); Most
Historic Groups
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995,
1997); Hispano
(Moore 1977)
Hopi (Fewkes
1896);
Northern Tiwa
(Krenetsky
1964); Tewa
(Ford 1992);
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Jémez
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995);
Hopi (Whiting
1939); Navajo
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Southern
Tiwa (Jones
1931); Tewa
(Ford 1992;
Stevenson
1912); Western
Keres (Swank
1932); Hispano
(Moore 1977)
Northern Tiwa
(Krenetsky
1964)
Navajo (Vestal
1952); Zuni
(Stevenson
1915)
Leaves of these
species possibly
boiled as greens
(Kirk 1970).
Northern Tiwa
(Krenetsky
1964)
Navajo (Vestal
1952); Zuni
(Stevenson
1915)
Leaves of these
species possibly
boiled as greens
(Kirk 1970).
No
No
Medicine
Smoking or
Chewing
Southern Tiwa
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995);
Western Keres
(Swank 1932);
Zuni (Dunmire
and Tierney
1995)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Navajo (Bryan
and Young
1940)
Ute (Dunmire
and Tierney
1997; Smith
1974)
All species may
be used for food,
although A.
tridentata, which is
not present in the
Pre-Columbian study area, is the
(Magers
best. Seeds and
1986a); Navajo fruits may be dried,
(Elmore 1944) pounded into a meal
to make pinole, or
eaten raw (Kirk
1970). The Hopi
use A. frigida as a
seasoning.
Pre-Columbian
(Kent 1983)
Buds, young shoots,
and young leaves
may be eaten as
greens, seeds and
inner pod may be
eaten raw or cooked,
and sugar may be
boiled from flowers
(Kirk 1970).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
VCNP Species
a
Astragalus gilensis
Common Name
Milkweed
Exact
Species
Match?b
No
Food or
Beverage
Hopi (Fewkes
1896); Jémez
(Castetter
1935); Zuni
(Stevenson
1915)
Berberis fendleri
Bessya plantaginea
Yellow ragweed
Colorado
barberry
No
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Yes
Jémez (Cook
1930)
Yes
No
Kittentails
Yes
Betula fontinalis
Water birch
No
Betula occidentalis
Western
waterbirch
Yes
Bouteloua gracilis
var. gracilis
Blue curly grama
No
Brickellia
eupatorioides var.
chlorolepis
Shinners false
boneset
Brickellia fendleri
Fendler’s
brickellbush
Brickellia
grandiflora var.
grandiflora
(See
comments)
Hopi (Whiting
1939); Navajo
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Hispano
(Moore 1977)
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Berries may be
eaten. Leaves also
potentially are edible
Pre-Columbian (Hudspeth 1997).
Brilliant yellow dye
(Whiting
may be obtained by
1939); Hopi
(Whiting 1939) boiling roots and
bark (Kirk 1970).
(See
comments)
Hispano (Ford
1975)
No
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
73
(See
comments)
Pre-Columbian
(Magers
1986a)
Tewa (Robbins
et al. 1916);
Seeds are edible
Eastern Keres
(Hudspeth 1997).
(Lange 1959)
Yes
No
Tools
Fruits are edible
(Hudspeth 1997).
Jémez (Cook
1930)
Tasselflower
brickellbush
Fringed brome
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Navajo (Vestal
1952)
Yes
Bromus ciliatus
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Navajo
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Zuni
(Camazine and
Bye 1980)
Yes
Brickellia californica California
var. californica
brickellbush
Construction
or Fuel
Western
Keres (Swank
1932); Zuni
(Stevenson
1915)
Yes
Bahia dissecta
Medicine
Smoking or
Chewing
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Western Keres
(Swank 1932)
Seeds are edible
(Hudspeth 1997).
74
VCNP Speciesa
Calamagrostis
canadensis var.
canadensis
Common Name
Canadian
reedgrass
Exact
Species
Match?b
Food or
Beverage
Medicine
Yes
Yes
Calochortus
gunnisonii var.
gunnisonii
Mariposa lily
Yes
Campanula parryi
var. parryi
Parry’s bellflower
Yes
Carex aquatilis var.
aquatilis
Water sedge
No
Carex brunnescens
(See
comments)
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Seeds are edible
(Hudspeth 1997).
(See
comments)
Yes
Smoking or
Chewing
Western Keres
(Swank 1932)
Bulbs may be eaten
raw or after roasting
over a smoky fire.
They also may be
dried and ground into
flour (Kirk 1970).
Navajo (Vestal
1952); Zuni
(Stevenson
1915)
Brownish sedge
No
Carex canescens var.
Brownish sedge
canescens
No
Yes
Carex conoidea
Field sedge
No
(See
comments)
Carex deweyana
Dewey’s sedge
No
Carex disperma
Softleaf sedge
No
Carex douglasii
Douglas’ sedge
No
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Seeds and roots of
these many sedges
are edible (Hudspeth
1997).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
VCNP Speciesa
Common Name
Exact
Species
Match?b
Carex foenea var.
foenea
Bronze-headed
oval sedge
No
Carex geophila
Dryland sedge
No
Carex lanuginosa
Woolly sedge
No
Carex microptera
var. microptera
Mackenzie smallwing sedge
No
Carex norvegica var. Steven’s Scanstevenii
dinavian sedge
No
Carex obtusata
Obtuse sedge
No
Carex occidentalis
Bailey western
sedge
No
Carex pensylvanica
var. digyna
Sun sedge
No
Carex petasata
Liddon’s sedge
No
Carex rossii
Ross’ sedge
No
Carex simulata
Short-beak sedge
No
Carex stenophylla
Mackenzie sedge
No
Carex stipata var.
stipata
Owlfruit sedge
No
Carex utriculata /C.
rostrata
Beaked sedge
No
Castilleja lineata
Greene
marshmeadow
Indian paintbrush
No
Castilleja miniata
var. miniata
Scarlet Indian
paintbrush
No
Castilleja sulphurea
Sulphur Indian
paintbrush
No
Ceanothus fendleri
Bulkbrush
Yes
Food or
Beverage
Yes
(See
comments)
Medicine
Smoking or
Chewing
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Tewa
(Stevenson
1915); Hispano
(Ford 1975;
Moore 1977)
Western Keres
(Swank 1932)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Seeds and roots of
these many sedges
are edible (Hudspeth
1997).
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Hopi (Whiting
1939); Navajo
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Tewa
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995);
Jémez (Cook
1930)
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Navajo (Bryan
and Young
1940); Zuni
(Stevenson
1915)
Although most
species have edible
raw flowers, C.
lineate is the best
(Kirk 1970).
75
Leaves and flowers
may be used for
tea, although some
species are better for
this use than others.
The bark may be
used to make a tonic,
while fresh flowers
produce an excellent
lather (Hudspeth
1997; Kirk 1970).
76
VCNP Species
a
Common Name
Exact
Species
Match?b
Food or
Beverage
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Tewa (Robbins
et al. 1916);
Western Keres
(Swank 1932)
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Cercocarpus
montanus
Mountain
mahogany
Yes
Chenopodium
fremontii
Fremont’s
goosefoot
Yes
(See
comments)
Chenopodium
graveolens
Fetid goosefoot
Yes
(See
comments)
Chenopodium
leptophyllum
Narrowleaf
goosefoot
Yes
Chenopodium
atrovirens
Piñon goosefoot
No
Chenopodium
berlandieri var.
zschackei
Pitseed goosefoot
No
Chenopodium
neomexicanum
New Mexico
goosefoot
No
Chenopodium overi
Over’s goosefoot
No
Yes
Yes
Cicuta maculata var.
Golden aster
angustifolia
Yes
Medicine
Smoking or
Chewing
Construction
or Fuel
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Hopi (Colton
1965); Most
Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995); Jicarilla
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995, 1997);
Hopi (Colton
1974); Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995);
Ute (Callaway
et al. 1986)
All species are
edible, but C.
fremontii is the
best species for
food use. Leaves
may be cooked as
greens. Seeds may
be eaten raw but
best when mixed
with other grain for
mush or baked cakes
(Hudspeth 1997;
Kirk 1970).
Hispano
(Moore 1977)
Zuni
(Stevenson
1915)
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Castetter
1935)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995,
1997); Hopi
and Navajo
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Tewa
(Ford 1992);
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Castetter
1935; Dunmire
and Tierney
1995); Hispano
(Trigg 1999)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Tewa (Ford
1992); Western
Keres (Swank
1932); Hispano
(Ford 1975;
Moore 1977;
Trigg 1999)
Navajo (Chinle
Curriculum
Center 1995)
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Pre-Columbian
(Magers
1986b)
All species are
edible, but C.
fremontii is the
best species for
food use. Leaves
may be cooked as
greens. Seeds may
be eaten raw but
best when mixed
with other grain for
mush or baked cakes
(Hudspeth 1997;
Kirk 1970).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
VCNP Speciesa
Common Name
Exact
Species
Match?b
Cirsium arvense
Creeping thistle
Cirsium parryi
Parry’s thistle
No
Cirsium undulatum
Wavyleaf thistle
Yes
Cirsium vulgare
Bull thistle
No
Food or
Beverage
No
Yes
(See
comments)
Cirsium wheeleri
Thistle
Clematis columbiana
Virgin’s bower
var. tenuiloba
Commelina
dianthifolia
Conioselinum
scopulorum
Dayflower
No
Medicine
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Hopi (Whiting
1939); Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Tewa (Ford
1992); Western
Keres (Swank
1932); Zuni
(Camazine
and Bye 1980);
Hispano (Ford
1975; Moore
1977)
No
Navajo
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Hispano
(Moore 1977)
Yes
Navajo (Vestal
1952)
No
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Yes
Navajo
(Wyman and
Harris 1951)
No
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Hemlock-parsley
Smoking or
Chewing
Corallorhiza
maculata var.
occidentalis
Spotted coral root
Yes
Navajo
(Wyman and
Harris 1951)
Cornus sericea var.
sericea
Red-osier
dogwood
No
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Corydalis aurea var.
aurea
Golden corydalis
Yes
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
All species have
edible roots, which
may be eaten raw,
boiled, or roasted.
Peeled stems may be
eaten as greens (Kirk
1970). Seeds also
are edible (Hudspeth
1997).
Jémez (Cook
1930)
77
78
VCNP Speciesa
Common Name
Exact
Species
Match?b
Cryptantha cinerea
var. cinerea
Hidden flower
No
Cymopterus alpinus
Alpine parsley
No
Cymopterus
lemmonii/
Pseudocymopterus
montanus
Cyperus fendlerianus
Descurainia pinnata
ssp. filipes
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Descurainia incana
var. macrosperma
Descurainia incana
var. viscosa
Descurainia incana
ssp. incisa
Descurainia sophia
Draba aurea
Draba helleriana
var. helleriana
Draba rectifructa
Draba spectabilis
Food or
Beverage
Medicine
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Hopi and
Navajo
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Tewa
(Stevenson
1912); Zuni
(Camazine
and Bye 1980;
Stevenson
1915)
Eastern Keres
(Swank 1932);
Tewa (Ford
1992); Zuni
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995); Most
Historic Groups
(Dun-mire and
Tierney 1995,
1997)
Smoking or
Chewing
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Tewa (Hill
1982); Western
Keres (Swank
1932); Hispano
(Moore 1977)
No
Fendler’s
flatsedge
No
Western Keres
(Castetter
1935)
Yes
Navajo
Hopi (Dunmire
(Wyman and
and Tierney
Harris 1951);
1997); Navajo
Hispano (Ford
(Vestal 1952)
1975)
Pre-Columbian
(Peckham
1990; Robbins
et al. 1916);
Hopi (Whiting
1939)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Pre-Columbian
(Robbins et al.
1916)
Tansy mustard
Mountain tansy
mustard
Mountain tansy
mustard
Flixweed tansy
mustard
Golden draba
No
No
No
No
No
Greene Heller’s
whitlowgrass
No
Showy draba
No
Mountain draba
Hispano (Trigg
1999)
No
No
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
In spring, the edible
roots are sweet.
Roots become less
sweet later in the
year (Kirk 1970).
Mountain parsley
Western tansy
mustard
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Hispano (Trigg
1999)
Tubers have a nutty
flavor when eaten
raw (Kirk 1970).
All species are
edible, but some are
better than others.
Stems and leafy
parts may be eaten
as greens. The seeds
may be parched,
ground and eaten
as mush, or in other
ways (Kirk 1970).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Exact
Species
Match?b
Food or
Beverage
Hedgehog cactus
No
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995, 1997);
Eastern Keres
(Castetter
1935); Hopi
(Castetter
1935); Navajo
(Castetter
1935);
Western Keres
(Castetter
1935); Southern
Tiwa (Dunmire
and Tierney
1995); Hispano
(Trigg 1999)
Eleocharis acicularis Needle spikerush
No
VCNP Speciesa
Echinocereus
coccineus var.
coccineus
Eleocharis palustris
Eleocharis
quinqueflora
Common Name
Common
spikerush
Fewflower
spikerush
No
Medicine
Smoking or
Chewing
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Fruits, buds, and
stems are edible
(Kirk 1970).
Navajo (Vestal
1952)
No
Elymus elongatus
var. elongatus
Rough tridens
No
Elymus elymoides
var. brevifolius
Bottlebrush
squirreltail
No
Elymus elymoides
var. elymoides
Bottlebrush
squirreltail
No
Elymus hispidus var.
hispidus
Intermediate
wheatgrass
No
Elymus hispidus var.
ruthenicus
Intermediate
wheatgrass
No
Elymus smithii/
pascopyrum smithii
Western
wheatgrass
No
79
Slender
Elymus trachycaulus
wheatgrass,
var. andinus
slender wild rye
No
Elymus trachycaulus Slender
var. trachycaulus
wheatgrass
No
Elymus x macounii
Quack grass
No
Elymus x
pseudorepens
Thickspike
wheatgrass
No
Elymus x saxicolous
Wild rye
No
Yes
(See
comments)
Yes
(See
comments)
All species yield
edible grains, but
hairs on seeds must
first be singed (Kirk
1970).
All species yield
edible grains, but
hairs on seeds must
first be singed (Kirk
1970).
80
Common Name
Exact
Species
Match?b
Epilobium
brachycarpum
Field willow herb
No
Epilobium ciliatum
var. ciliatum
Fringed willow
herb
Yes
Yes
(See
comments)
VCNP Speciesa
Epilobium
halleanum
Hall willow herb
No
Epilobium
leptophyllum
Alpine fireweed
No
Equisetum
laevigatum
Smooth horsetail
Yes
No
No
Equisetum arvense
Field horsetail
Food or
Beverage
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Erigeron acris var.
asteroides
Bitter fleabane
No
Erigeron divergens
var. divergens
Spreading
fleabane
No
Erigeron eximius
Sprucefir
fleabane
Navajo (Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Hispano (Ford
1975; Moore
1977)
Hopi (Fewkes
1896);
Eastern Keres
(Castetter
1935); Western
Keres (Swank
1932)
Navajo
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Hispano
(Moore 1977)
Erigeron flagellaris
Trailing fleabane
No
Beautiful
fleabane
No
Erigeron glabellus
var. glabellus
Streamside
fleabane
No
Erigeron
lonchophyllus
Erigeron modestus
Erigeron speciosus
Shortray fleabane
No
Oregon fleabane
No
Prairie fleabane
Erigeron subtrinervis Threenerve
var. subtrinervis
fleabane
(See
comments)
No
Erigeron
formosissimus
No
No
Navajo
(Wyman and
Harris 1951)
Eastern Keres
(Castetter
1935); Western
Keres (Swank
1932)
Yes
Yes
Medicine
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Hispano (Ford
1975; Moore
1977)
Smoking or
Chewing
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Young shoots may be
boiled or mixed with
other raw greens for
salad. Fresh or dried
leaves may be used
for tea. Stems also
may be used to make
broth (Kirk 1970).
Cones and sweet
pulp are edible
(Hudspeth 1997;
Kirk 1970). Silicacovered stems
may be used from
scrubbing cookware
(Kirk 1970).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
VCNP Species
a
Common Name
Exact
Species
Match?b
Food or
Beverage
Yes
Yes
Eriogonum
racemosum var.
racemosum
Redroot
buckwheat
No
(See
comments)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995,
1997); Hopi
(Castetter
1935)
Yes
Erodium cicutarium
Erysimum capitatum
var. capitatum
Yes
Red-stem filaree
Western
wallflower
(See
comments)
Medicine
Smoking or
Chewing
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Jémez
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995);
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997;
Wyman and
Harris 1951);
Northern Tiwa
(Krenetsky
1964);
Tewa (Ford
1992); Ute
(Chamberlin
1909); Western
Keres (Swank
1932); Zuni
Stevenson
1915)
Navajo (Bryan
and Young
1940)
Jémez (Cook
1930); Zuni
(Camazine
and Bye 1980);
Hispano (Ford
1975; Moore
1977)
81
No
Navajo
(Wyman and
Harris 1951);
Hispano (Trigg
1999)
Yes
Hopi (Colton
1974); Navajo
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Western
Keres (Swank
1932); Zuni
(Camazine
and Bye 1980);
Hispano (Ford
1975; Moore
1977)
Many species have
edible seeds. Stems
may be eaten raw or
cooked before plant
flowers (Hudspeth
1997; Kirk 1970).
Leaves and stems
may be eaten raw
as greens or cooked
as potherbs (Kirk
1970). At Jémez,
leaves were pounded
and mixed with
watermelon seeds
to prevent fungus
during storage (Cook
1930).
Western Keres
(Swank 1932)
82
VCNP Species
a
Eupatorium
herbaceum
Common Name
Western
throughwort
Exact
Species
Match?b
Food or
Beverage
Medicine
Navajo (Vestal
1952); Zuni
(Stevenson
1915); Hispano
(Ford 1975)
Yes
brachycera
Horned spurge
No
PreColumbian?
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997;
Eastern Keres
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Apache plume
Yes
Festuca arizonica
Arizona fescue
Yes
Yes
Yes
(See
comments)
Yes
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Fragaria vesca
Thurber fescue
Woodland
strawberry
No
Fragaria virginiana
Virginia
strawberry
No
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Tewa
(Stevenson
1912)
Eastern Keres
(Lange 1959);
Hopi (Whiting
1939); Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Southern Tiwa
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995); Tewa
(Stevenson
1912); Western
Keres (Swank
1932); Zuni
(Camazine
and Bye 1980;
Stevenson
1915);
Hispano?
(Trigg 1999)
Eastern Keres
(Matthews
1992); Navajo
(Vestal 1952);
Hispano
(Moore 1977)
Fallugia paradoxa
Festuca thurberi
Construction
or Fuel
Eastern Keres
(Lange 1959)
No
Euphorbia
Smoking or
Chewing
Navajo and Ute
Navajo (Vestal
(Dunmire and
1952)
Tierney 1997)
Used as livestock
feed; Euphorbia sp.
said to increase milk
production in cows
and goats (Trigg
1999).
Hopi (Whiting
1939); Navajo
(Vestal 1952)
Seeds are edible
(Hudspeth 1997).
Berries are edible
raw or cooked.
Leaves may be used
for tea (Kirk 1970).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
VCNP Species
a
Common Name
Exact
Species
Match?b
Galium aparine var.
echinospermum
Cleavers
goosegrass
No
Galium boreale
Northern
bedstraw
No
Food or
Beverage
Yes
(See
comments)
Galium trifidum var.
subbiflorum
Small bedstraw
No
Gayophytum
diffusum var.
strictipes
Gayophytum
No
Geranium
caespitosum
Purple geranium
(See
comments)
No
Yes
Geranium
richardsonii
Richardson
geranium
No
Geum aleppicum
Yellow avens
No
Geum macrophyllum
Largeleaf avens
var. perincisum
Geum triflorum var.
ciliatum
Mountain smoke
No
No
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Seeds may be
roasted, ground, and
used to make a drink
resembling coffee.
Stems may be used
for bedstraw. Roots
of many species may
be used for making
purple dye (Kirk
1970).
Navajo (Vestal
1952); Hispano
(Ford 1975)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Yes
Yes
Medicine
Smoking or
Chewing
(See
comments)
Western Keres
(Swank 1932);
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Northern Tiwa
(Krenetsky
1964)
Yes
Jémez (Cook
1930)
Leaves are edible
(Hudspeth 1997).
Jémez (Cook
1930)
Roots may be boiled
to make a beverage
(Kirk 1970).
(See
comments)
Seeds yield an
excellent flower.
They also may be
cooked similar to rice
(Kirk 1970).
Yes
Glyceria striata var.
stricta
Fowl manna
grass
Yes
Gnaphalium
exilifolium
Slender cudweed
No
Hackelia floribunda
Many-flowered
stickseed
Navajo (Vestal
1952); Western
Keres (Swank
1932)
Yes
Tewa (Ford
1992)
(See
comments)
83
84
VCNP Species
a
Common Name
Exact
Species
Match?b
Food or
Beverage
Medicine
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995,
1997); Most
Historic Groups
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995, 1997);
Hispano?
(Trigg 1999)
Hopi (Colton
1974); Most
Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995); Navajo
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Hispano
(Moore 1977;
Trigg 1999)
Helianthus rigidus
Showy sunflower
ssp. subrhomboideus
No
Heracleum
sphondylium var.
lanatum
Cow parsnip
Yes
Hairy false
goldenaster
No
Common
alumroot
No
(See
comments)
Hawkweed
Yes
Yes
Heterotheca villosa
var. nana
Heuchera parvifolia
Hieracium fendleri
var. fendleri
Holodiscus dumosus
var. dumosus
Bush
mountainspray
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Humulus lupulus var.
Hops
neomexicanus
Hymenopappus
newberryi
Hymenoxys hoopesii
Newberry white
ragweed
Orange
sneezeweed
Yes
Yes
No
No
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Hopi and
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Pre-Columbian
(Magers
1986a)
Seeds may be eaten
raw or roasted.
Tubers may be
eaten raw, boiled, or
roasted. Seeds yield
a black or purple
dye; flowers produce
a yellow dye (Kirk
1970).
Hispano
(Moore 1977)
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Yes
Yes
Smoking or
Chewing
(See
comments)
Navajo (Vestal
1952); Tewa
(Castetter
1935); Southern
Tiwa (Jones
1931)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Raw roots may be
used to treat diarrhea
(Kirk 1970).
Green plant parts and
coagulated juice may
be chewed as gum
(Kirk 1970).
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Zuni
(Underhill
1979)
Hispano
(Moore 1977)
Southern Tiwa
(Jones 1931)
Jémez (Cook
Zuni
1930); Southern
(Stevenson
Tiwa (Jones
1915)
1931)
Hopi and
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Northern Tiwa
(Krenetsky
1964); Zuni
(Stevenson
1915)
Zuni
(Stevenson
1915)
Navajo (Bryan
and Young
1940)
One-seeded fruits
may be eaten (Kirk
1970).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
VCNP Speciesa
Hymenoxys
richardsonii var.
floribunda
Common Name
Iva axillaris var.
robustior
Blue flag
Marsh-elder,
poverty-weed
Food or
Beverage
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Medicine
Smoking or
Chewing
Yes
Zuni
(Camazine
and Bye 1980);
Hispano (Ford
1975; Moore
1977)
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
No
Hopi and
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Northern Tiwa
(Krenetsky
1964); Zuni
(Stevenson
1915)
Navajo (Bryan
and Young
1940)
No
Hopi and
Navajo
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Tewa
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995;
Stevenson
1912); Western
Keres (Swank
1932); Zuni
(Camazine and
Bye 1980)
Hopi (Colton
1974)
Yes
Navajo
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Zuni
(Camazine and
Bye 1980)
Navajo
(Elmore 1944)
No
Hispano (Ford
1975)
No
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Ute (Chamberlin 1909)
Pingue
rubberweed
Ipomopsis aggregata
Scarlet gilia
subsp. Formosissima
Iris missouriensis
Exact
Species
Match?b
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
85
86
VCNP Species
a
Common Name
Exact
Species
Match?b
Juncus arcticus var.
balticus
Arctic rush
No
Juncus balticus var.
montanus
Baltic rush
No
Juncus bufonius
Toad-rush
No
Juncus dudleyi
Dudley’s rush
No
Juncus ensifolius var.
Dagger-leaf rush
montanus
No
Juncus interior
Inland rush
No
Juncus longistylis
Longstyle rush
No
Juncus nevadensis
Sierra rush
No
Juncus torreyi
Torrey’s rush
No
Food or
Beverage
Medicine
Pre-Columbian
(Adams 1980)
Navajo (Mayes
and Lacy
1989)
Southern Tiwa
(Jones 1931)
Pre-Columbian
(Adams 1980)
Navajo (Mayes
and Lacy
1989)
Southern Tiwa
(Jones 1931)
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
No
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995,
1997); Hopi
and Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997;
Vestal 1952)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995);
Navajo and
Ute (Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Hispano
(Moore 1977)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Hispano (Ford
1975; Moore
1977)
Common juniper
Juniperus
scopulorum
Rocky Mountain
juniper
Yes
Jémez (Cook
1930); Tewa
(Castetter
1935); Ute
(Callaway
et al. 1986);
Western Keres
(Swank 1932)
Koeleria macrantha
Junegrass
No
Southern Tiwa
(Jones 1931)
Yes
Lactuca serriola
Prickly lettuce
No
Lappula occidentalis
Flatspine
var. occidentalis/ L.
stickseed
redowskii
No
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Hispano (Ford
1975; Moore
1977)
Yes
Juniperus communis
var. depressa
Smoking or
Chewing
Yes
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995,
1997)
Navajo (Bryan
and Young
1940)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire
Navajo and Ute and Tierney
(Dunmire and 1995, 1997);
Tierney 1997) Navajo and Ute
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Pre-Columbian
(Magers
1986b)
Jémez (Cook
1930)
Navajo (Vestal
1952)
Zuni
(Stevenson
1915)
(See
comments)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
All species produce
edible berries, which
may be eaten raw or
dried, ground into
meal, and cooked
as mush or baked as
cakes (Kirk 1970).
J. communis bark
also is edible
(Hudspeth 1997).
Seeds are edible
(Hudspeth 1997).
Aboveground part of
plant may be eaten as
greens. Gum present
in the roots may be
chewed (Kirk 1970).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
VCNP Speciesa
Common Name
Exact
Species
Match?b
Food or
Beverage
No
Eastern Keres
(Castetter
1935); Navajo
(Wyman and
Harris 1941);
Tewa (Ford
1992); Western
Keres (Swank
1932)
Lathyrus arizonica
Arizona peavine
Lepidium
densiflorum
Common
peppergrass
Yes
Lepidium
ramosissimum var.
bourgeauanum
Bourgeau’s
pepperweed
No
Lepidium virginicum
var. pubescens
Clasping
pepperweed
No
Linum lewisii var.
lewisii
Roundleaf
bladderpod
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997;
Stiger 1977)
Prairie flax
(See
comments)
Yes
No
(See
comments)
Yes
87
Lithospermum
multiflorum
Southwestern
stoneseed
No
Lonicera involucrata
Bracted
honeysuckle
No
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Seeds may be
used as seasoning.
Shoots and leaves
collected from
young plants may
be used as edible
green (Hudspeth
1997; Kirk 1970).
Pods also are edible
(Hudspeth 1997).
PreColumbian?
(Stiger 1977);
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Southern Tiwa
(Jones 1931)
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Yes
No
Navajo
(Wyman and
Harris 1941)
Smoking or
Chewing
Southern Tiwa
(Jones 1931);
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Yes
Lesquerella
ovalifolia
Medicine
(See
comments)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Western Keres
(Swank 1932)
Leaves and seeds are
edible (Hudspeth
1997).
Hopi and
Navajo
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Zuni
(Stevenson
1915)
Seeds may be
roasted, dried, and
ground for use alone
or mixed with other
foods (Kirk 1970).
Hopi (Whiting
1939); Navajo
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Zuni
(Camazine and
Bye 1980)
Cooked roots are
edible (Kirk 1970).
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
88
VCNP Species
a
Common Name
Exact
Species
Match?b
Food or
Beverage
Medicine
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Zuni
(Camazine and
Bye 1980)
Lotus wrightii
Wright’s
deervetch
Yes
Lupinus argenteus
var. argophyllus
Stemless dwarf
lupine
No
Lupinus argenteus
var. fulvomaculatus
Stemless dwarf
lupine
No
Lupinus kingii
King’s lupine,
silky lupine
No
Machaeranthera
bigelovii var.
bigelovii
Bigelow’s tansyaster
No
Mahonia repens
Creeping
barberry
Yes
Yes
Malva neglecta
Common mallow
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
No
Western Keres
(Swank 1932)
Blue verbena
Yes
Matricaria discoidea Disc mayweed
Yes
Medicago sativa
No
Yes
(See
comments)
(See
comments)
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997;
Wyman and
Harris 1941)
Navajo
(Wyman and
Harris 1941)
Hopi (Whiting
1939); Jémez
(Cook 1930);
Navajo
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Tewa
(Stevenson
1912); Zuni
(Camazine
and Bye 1980;
Stevenson
1915)
Western Keres
(Swank 1932)
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Navajo (Mayes
and Lacy
1989)
Tewa (Ford
1992); Hispano
(Moore 1977)
Hispano (Ford
1975; Moore
1977)
Leaves and stems
may be boiled (Kirk
1970).
The dried plant,
made into a tea,
makes a nutritious
tonic. In large
quantities, however,
the tonic has laxative
qualities (Kirk
1970).
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Yes
Buffalo grass
Construction
or Fuel
Hispano
(Moore 1977)
Yes
Marrubium vulgare
Smoking or
Chewing
(See
comments)
Seeds may be
parched and eaten,
or ground into flour
(Kirk 1970).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
VCNP Speciesa
Melilotus albus
Melilotus officinalis
Mentha arvensis
Mentha spicata
Mimulus glabratus
var. jamesii
Common Name
Exact
Species
Match?b
Yes
White sweet
clover
Yes
Yellow sweet
clover
No
Field mint
Food or
Beverage
(See
comments)
Wild lettuce,
roundleaf
monkeyflower
Smoking or
Chewing
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Hispano (Ford
1975; Moore
1977)
Yes
Yes
Eastern Keres
(Castetter
1935); Zuni
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
(See
comments)
Southern Tiwa
(Jones 1931)
No
Navajo
(Wyman and
Harris 1951)
Yes
Southern Tiwa
(Jones 1931)
No
Navajo
(Wyman and
Harris 1951)
89
Wild lettuce,
common
monkey-flower
Mirabilis
oxybaphoides
Smooth
spreading fouro’clock
Mirabilis comata
Hairy-tuft fouro’clock
Mirabilis decipiens
Broadleaf fouro’clock
No
Mirabilis linearis
Narrowleaf fouro’clock
No
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Southern Tiwa
(Jones 1931);
Tewa (Ford
1992); Western
Keres (Swank
1932); Hispano
(Ford 1975;
Moore 1977)
Leaves, used either
fresh or dried, make
teas (Kirk 1970).
Tewa (Ford
1992); Hispano
(Ford 1975;
Moore 1977)
Greens may be eaten
raw (Kirk 1970).
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Yes
No
No
Tools
(See
comments)
Yes
Mimulus guttatus
var. guttatus
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Greens and seeds are
edible (Hudspeth
1997).
Yes
Yes
Spearmint
Medicine
Yes
(See
comments)
Hopi (Colton
1974); Navajo
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Tewa
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995); Zuni
(Camazine
and Bye
1980); Hispano
(Moore 1977)
Western Keres
(Swank 1932)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Roots are edible
(Hudspeth 1997).
90
VCNP Species
a
Common Name
Exact
Species
Match?b
Food or
Beverage
Yes
Monarda fistulosa
var. menthifolia
Yes
Mintleaf bee
balm
No
Muhlenbergia
andina
Muhlenbergia
filiformis
Muhlenbergia
minutissima
Muhlenbergia
montana
Muhlenbergia
pauciflora
Muhlenbergia
ramulosa
Muhlenbergia
richardsonis
Muhlenbergia
wrightii
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Oenothera
caespitosa
Oenothera
coronopifolia
Foxtail muhly
(See
comments)
Hopi (Whiting
1939)
No
Yes
Pullup muhly
No
(See
comments)
Annual muhly
No
Mountain muhly
No
New Mexico
muhly
No
Yes
Green muhly
No
(See
comments)
Mat muhly, softleaf muhly
No
Spike muhly
No
Stemless evening
primrose
Yes
No
No
Sand evening
primrose
Yes
(See
comments)
Yes
(See
comments)
Yes
Medicine
Smoking or
Chewing
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995;
Hispano (Ford
1975; Moore
1977)
Tewa
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
The entire
aboveground portion
of the plant may be
used as a potherb
(Kirk 1970).
Zuni (Dunmire
Seeds are edible
and Tierney
(Hudspeth 1997).
1995)
Zuni (Dunmire
Seeds are edible
and Tierney
(Hudspeth 1997).
1995)
Southern Tiwa
(Jones 1931)
Hopi (Whiting
1939); Navajo
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Western
Keres (Swank
1932); Zuni
(Camazine
and Bye 1980;
Stevenson
1915); Hispano
(Moore 1977)
Zuni
(Camazine and
Bye 1980)
Spring roots may be
cooked (Kirk 1970).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
VCNP Species
Opuntia
phaeacantha var.
phaeacantha
Orobanche
ludoviciana
Oryzopsis
hymenoides
Osmorhiza
depauperata
a
Common Name
Plains prickly
pear
Louisiana
broomrape
Indian ricegrass
Sweet cicely
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Exact
Species
Match?b
Food or
Beverage
Medicine
No
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995, 1997);
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995); Zuni
(Stevenson
1915)
Hispano (Ford
1975; Moore
1977)
Fruits and joints
may be peeled and
eaten raw, boiled and
then fried, or stewed
(Kirk 1970).
No
Jémez
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995); Navajo
(Wyman
and Harris
1951); Tewa
(Stevenson
1912); Zuni
(Stevenson
1915)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Entire plant,
including its roots, is
edible raw but is best
if first roasted (Kirk
1970).
No
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995,
1997); Most
Historic Groups
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Zuni
(Stevenson
1915)
Seeds are edible raw
but are best if dried
and then ground for
mush or baked cakes
(Kirk 1970).
No
Southern Tiwa
(Jones 1931)
Roots may be
used for anise-like
flavoring (Kirk
1970).
Yes
Oxalis violacea
Violet wood
sorrel
Yes
Parietaria
pensylvanica
Pennsylvania
pellitory
Yes
(See
comments)
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Smoking or
Chewing
Construction
or Fuel
Tools
Western Keres
(Swank 1932)
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Leaves and stems
may be eaten either
raw or after slight
fermentation (Kirk
1970).
91
92
VCNP Speciesa
Common Name
Exact
Species
Match?b
Food or
Beverage
Scarlet
penstemon
Penstemon inflatus
Crosswhite
inflated
beardtongue
No
Tewa (Ford
1992)
Tewa (Robbins
et al. 1916);
Western Keres
(Swank 1932)
Tewa (Ford
1992)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Tewa (Robbins
et al. 1916);
Western Keres
(Swank 1932);
Hispano (Ford
1975)
No
Penstemon rydbergii
var. rydbergii
Rydberg’s
penstemon
Penstemon
whippleanus
Whipples
penstemon
No
Pericome caudata
Mountain leaftail
Yes
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
No
Tewa
(Stevenson
1912); Western
Keres (Swank
1932); Zuni
(Camazine and
Bye 1980)
No
Tewa
(Stevenson
1912); Western
Keres (Swank
1932); Zuni
(Camazine and
Bye 1980)
Phacelia alba
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Phacelia
heterophylla var.
heterophylla
White
scorpionweed
Varileaf phacelia,
scorpionweed
No
Philadelphus
microphyllus
Mock orange
Yes
Picea engelmannii
var. engelmannii
Engelmann
spruce
No
Picea pungens
Colorado blue
spruce
Yes
No
Smoking or
Chewing
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Yes
Penstemon barbatus
var. trichander
Medicine
Navajo
(Wyman and
Harris 1951);
Southern Tiwa
(Jones 1931)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Tewa (Hill
1982)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Pre-Columbian
(Windes and
Ford 1996)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Pre-Columbian
(Windes and
Ford 1996)
Western Keres
(Swank 1932)
Fruits are edible
(Hudspeth 1997).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
VCNP Speciesa
Pinus edulis
Pinus flexilis
Common Name
Piñon pine
Yes
Smoking or
Chewing
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Hopi and
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Pre-Columbian Tewa (Hill
(Dunmire and 1982); Southern
Tierney 1995, Tiwa (Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Most
Eastern Keres
Historic Groups 1995); Western
(Lange 1959)
(Dunmire and Keres (Swank
Tierney 1995, 1932); Zuni
1997); Hispano (Camazine
(Trigg 1999)
and Bye 1980);
Hispano (Ford
1975; Moore
1977; Trigg
1999)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995, 1997);
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995); Navajo
(Elmore 1944)
Hopi (Colton
1965); Most
Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995); Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Food or
Beverage
Yes
Limber pine
Pinus ponderosa var.
Ponderosa pine
scopulorum
Plantago lanceolata
Exact
Species
Match?b
Narrowleaf
plantain
Yes
(See
comments)
Medicine
Yes
No
Navajo
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Western
Keres (Swank
1932); Zuni
(Camazine and
Bye 1980)
Yes
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Pre-Columbian
and Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Hopi (Whiting
1939); Ute
(Smith 1974)
Nuts are edible and
nutritious either raw
or cooked (Kirk
1970).
Nuts are edible.
Cambium may be
eaten as starvation
food (Hudspeth
1997).
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Zuni (Castetter
Tierney 1997);
1935)
Tewa (Ford
1992)
(See
comments)
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995,
1997; Turney
1948); Most
Historic Groups
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995,
1997)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995, 1997);
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995);
Navajo (Mayes
and Lacy
1989)
Cambium may be
eaten as starvation
food (Hudspeth
1997).
Young plants may be
used raw as a salad
green or used in
cooking as a potherb.
Seeds may be
parched and ground
into meal (Kirk
1970).
93
94
VCNP Speciesa
Common Name
Exact
Species
Match?b
Food or
Beverage
Plantago major var.
major
Common plantain
Yes
Western Keres
(Castetter
1935)
Poa fendleriana
Bluegrass
Yes
Pre-Columbian
(Bohrer 1975)
Polygonum aviculare Doorweed
Medicine
Smoking or
Chewing
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Northern Tiwa
(Krenetsky
1964); Southern
Tiwa (Jones
1931); Western
Keres (Swank
1932); Hispano
(Ford 1975;
Moore 1977)
Young plants may be
used raw as a salad
green or used in
cooking as a potherb.
Seeds may be
parched and ground
into meal (Kirk
1970).
Seeds are edible
(Hudspeth 1997).
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Yes
Seeds of many
species may be eaten
whole or ground
into meal, however,
P aviculare is the
best. Some species
have peppery leaves
that may be used
as a seasoning,
while others may be
eaten raw as salad
greens or cooked
as potherbs. Roots
also are edible (Kirk
1970).
No
Polygonum
amphibium var.
stipulaceum
Water buckweed
Polygonum
convolvulus var.
convolvulus
Wild buckwheat,
black bindweed
No
No
Yes
Polygonum douglasii Douglass
var. douglasii
knotweed
No
Polygonum erectum
Erect knotweed
No
Polygonum
lapathifolium var.
lapathifolium
Curlytop
knotweed
Western
Keres (Swank
1932); Zuni
(Stevenson
1915)
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Yes
Populus angustifolia
Populus tremuloides
Narrowleaf
cottonwood
Quaking aspen
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
(See
comments)
Yes
Yes
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
(See
comments)
No
Pre-Columbian
(WilliamsDean 1986)
Yes
Hopi (Whiting
1939); Most
Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995);
Ute (Smith
1974)
Hispano (Ford
1975; Moore
1977)
Eastern Keres
(Lange 1959)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Hopi (Colton
1974)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Southern Tiwa
(Jones 1931);
Tewa (Robbins
et al. 1916);
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Hopi (Whiting
1939); Navajo
(Elmore 1944);
Tewa (Ford
1992)
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995);
Ute (Smith
1974)
Pre-Columbian
and Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Hopi (Whiting
1939); Ute
(Smith 1974)
Catkins in some
species are edible
raw or boiled in
stews. Inner bark
may be eaten as
starvation food
(Kirk 1970). Aspen
flowers also are
edible (Hudspeth
1997).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
VCNP Speciesa
Common Name
Exact
Species
Match?b
Potentilla anserina/
Argentina anserina
Silverweed
cinquefoil
No
Potentilla fruticosa/
Dasiphora
floribunda/
Pentaphylloides
floribunda
Shrubby
cinquefoil, bush
cinquefoil
No
Potentilla gracilis
var. pulcherrima
Soft cinquefoil
No
Potentilla hippiana
var. hippiana
Woolly
cinquefoil
No
Yes
Potentilla norvegica Norwegian
subsp. Monspeliensis cinquefoil
No
Potentilla
pensylvanica var.
pensylvanica
No
Prunus virginiana
var. melanocarpa
Food or
Beverage
Pennsylvania
cinquefoil
Yes
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995, 1997);
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995); Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Ute (Callaway
et al. 1986);
Jicarilla (Opler
1936)
No
Navajo
(Castetter
1935); Ute
(Callaway et
al. 1986)
Common choke
cherry
Pseudotsuga
Douglas fir
menziesii var. glauca
(See
comments)
Yes
Yes
(See
comments)
95
Pseudotsuga
mucronata
Douglas fir
No
Medicine
Smoking or
Chewing
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Roots of P. anserine
are good either
boiled or roasted;
they are similar
to parsnips (Kirk
1970).
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Western Keres
(Swank 1932);
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Navajo
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Jicarilla
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Pre-Columbian
(Nichols n.d.);
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995);
Ute (Dunmire
and Tierney
1997)
Sour berries are
edible raw or cooked.
Leaves may be used
to make refreshing
beverage (Kirk
1970).
Navajo (Bryan
and Young
1940)
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995); Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995,
1997)
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Fresh needles may be
steeped for tea (Kirk
1970).
96
VCNP Species
a
Common Name
Exact
Species
Match?b
Food or
Beverage
Yes
Medicine
Western bracken
Yes
Pterospora
andromedea
Pinedrops
Yes
Western Keres
(Swank 1932)
Pyrola chlorantha
var. chlorantha
Green
wintergreen
Yes
Navajo
(Wyman and
Harris 1951)
Yes
Quercus gambelii
Gambel oak
No
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Ranunculus
aquatilis var.
diffusa /Ranunculus
longirostris
Water buttercup
No
Ranunculus
cardiophyllus
Heart-leaved
buttercup
No
Ranunculus
cymbalaria
Northern seaside
buttercup
No
Ranunculus
inamoenus
Graceful
buttercup
Yes
Ranunculus
macounii
Macoun’s
buttercup
No
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995); Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Young fronds are
edible raw or cooked.
Rootstock may be
eaten after roasting
or boiling (Kirk
1970).
Navajo (Bryan
and Young
1940)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Navajo (Chinle
Curriculum
Center 1995)
Eastern Keres
(White 1942);
Southern Tiwa
(Jones 1931);
Tewa (Ford
1992); Hispano
(Ford 1975;
Moore 1977)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Ute (Callaway
et al. 1986);
Jicarilla (Opler
1936)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Western Keres
(Swank 1932)
Construction
or Fuel
Navajo (Chinle
Curriculum
Center 1995)
Pteridium aquilinum
var. pubescens
(See
comments)
Smoking or
Chewing
Pre-Columbian
(Magers
1986b); Hopi
(Colton
1974); Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997;
Turney 1948)
Sweet acorns may be
eaten raw or cooked
(Kirk 1970). Leaves
also are edible
(Hudspeth 1997).
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Buttercups are toxic
raw but are edible
when cooked. Seeds
may be parched and
ground for baked
cakes, and roots may
be boiled. Crushed
and washed flowers
yield yellow dye
(Kirk 1970).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
VCNP Species
a
Ratibida columnifera
Common Name
Prairie
coneflower
Exact
Species
Match?b
Food or
Beverage
Yes
Zuni
(Stevenson
1915)
No
Navajo (Vestal
1952)
Medicine
Northern Tiwa
(Krenetsky
1964); Tewa
(Stevenson
1912); Zuni
(Stevenson
1915)
Ribes cereum
Western red
currant
Yes
Ribes inebrians
Whiskey currant
Yes
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Ribes inerme var.
inermis
Whitestem
gooseberry
Yes
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Ribes leptanthum
Trumpet
gooseberry
No
Ribes montigenum
Red prickly
currant
No
Wolf’s currant
No
Robinia
neomexicana var.
neomexicana
New Mexico
locust
Yes
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Leaves and flowers
may be brewed for
tea (Kirk 1970).
Hopi (Whiting
1939)
Pre-Columbian
(Nichols n.d.);
Hopi (Whiting
1939); Navajo
(Wyman and
Harris 1951)
All species produce
edible berries, but
some are better
than others. Leaves
of some species
may also be eaten
(Hudspeth 1997).
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997; Stiger
1977; Turney
Hopi (Kirk
1948); Hopi
1970)
(Fewkes 1896);
Navajo and Ute
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Jémez (Cook
1930)
Construction
or Fuel
Hispano
(Moore 1977)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997; Stiger
Hopi (Kirk
1977); Hopi
1970)
(Fewkes 1896);
Navajo and Ute
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Ribes wolfii
Smoking or
Chewing
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Hopi (Whiting
1939)
Pre-Columbian
(Nichols n.d.);
Hopi (Whiting
1936); Navajo
(Wyman and
Harris 1951)
Pre-Columbian
(Turney 1948);
Jémez (Cook
Flowers are edible
1930); Tewa
(Hudspeth 1997).
(Ford 1992);
Western Keres
(Swank 1932)
97
98
VCNP Species
a
Rorippa nasturtiumaquaticum
Common Name
Common
watercress
Exact
Species
Match?b
Food or
Beverage
No
Rorippa
sphaerocarpa
Roundfruit
yellowcress
No
Yes
(See
comments)
Yes
No
(See
comments)
Yes
Rosa woodsii
Woods rose
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Rubus parviflorus
var. parviflorus
Western
thimbleberry
Rudbeckia laciniata
var. ampla
Cutleaf
coneflower
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
No
Bluntleaf
yellowcress
Nootka rose
Construction
or Fuel
Yes
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Yes
Rorippa curvipes
Rosa nutkana
Medicine
Smoking or
Chewing
(See
comments)
Yes
Southern Tiwa
(Jones 1931)
No
Navajo
(Castetter
1935); Ute
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Yes
Eastern Keres
(Castetter
1935)
Leaves and stems
may be eaten as
greens (Hudspeth
1997).
Zuni
(Stevenson
1915)
Northern Tiwa
(Krenetsky
1964); Southern
Tiwa (Jones
1931); Tewa
(Ford 1992);
Hispano (Ford
1975; Moore
1977)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Northern Tiwa
(Krenetsky
1964); Southern
Navajo
Tiwa (Jones
(Elmore 1944)
1931); Tewa
(Ford 1992);
Ute (Fowler
1986); Hispano
(Ford 1975;
Moore 1977)
Rose hips may be
eaten raw or cooked.
Flower petals, bark,
shoots, and leaves
also may be eaten
(Hudspeth 1997;
Kirk 1970).
Ute (Smith
1974)
All species produce
edible berries, which
may be consumed
either raw or cooked
(Kirk 1970). Shoots
and greens also are
edible (Hudspeth
1997).
Hispano
(Moore 1977)
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
VCNP Speciesa
Rumex acetosella
Rumex salicifolius
var. triangulivalvis
Common Name
Wild dock, red
sorrel
Triangle-valve
dock
Exact
Species
Match?b
No
No
Rumex crispus
Curlyleaf dock
Yes
Sagittaria cuneata
Arum-leaved
arrowhead,
northern
arrowhead
Yes
Salix bebbiana
Bebb willow
No
Salix eriocephala
var. ligulifolia /S.
ligulifolia
Strapleaf willow
No
Food or
Beverage
Sambucus racemosa
var. microbotrys
Scouler willow
Red elderberry
Yes
No
Smoking or
Chewing
Construction
or Fuel
Hopi (Whiting
1939; Kirk
1970); Navajo
Navajo
(Elmore 1944); (Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Eastern Keres
(Castetter
Tewa (Ford
1935); Southern 1992); Western
Tiwa (Dunmire Keres (Swank
1932); Zuni
and Tierney
1995)
(Stevenson
1915); Hispano
(Moore 1977)
Southern
Tiwa (Jones
1931); Tewa
(Castetter
1935)
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Hopi and
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997;
Kirk 1970)
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
All Rumex species
bear edible leaves
and stems, but some
are more acidic than
others. Cooking
removes toxins
(Kirk 1970).
Zuni
(Camazine
and Bye 1980);
Hispano (Ford
1975; Moore
1977)
Navajo
(Elmore 1944)
Navajo
(Elmore 1944);
Southern
Hispano
Tiwa (Jones
(Moore 1977)
1931); Zuni
(Camazine and
Bye 1980)
Yes
Salix scouleriana
Medicine
(See
comments)
Ute (Callaway
et al. 1986)
Southern
Tiwa (Jones
1931); Zuni
(Camazine and
Bye 1980)
Hispano
(Moore 1977)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995);
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995);
Ute (Dunmire
and Tierney
1997)
Southern Tiwa
(Jones 1931);
Ute (Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Zuni
(Camazine and
Bye 1980)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995);
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Pre-Columbian,
Jicarilla,
Navajo, and
Ute (Dunmire
and Tierney
1997)
Pre-Columbian,
Jicarilla,
Navajo, and
Ute (Dunmire
and Tierney
1997)
Inner bark is edible
with minimum
processing as
emergency food, but
it is more palatable if
dried and ground into
flour (Kirk 1970).
Inner bark is edible
with minimum
processing as
emergency food, but
it is more palatable if
dried and ground into
flour (Kirk 1970).
Pre-Columbian
(Nichols n.d.);
Ute 30
99
Berries are edible,
especially if cooked.
Bark may be used as
diuretic or purgative
(Kirk 1970).
100
VCNP Species
a
Senecio atratus
Common Name
Tall blacktip
ragwort
Exact
Species
Match?b
Food or
Beverage
Jémez (Cook
1930); Hopi
and Navajo
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Western
Keres (Swank
1932); Zuni
(Stevenson
1915); Hispano
(Moore 1977)
No
Nodding ragwort,
Senecio bigelovii var.
Bigelow’s
bigelovii
groundsel
No
Senecio bigelovii var.
Hall’s ragwort
hallii
No
Senecio eremophilus
var. kingii
King’s ragwort
No
Senecio wootonii
Wooton’s ragwort
No
Shepherdia
canadensis
Buffalo berry
No
Sidalcea candida
var. candida
White
checkerberry
No
Silene drummondii
var. drummondii
Drummond’s
campion, catchfly
No
Medicine
Ute (Dunmire
and Tierney
1997)
Yes
(See
comments)
Yes
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Silene menziesii var.
menziesii
Menzie catchfly
No
Silene scouleri var.
pringlei
Hall’s catchfly
No
Sisymbrium
altissimum
Tumble mustard
No
Yes
Sisymbrium loeselii
Loesel thimble
mustard
No
(See
comments)
(See
comments)
Smoking or
Chewing
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Pre-Columbian
(Magers
1986b)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Bitter berries are
edible if cooked and
sweetened (Kirk
1970).
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Aboveground part
of plant is edible as
cooked green (Kirk
1970).
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Young shoots may
be used as a potherb.
The complete
aboveground part of
plant of some species
is edible if boiled
(Kirk 1970).
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Seeds may be
parched and ground.
Young plants may
be used as a potherb
(Kirk 1970).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
VCNP Species
a
Solanum ptycanthum
Solanum triflorum
Common Name
Eastern black
nightshade
101
Exact
Species
Match?b
Food or
Beverage
Medicine
No
Eastern Keres
(Castetter
1935; White
1942); Hopi
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Southern Tiwa
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995; Jones
1931); Western
Keres (Swank
1932); Zuni
(Stevenson
1915); Most
Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Navajo
(Elmore
1944); Zuni
(Stevenson
1915); Most
Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Yes
Western Keres
(Castetter
1935); Zuni
(Stevenson
1915)
No
Eastern Keres
(Castetter
1935; White
1942); Hopi
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Southern Tiwa
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995; Jones
1931); Western
Keres (Swank
1932); Zuni
(Kirk 1970;
Stevenson
1915); Most
Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Cutleaf
nightshade
Navajo
(Elmore
1944); Zuni
(Stevenson
1915); Most
Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Smoking or
Chewing
Eastern Keres
(Lange 1959)
Eastern Keres
(Lange 1959)
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Tubers are edible
when cooked (Kirk
1970). Zuni eat
S. triflorum berries
even though they are
said to be poisonous.
Tubers are edible
when cooked (Kirk
1970). Zuni eat
S. triflorum berries
even though they are
said to be poisonous.
102
VCNP Species
a
Common Name
Exact
Species
Match?b
Solidago
missouriensis var.
missouriensis
Missouri
goldenrod
No
Solidago nana
Baby goldenrod
No
Solidago nemoralis
var. longipetiolata
Gray goldenrod
No
Solidago wrightii
var. adenophora
Wright’s
goldenrod
No
Sonchus arvensis
Field milk thistle
Yes
Sparganium
angustifolium
Narrow-leaf
bur reed
Sparganium
emersum
Common
bur reed
Food or
Beverage
Hopi (Whiting
1939); Navajo
(Dunmire
and Tierney
Hopi (Castetter
1997); Western
1935)
Keres (Swank
1932); Zuni
(Stevenson
1915)
Yes
Sphaeralcea fendleri Fendler’s globe
var. fendleri
mallow
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Sporobolus
cryptandrus
Sand dropseed
Stellaria longipes
var. longipes
Long-stalk
chickweed
Stipa comata var.
intermedia
Needle-andthread
No
No
No
No
(See
comments)
PreColumbian?
(Jones and
Fonner 1954)
PreColumbian?
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995, 1997);
Hopi (Whiting
1939); Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995,
1997); Hopi
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Navajo (Vestal
1952)
Yes
No
No
Medicine
(See
comments)
Pre-Columbian
(Bohrer 1975)
Smoking or
Chewing
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Young leaves may
be used as a potherb.
Dried leaves and
fully expanded
flowers may be
brewed for tea (Kirk
1970).
Western Keres
(Swank 1932)
Young leaves and
stems may be used
for greens (Kirk
1970).
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Bulbous stem base
and rhizome tubers
are edible when
cooked (Kirk 1970).
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995); Hopi
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995); Navajo
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Hispano
(Moore 1977)
Navajo (Vestal
1952)
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Buds are edible
(Hudspeth 1997).
Pre-Columbian
(Magers
1986a)
Seeds may be eaten
raw but are best if
parched and ground
into flour for baking
(Kirk 1970).
Tips of young plants
may be boiled like
spinach (Kirk 1970).
Roots also are edible
(Hudspeth 1997).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
VCNP Species
a
Common Name
Exact
Species
Match?b
Food or
Beverage
Stipa lettermanii
Letterman’s
needlegrass
No
Pre-Columbian
(Bohrer 1975)
Symphoricarpos
oreophilus
Mountain
snowberry
No
Pre-Columbian
(Minnis and
Ford 1977)
Taraxacum
laevigatum
Red-seeded
dandelion
No
Taraxacum officinale
Common
dandelion
Yes
Taraxacum
taraxacun
Common
dandelion
No
Thalictrum fendleri
Thelypodium
wrightii var. wrightii
Fendler’s
meadow rue
Yes
Wright’s mustard
Trifolium longipes
var. reflexum
Long-stalked
clover
No
Trifolium pratense
var. pratense
Red clover
No
Trifolium repens
White clover
No
Trifolium
wormskjoldii var.
arizonicum
Springbank
clover
No
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Navajo
(Wyman and
Harris 1941);
Western Keres
(Swank 1932);
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Plants produce edible
greens (Hudspeth
1997).
(See
comments)
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Tewa (Robbins
et al. 1916)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
No
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Flowers are edible
if boiled to remove
bitterness. Roots are
edible raw or cooked.
They also may be
used to make tonics,
mild laxatives, and
diuretics (Kirk
1970).
Navajo (Vestal
1952)
Townsend’s aster
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Navajo
(Wyman and
Harris 1951)
No
Townsendia eximia
Construction
or Fuel
Tewa (Robbins
et al. 1916);
Western Keres
Tewa (Robbins
(Swank 1932);
et al. 1916)
Hispano (Ford
1975; Moore
1977)
Yes
Yes
Medicine
Smoking or
Chewing
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Navajo (Bryan
and Young
1940)
103
104
VCNP Species
a
Common Name
Exact
Species
Match?b
Food or
Beverage
Medicine
Yes
Yes
Typha angustifolia
Narrow-leaf
cattail
No
Urtica dioica var.
procera
Vaccinium myrtillus
var. oreophilum
Common stinging
nettle
Myrle
whortleberry
No
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Yes
Navajo
(Wyman and
Harris 1941)
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Thickleaf
valerian, tobacco
root
Yes
Verbascum thapsus
Common mullein
Yes
Yes
Mountain blue
vervain
No
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Navajo (Vestal
1952); Ute
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Ute (Callaway
et al. 1986)
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Starchy root is edible
if roasted, boiled,
or dried and ground
into meal (Kirk
1970). Pollen and
greens also may be
eaten (Hudspeth
1997). Cattail down
may be used to
dress wounds, pad
cradleboards, and
stuff pillows (Kirk
1970).
Boiled young shoots
and stems may be
eaten like spinach.
Roots yield yellow
dye (Kirk 1970).
Berries are edible
either raw or cooked
(Kirk 1970). Leaves
also may be eaten
(Hudspeth 1997).
(See
comments)
Roots are edible if
roasted for a day.
Cooked roots then
may be eaten without
further processing or
may used to make
soup or ground
into flour for bread.
Seeds edible raw but
best if parched (Kirk
1970).
Yes
Valeriana edulis var.
edulis
Verbena macdougalii
Hopi (Whiting
1939); Navajo
(Vestal 1952)
Yes
Yes
Construction
or Fuel
Pre-Columbian
(Lang 1986)
(See
comments)
(See
comments)
Smoking or
Chewing
(See
comments)
Hispano (Ford
1975; Moore
1977)
Yes
(See
comments)
Veronica americana
American
brooklime
No
Yes
Veronica peregrina
var. xalapensis
Purslane
speedwell
No
(See
comments)
Hispano (Ford
1975; Moore
1977)
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
Navajo (Vestal
1952)
Seeds may be roasted
and ground; best if
first leached (Kirk
1970).
Leaves and stems
may be used as salad
greens and potherbs
(Kirk 1970).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
VCNP Species
a
Common Name
Exact
Species
Match?b
Food or
Beverage
Medicine
Eastern Keres
(Castetter
1935); Western
Keres (Swank
1932)
PreColumbian?
(Jones and
Fonner 1954);
Navajo (Vestal
1952)
Vicia americana var.
americana
American vetch
Yes
Viguiera multiflora
var. multiflora
/Heliomeris
multiflora var.
multiflora
Showy goldeneye
No
Viola adunca
Early blue violet,
western dog
violet
No
Yes
Canadian violet
No
(See
comments)
Birdfoot violet
No
Western cliff fern
No
Viola canadensis
Viola pedatifida
Woodsia oregana
var. cathcartiana
Yucca baccata var.
baccata
Broadleaf yucca
Zigadenus elegans
Mountain death
camus
Yes
(See
No
Smoking or
Chewing
Construction
or Fuel
Dyes,
Pigments,
Tanning, Soap,
or Crafts
Fiber,
Cordage,
Basketry or
Matting
Tools
Edible Parts and
Other Comments
Young stems and
seeds may be boiled
or baked (Kirk
1970).
Navajo (Vestal
1952)
Leaves and stems
may be eaten as
greens (Kirk 1970).
Buds also are edible
(Hudspeth 1997).
Hispano (Ford
1975)
Navajo (Vestal
1952)
Pre-Columbian
(Fry and Hall
Hispano (Ford
1986); Most
1975; Moore
Historic Groups
1977)
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Navajo
(Wyman and
Harris 1951)
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire
and Tierney
1995); Hopi,
Navajo, and
Ute (Dunmire
and Tierney
1997)
Pre-Columbian
(Adovasio and
Gunn 1986;
Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Hopi (Dunmire
and Tierney
1997); Most
Historic Groups
(Bell and
Castetter 1941;
Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Pre-Columbian
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997);
Most Historic
Pueblos
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1995)
Large, pulpy fruits
may be eaten raw,
roasted, dried, or
ground into meal.
Seeds, flowers, buds,
and young flower
stalks also are edible
raw, boiled, or
roasted (Kirk 1970).
Navajo
(Dunmire and
Tierney 1997)
a
Genera are listed in alphabetical order. Species within genera usually follow alphabetical order; however, some deviations from this rule occur to simplify data presentation among taxa with similar
documented uses.
b
“Exact Species Match” signifies whether the published ethnobotancial references specifically identify plant species known to occur in the VCNP (“yes”) or describe plant uses documented by genera or a
closely related species (“no”).
105
Table 5.2. Summary VCNP ethnobotanical inventory.
Exact species match?a
VCNP species
Major Uses
Raw Count
Yes
No
Raw Count
350
125
225
Food or Beverage
290
87
203
Medicine
286
104
183
Smoking or Chewing
25
11
14
Construction or Fuel
30
12
18
Dyes, Pigments, Tanning, Soap, or
Crafts
67
27
40
Fiber, Cordage, Basketry or
Matting
18
8
10
Tools
58
22
36
a
“Exact Species Match” signifies whether the published ethnobotanical references
specifically identify plant species known to occur in the VCNP (“yes”) or describe plant uses
documented by genera or a closely related species (“no”).
106
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Chapter 6.
Ranching History
Thomas Merlan and Kurt F. Anschuetz
Introduction
Adolf Bandelier described the Valles Caldera in the
mid-1880s:
The Valles Mountains separate the northern section of the
Queres district from that claimed by the Jémez tribe. Against
the chain of gently sloping summits which forms the main
range from the peak of Abiquiu to the Sierra de la Palisada
in the south abuts in the west an elevated plateau, containing
a series of grassy basins to which the name of “Los Valles”
(the valleys) has been applied. Permanent streams water it,
and contribute to make an excellent grazing region of this
plateau. But the seasons are short. For snow ills the passes
sometimes till June and may be expected again as early as
September (Bandelier 1892:200).
Writing circa 1911, U.S. Surveyor William Boone Douglass
noted:
The soil of the valleys is a rich black loam, that may be
classed as irst rate. At many points in the higher lands the
soil is almost as good. This coupled with a copious supply
of moisture, produces a heavy growth of grass, making the
grant ideal for grazing purposes. The lands, perhaps, have
other agricultural values, especially that in the lower valleys,
but the high altitude, a mean of about 9,000 ft. [2,744 m]
above sea level, tends to prevent the maturing of crops
(Douglass and Neighbour n.d.:83).
Having again surveyed the Baca Location No. 1 (Baca
Location) in 1921, Cadastral Engineer Charles W. Devendorf
concluded,
The soil is generally a very rich black loam, but in some
of the valleys it is a gravelly brown loam, and in much of
the mountain country is more or less thin and stony. In the
rougher mountainous portions the soil is largely bare, broken
lava rock and huge boulders…At this high elevation, 8,000
to 12,000 ft. [2,439–3,659 m], the rainfall is very heavy,
also the snow fall…In the spring of 1921 the period between
spring and autumn frosts at my camp was about 60 days. It is
probably shorter on the higher mountains (Osterhoudt et al.
1921:98–99).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
These characteristics have ensured that the Valles Caldera
will never be ground for conventional farming. At the same
time, these qualities make the Valles perhaps the inest summer
pasture in the Southwest.
Cattle and Sheep
Permanent Hispanic settlement began in New Mexico in
1598 with the arrival of Don Juan de Oñate at the head of
a major colonizing expedition. Oñate brought horses, sheep,
goats, and cattle. Oñate’s breeder sheep locks thrived, and
sheep again dominated the ledgling New Mexican livestock
industry after Diego de Vargas’ Reconquest in the 1690s. In
comparison, Hispanic New Mexico never became a center of
cattle ranching. “Perhaps the single greatest retarding factor
was the presence of a substantial established population of
Pueblo Indian irrigation farmers” (Jordan 1993:146). Jordan
contends that the Franciscan missions established in New
Mexico in the 1600s, including that at Jémez Pueblo, blocked
the development of a large-scale cattle industry in order to
protect the ields and crops of the Indians as well as their
own agricultural enterprises based on Indian labor (Jordan
1993:146; see also chapters 5 and 9 for discussions of Jémez
Pueblo’s traditional relationship with the Valles Caldera).
After the Reconquest, Governor Vargas began to make land
grants, a practice that continued through the 1700s. Subsequent
governors made grants north of Jémez Pueblo and west of the
Río Grande (Scurlock 1981:135). Hispanics irst occupied the
Rito de los Frijoles in 1780, the year Governor Juan Bautista
de Anza received a petition from Andrés Montoya to recognize a land grant that former Governor Tomás Veles Cachupín
had made in 1740 (Morley 1938:150). Although Montoya
admitted never occupying this grant, de Anza conveyed
Montoya’s title to the land to his son-in-law, Juan Antonio
Lujan, who began clearing the still virgin acreage for farming
(Morley 1938:150–151). Similarly, Governor Chacòn made
the Cañon de San Diego Grant, immediately southwest of the
Baca Location in 1798. The irst European settlement on this
grant was probably Cañon, at the conluence of the Río Jémez
and the Río Guadalupe. By 1821 the Jémez Valley’s Hispanic
population was 864 (Scurlock 1981:135).
New Mexico’s ranching economy and the lands it occupied gradually expanded during the eighteenth century.
107
Herding and pastoralism were the principal means by which
the region’s Hispanic occupation grew from the time of the
Reconquest until after the coming of the Anglo-Americans
in the nineteenth century. Richard L. Nostrand, an authority
on New Mexico Hispanic history, inds that the Hispanic
“homeland,” or area of occupation, reached its greatest extent
about 1900, mainly owing to the sheep industry (Norstrand
1992).
The need for new pastures was the driving force behind
this homeland expansion. John O. Baxter (1987:42) notes
that New Mexico’s sheep industry, while still comparatively small by later standards, was solidly established by
the mid-1700s. This period also roughly coincides with the
time when Hispanic travelers and soldiers began crossing the
Valles Caldera. The Miera y Pacheco Map of 1779 implies the
presence of cattle and other livestock in the Valles Caldera
during the latter eighteenth century. In his drawing, made at
the request of Governor Juan Bautista de Anza, Bernardo
Miera y Pacheco (1779) identiies the Valle Grande as the
Valle de los Bacas (Valley of the Cows).
By 1757 the Pueblos and Hispanics of New Mexico
together owned signiicant numbers of livestock, including
seven times more sheep than cattle: 7,356 horses, 16,157
cattle, and 112,182 sheep (Baxter 1987:42). Diego Padilla,
who lived south of Albuquerque, owned 1,700 sheep but only
141 cattle in 1740. Sheep became “the economic hallmark of
the regional Euroamerican culture” (Jordan 1993:147). The
region’s Navajo and Ute populations also readily adopted
these animals into their economies and cultures.
New Mexico’s economy showed little diversiication until
about 1790. It was almost entirely agricultural and pastoral,
and depended primarily on sheep. As sheep became the acceptable means of exchange for imported consumer goods, a small
clique of rancher-merchants began to dominate livestock
marketing within the province and to control other aspects of
the local economy (Baxter 1987:42). Many of these individuals were either natives of Spain or criollos, born in the New
World but of Spanish blood.
Partido
The partido system, which was a means of lending capital at
interest in the medium of sheep, prevailed in New Mexico from
at least the early eighteenth century until it disappeared with
the new economic arrangements and dislocations of World War
II. The partido contract required a partidario (participating
sharecropper) to return a percentage of the annual increase in
the sheep herd and a percentage of the sheared wool, as well
as to compensate the owner for all losses (Scurlock 1982:4).
Partido came relatively late to the Valles Caldera, however.
Two prominent land barons of the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Maríano Sabine Otero and Frank Bond, were
largely responsible for the introduction of partido to the Baca
Location.
The earliest known partido contract in New Mexico dates
to about 1745. Under this agreement, Captain Joseph Baca of
108
Albuquerque received 417 ewes from Lieutenant Manuel Sáenz
de Garvisu for a period of 3 years (Baxter 1987:29).
Despite the early introduction of partido following the
Reconquest, livestock production remained at a subsistence
level throughout the Spanish colony until the 1770s. After 1780,
New Mexico began to produce a truly exportable surplus in
numbers such that the trade signiicantly aided New Mexico’s
economy rather than depleting it, as had earlier been the case. In
1788 Governor Fernando de la Concha estimated the number of
New Mexican sheep sold in Chihuahua at 15,000 head valued at
about 30,000 pesos. Six years later:
“[a friar noted] 15 to 20,000 sheep leave this province
annually, and there have been some years when up to 25,000
left.” In 1803 Governor Chacon estimated the number of
cattle and horses going to market annually in Sonora and
Nueva Vizcaya at more than 600 annually, plus 25 to 26,000
sheep and goats. In 1827 Colonel Antonio Narbona reported
that there were 5,000 cattle, 240,000 sheep and goats,
550 horses, 2,150 mules, and 300 mares in New Mexico
(Gutiérrez 1991:319–320).
At the end of the century, sheep marketing involved provincial
merchants who brought their livestock to La Joya de Sevilleta,
the last settlement north of the Jornada del Muerto. November
was the traditional departure date. As exports increased,
however, the dealers began to favor August when summer rains
improved grazing and illed waterholes. The caravans that took
sheep to market, called conductas or cordones, that went to
Nueva Vizcaya were escorted by detachments of soldiers from
the Santa Fe presidio to guard against Indian attack.
In 1786, after signal military victories, Governor de Anza
negotiated the Comanche Peace at Pecos, which also brought
a period of peaceful relations with Apaches and some other
nomads (but not the Navajo who were unrelenting in their
raids on Hispanic settlements in the Río Puerco). In addition,
the reforms and development promoted by the ministers of
King Charles III (the so-called “Carlist reforms”) encouraged
economic diversiication among Hispanics of New Mexico.
After nearly a hundred years of living as subsistence farmers,
artisans and skilled artisans began to set up shops, and some
cultivators began switching to herding sheep, cattle, and other
livestock. Together, these peaceful relations and economic
developments encouraged the expansion not only of the
Spanish colonial population but also of the territory’s livestock industry during the 1790s.
The Nineteenth Century
The increase in numbers of livestock, especially sheep,
created a need for new pastures on New Mexico’s frontiers.
Ranchers began to move onto the plains between the Sandia
and Manzano mountains, and sometimes founded villages. In
the period between 1818 and 1824, several rancher-merchant
families from Santa Fe and the Río Abajo also requested
land grants on the Pecos in what are now San Miguel and
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Guadalupe counties. This expansion persisted for more than
half a century, until the arrival of Anglo-American ranchers
along New Mexico’s margins checked and pushed it back.
By the 1820s the sheep population had grown to over
200,000, not counting Navajo and other Indian herds.
Hispanic herdsmen were pushing out into the borderlands of
northeastern New Mexico and as far as the Texas panhandle
in search of pasture. In 1832 there were 240,000 sheep in the
department but only 5,000 cattle and 850 horses.
Around this time, Hispanics probably were regularly using
the lush high-altitude grazing lands that became the Baca
Location for summer grazing (Scurlock 1981:134–135),
but there is no record of permanent settlement until much
later. Manuel Abrego established a ranch at Sulphur
Springs in 1856. This operation might represent the irst
Anglo-American settlement near Redondo Creek (Huning
1973:63–64).
As discussed in Chapter 4, the U.S. Congress conirmed
the Baca Location to the Baca Land Grant heirs in 1860,
although the title was not delivered until the Baca Location
was surveyed in 1876. This timing coincides with the development of huge single-owner sheep herds made possible by
increased protection by the U.S. Army and the subjugation
of the Navajos and other nomadic Indians in the 1860s and
1870s. Like other previously little-known areas next to the Río
Grande Valley, the Baca Location became a principal resource
for sustaining the continued growth of the New Mexican livestock industry (Scurlock 1981:137).
Between the 1860 Congressional authorization and the
1876 survey and patent of the land grant, Baca heirs and other
Hispanic pastores (an inclusive term that can refer to the
owners of the sheep and their peones, or employees) appear
to have run sheep in the Valles Caldera. As reported by Los
Alamos historian and author Craig Martin:
Use of the Baca Location by the Cabeza de Baca family and
their neighbors probably centered not on the Valle Grande
but on the smaller valles [valleys] along the north rim of the
Valles Caldera. In summer…[small family groups of herders]
set up sheep camps on the Valle Toledo (then called the Valle
Santa Rosa), the Valle San Antonio, and the Valle de los
Posos. Dates carved on aspen trees still testify to the use of
these back valleys as sheep camps before the beginning of
the twentieth century. Utilizing the tall grasses of the valleys,
the herders ran small locks, probably no larger than several
hundred animals apiece (Martin 2003:33, italics in the
original).
The major user apparently was Tomás Dolores Baca,
grandson of the original grantee, Luis María Cabeza de Baca
(chapter 4). Meanwhile, his older brother, Francisco Tomás,
claimed to have obtained the rights from other heirs in the
1860s. Including the land rights then obtained by his children,
the Francisco Tomás Baca family claimed to have established
ownership of an undivided one-third interest in the entire
Baca Location by the early 1870s (chapter 4). Other heirs as
well as other pastores from the San José, and Cañon de San
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Diego Grants might have used the Baca Location for summer
grazing. No available documentary evidence shows how the
land was shared.
Despite their uses of the Baca Location for grazing, the
Baca family heirs permitted members of Jémez Pueblo to
run sheep and horses in the Valles Caldera’s rich grasslands
(Martin 2003:33). The Jémez use of these valley ranges for
herding was apparently a long-lived tradition that dated back
to the early Spanish colonization of New Mexico (Martin
2003:16). The horse herd, considered by the Jémez to belong
to the whole community, was especially valuable, as witnessed
by the fact that the Pueblo’s War Captain oversaw the care
of the animals. The War Captain appointed men to take the
horses into the Valles Caldera each spring to graze, with
instructions to ensure that they did not allow the animals to
damage pastures by overgrazing. The stockmen would bring
the horse herd back to the pueblo in August in time for the fall
harvest.
Surveyor General H. W. Atkinson documented ranching
on the Baca Location by 1876. In the “General Description”
concluding their report, which Atkinson signed, the government surveyors describe the Baca Location as:
. . . inely adapted for stock growing, raising a ine rank
growth of grass especially in the interior which is illed with
several small valleys and ine streams containing myriads
of trout. The soil in the valley is rich but on account of its
altitude is too cold to raise any kind of grain or vegetables.
There are no settlers living upon the Grant. Large herds of
sheep are kept here during the summer, but not during winter
as the cold is too severe. The east and north boundaries run
along the summit of the Valles mountains and are high and
slightly broken. The grant contains an abundance of pine and
aspen timber (Sawyer and McBroom 1876:14–15).
The arrival of the Denver and Río Grande Railroad and
the establishment of a New Mexico terminal at Española in
1881 created the modern labor market and introduced cash
into what had been a barter economy (Weigle 1975:118–123).
The 1935 Indian Land Research Unit of the Ofice of Indian
Affairs gives an account of how the railroad gave the Bond
Brothers their start:
Among the gentlemen opening stores were Scott and
Whitehead, who in partnership had the commissary contract
with the railroad company…Early in 1883 the railroad
company changed its mind and decided to extend its line
into Santa Fe and to build its roundhouse in Alamosa. This
left the storekeepers in Española faced with the prospect
of another dead railroad town…In what must have been a
minor panic, all the merchants sold out. Two young brothers,
George W. and Frank Bond, were working for Scott and
Whitehead, and these men decided to buy out the stock and
the tent of Scott and Whitehead…The Bonds, shrewder than
the rest, saw the folly of depending for long-range growth
upon the railroad. If they were to grow rich in this country
they must do so on the one product that could be sold
109
elsewhere for cash. Their commercial operations, therefore,
led inevitably to livestock. In 1883 they had bought up 40
acres [16 ha] of land adjacent to the railroad depot for
$200 and proceeded to build the facilities for shipping stock.
Soon after that they began extending credit on livestock
mortgages, and their herds began to be built up. At irst they
concentrated on cattle, but these proved to be less proitable
than sheep. The grazing land open for free use at that
time appeared limited, as did the prospects in the grazing
industry. The Bond herd increased, and soon they entered
into the system of renting out sheep on a sharecropper basis.
The partidario, or sharecropper, system, under which most
of the sheep industry is carried on in New Mexico today, is
as old as Spanish colonization and may have been originally
an outgrowth of the Spanish colonial encomienda system,
whereby the labor of Indians was given to certain grantees,
together with grants of land…The Bonds apparently found
this system proitable, and their growth since 1883 has
been phenomenal. Today this corporation has extended its
operations until it covers a good portion of northern New
Mexico and controls a good share of the sheep industry.
The growth of Española has paralleled the growth of the
Bond Co . . . (Weigle 1975:119–120).
The arrival of the railroad greatly accelerated economic
and environmental change in the Territory of New Mexico.
In his discussion of environmental change and degradation on
and around the Pajarito Plateau after 1880, Rothman states
that American inluence “telescoped into a few years much
more environmental and cultural change than Spanish practices had produced in nearly three hundred years” (Rothman
1989:188). (See chapter 4 for Rothman’s [1989:205–206]
conclusions on changing land use patterns and how these
affected and were affected by grazing.)
Craig D. Allen (1989) emphasizes historic human interactions with natural processes. In a short section titled
Anthropogenic Disturbances, he discusses livestock grazing.
He states that the extremely high historic stocking rates
have led to gross alterations in the species composition of
local vegetation associations, that continuous grazing has
also caused marked reductions in herbaceous plant and litter
ground cover, that overgrazing has been seen as a major cause
of soil erosion and arroyo cutting, and that overgrazing in
the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries effectively
suppressed previous surface ire regimes throughout the landscape (Allen 1989:145–149).
The earliest homesteads between Redondo Creek and La
Cueva were those of John Kelly and Polito Montoya, who
established their ranches by 1883. Subsequent homesteads
around La Cueva include those of N. R. Darey, Angelien
Eagle, J. S. Eagle, and S. D. Thompson (USDA Forest Service
1883–1913).
Maríano Otero and his son, Frederico J. (F. J.), acquired
the Baca Location in 1899 (chapter 4). With their acquisition
of the property, the Valles Land Company began to use the
ranch as summer range for large numbers of horses, cattle, and
sheep (Martin 2003:44). Martin observes further:
110
Although they mostly dealt in real estate, the Oteros were
also experienced sheepherders. The partners registered a
new brand on June 8, 1899, and brought sheep to the ranch
that irst summer…In a typical pattern of use, the Oteros
grazed cattle and horses on the large valles and grazed sheep
in the mountains. For lambing grounds the Oteros used the
meadows above Sulphur Springs. One beneit of this location
was that the herders could use the acidic water from the
springs to rid the sheep of scab and ticks (Martin 2003:44;
emphasis in the original).
The Twentieth Century
In 1909 Frederico J. (F. J.) Otero sold the Baca Location
to the Redondo Development Company, but he continued to
lease the Location until 1917 for grazing sheep (chapter 4).
F. J. Otero did not renew his grazing lease in 1917, and that
year the G. W. Bond and Brothers Company leased the Baca
Location from Redondo Development Company for $500 a
month. The Bond Brothers used the ranch for summer grazing,
while wintering their sheep on the Ramón Vigil Land Grant
(which they bought in 1919) and the Alamo Ranch northwest of Bernalillo. The Baca Location lease required the
Bonds to make certain improvements; they spent $3,054.20
on fencing and other work in 1918. In late 1918 Frank Bond
entered into a contract to buy the Baca Location from the
Redondo Development Company. G. W. Bond and Brothers
Company continued to lease the Baca Location from 1918
to 1926 (Kelly 1972:6–7; Otero 1935:237; Wentworth
1948:239–241).
G. W. Bond and Brothers made their highest proits in wool
and sheep in 1909 and 1912, establishing partido arrangements
throughout the region. They sustained heavy losses of sheep
in the severe winter of 1914–1915 (Grubbs 1960–1962).
Their greatest proits were made well before they bought the
Baca Location and the Ramón Vigil land grants or the Alamo
Ranch. Despite further losses on the tract during the severe
winter of 1918–1919, the Bonds continued to develop their
operations there.
After entering into the 1918 contract to buy the Baca
Location, the Bond brothers permitted local Pueblos continued
access to the property for ceremonial pilgrimages, limited
hunting, and the construction of certain traditional log structures for shelter, hunting rites, and related purposes up to 1963
(Wezlowski 1981:115). A misunderstanding between G. W.
Bond and Brothers Company and Jémez Pueblo led to the
arrest of members of three Jémez Pueblo families for illegal
grazing around 1920, however. Even though the court proceedings, which were held in Española, determined in favor of the
Indian defendants, Frank Bond ended the unwritten agreement
that allowed the Pueblos to pasture their cattle and horses in
the Valles Caldera.
Changing patterns of land use in the region made the
Valles Caldera increasingly valuable for grazing and timber.
Hal Rothman (1989) notes that the Anglo-American owners
leased the timber rights on the Ramón Vigil Land Grant to H.
S. Buckman, a lumberman from Oregon, in 1898. Buckman
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
began large-scale cutting of the Plateau forests with devastating effect. “Buckman’s timber enterprise destroyed
what remained of the native ecosystem on the Vigil Grant”
(Rothman 1989:203). Rothman explains further that decline
in the quality of forage, the extension of the national forests
and the loss of open land forced many Hispanics to run sheep
on shares, a business dominated by Frank Bond. (Rothman
1989:209)
Bond acquired so much public and private grazing land
that small herders, who could not ind enough pasture for their
stock, had to sign partido agreements with him. Bond’s system
tended to impoverish these small herdsmen. Partidarios took
his sheep along with their own, and Bond made the herders
fully responsible for the animals in their care. Their own stock
served as collateral. Bond collected a fee for range use from
the partidarios, “usually 300 pounds of wool and 25 lambs
per 100 ewes (Martin 2003:65). Partidarios also had to outit
themselves from his store, where he charged a lat 10 percent
interest rate. With expenses mounting, most partidarios were
lucky to keep their own sheep at the end of a contract. As
Bond’s empire grew, he became the most inluential man
in the Española Valley (Rothman 1989:209–210; see also
Weigle 1975:219).
Use of the Baca Location remained seasonal despite the
increased herding activity. William Boone Douglass noted:
The grant is without permanent habitation. During the
summer months, the owners maintain a cattle ranch, and
near the SE. Cor. is a dairy ranch. The members of both
ranches leave before winter sets in. In the valleys to the
south and West without the bounds of the grant, permanent
settlements are found, where the lands appear to be
cultivated with a proit (Douglass and Neighbour n.d.).
Historian Dan Scurlock (1981) notes that there were 73
Bond employees on the Baca Location in the summer of 1918.
He lists the employees identiied by informants or found in the
Bond and Son business records; all but 3 of the employees were
Hispanic or had Hispanic surnames. Most were sheepherders
(pastores), camp tenders (camperos), or camp suppliers (caporales). That summer there were 17 sheep camps and 1 cattle
camp on the Baca Location. The average number of sheep
per camp was 1,257 (Scurlock 1981:144, 147). Clyde Smith,
who was born on a homestead at Battleship Rock in1899 and
worked for Maríano S. Otero as a young man, estimated that
there were over 100,000 sheep on the Baca Location during
the summers of 1917 and 1918 (Scurlock 1982:4). In taped
interviews with Scurlock made in 1970, Smith provided a
detailed account of life as a shepherd in the Valles Caldera.
(See entry for Scurlock [1982] for an extensive excerpt of
this interview; see also Martin [2003:60–61] for a concise
discussion of herding practices, camp structure, and aspen tree
carving as a pastime.)
Ledger entries from November 23, 1918, to September
8, 1919, refer to the Baca Location (Bond and Son 1918–
1919). These documents show that individuals were grazing
small numbers of stock, such as “35 cows and 8 horses” and
“6 cows and 1 horse” (Bond and Son 1918–1919:1) on the
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Baca Location. The ledgers also indicate fees paid to Bond
and Nohl Co. and balances due. The base price for grazing
a horse or cow was $1.25 for the summer season (Bond and
Son 1918–1919).
There is some surviving correspondence about the Baca
Location from this period. Herman Wertheim, writing for
Vicente Armijo from Domingo, New Mexico on June 19,
1918, enclosed a voucher for $116 in payment for grazing
of 116 head of cattle taken to the Baca Location on June 12
(Bond and Son 1918–1921).
Moses Abouselman sent payments of $17 for 17 head
of cattle and $65 for 65 head of cattle grazing on the Baca
Location. Another letter refers to 14 head (Bond and Son
1918–1921).
Moses Abouselman wrote on June 10, 1918, that it was his
understanding that he would pay 50 cents per head of cattle
for the month of May or $1.25 for the season (i.e., “through
the summer”). Abouselman wrote a letter dated June 14, 1918,
on behalf of José Antonio Pecos of Jémez Pueblo. Pecos
requested permission to put his horses on “the grant.” There is
some correspondence from the Quemado Sheep Company at
Peña Blanca (Bond and Son 1918–1921).
Life as a herdsman, both for the laborer and owner, was
uncertain. The good times experienced during the summers of
1917 and 1919 did not last. Frank Bond’s son-in-law, Charles
H. Corlett, who worked as manager of the Baca Location for
about a year and was later to become a renowned general in
the U.S. Army during World War II, describes the great dificulties confronting the Valles Caldera herdsmen in 1919:
Because of the severe winter of 1919 many cattle and sheep
died of starvation. Frank Bond was beside himself with
worry and nearly out of his mind. John Davenport [known as
“Juan Largo” by his Hispanic friends (Scurlock 1981:144)]
was overworked and somewhat discouraged as a result of the
dreary winter, did not object when Bond made me manager,
but became my loyal and valued assistant. I resigned my
commission as lieutenant colonel (temporary) in the Army of
the United States and became a stockman…After about four
months at La Jara, the headquarters of the Baca, Amy and I
moved down into the valley and occupied my mother’s house
(Corlett 1974:46–47).
The Forest Service had instituted a program of predator
control in the Jémez Mountains in 1916 (Barker 1970). The
U.S. Biological Survey (later renamed the U.S. Fish and
Wildlife Service) had been trapping predators, mainly gray
wolves, in the mountains before 1916. Elk, mule deer, turkey,
and prairie dogs were reduced or eliminated in and around the
Baca Location by the Forest Service program of hunting and
poisoning. Consequently, gray wolves, mountain lions, and
coyotes preyed increasingly on cattle and sheep.
The U.S. Biological Survey continued to hunt predators,
primarily gray wolves and mountain lions, from Chama south
to the Baca Location and in the mesas and canyons to the
south and west. John Davenport killed the last native New
Mexican gray wolf in the Valle Grande in 1932 (Scurlock
1981:148).
111
Frank Bond and the G. W. Bond and Brothers Company
completed their purchase of the Baca Location, with a half
interest in the mineral rights, in 1926 (Chapters 3 and 7).
Redondo Development Company retained its full timber
rights on the tract for 99 years (Scurlock 1981:144; see also
Chapter 4).
Most of the pastores, camperos, and caporales who worked
on the Baca Location between about 1910 and 1950 lived in
the locality. Records show that they came from San Ysidro,
Cuba, Regina, Chamita, Española, Cow Springs, Santa Fe,
Peña Blanca, Bernalillo, Vallecito de los Indios, and Velarde
(Scurlock 1981:144).
In its study of the area carried out in March through July
1935 (originally published as the Tewa Basin Study), the Indian
Land Research Unit of the Ofice of Indian Affairs discussed
the Bond Brothers and how they adopted the partido system.
Case History No. III describes the partido arrangement under
which Lazaro Salazar ran his sheep on the Baca Location:
Lazaro Salazar has been renting Bond’s sheep since 1924.
He has 300 of Bond’s sheep and 900 of his own. Lazaro rents
Bond’s sheep only to have the right to use the Baca Location
(owned by Bond) to graze his sheep at $.25 per head. Lazaro
is an exceptional sheep herder and has been able to stay
clear of debt. This he attributed to the fact that only onefourth of his sheep holdings belong to Bond. When, as is the
case with all of the herders, it is necessary to borrow from
Bond to inance the herding operations, a contract is made
calling for the sale of lambs and wool to the Bond Company
at a price to be set by them. In 1934 Bond limited Lazaro’s
grazing privileges on the Baca Location to 1,200 sheep. He
feels that because of the fact that the ratio of his own sheep
to Bond’s sheep is too great he will be crowded off the Baca
Location (Indian Land Research Unit of the Ofice of Indian
Affairs, in Weigle 1975:219).
Following lambing season, the herds were driven to
shearing camps, maintained by Bond at Paseo del Norte,
which is just south of the junction of Highway 4 and the road
to the ranch headquarters, and at San Antonio Springs and at
El Cajete (Scurlock 1981:144). Some shearers (trasquiladores) came from adjacent villages and others came from as
far away as Mexico.
A shearer could shear 50 to 100 sheep each day and was
paid 25 cents for each animal sheared. About 500 pounds of
wool could be stuffed into a gunnysack. Ten or 12 sacks made
a freight load, which was hauled by a four-horse or mule team
and wagon across the Baca Location through Santa Clara
Pueblo to Bond’s Española store, or through La Cueva to
Jémez Springs. Jémez Pueblo freighters then hauled the wool
from Jémez Springs to Bernalillo or Albuquerque (Scurlock
1981:144).
Lorin Brown (1978:158). gives a detailed account of
his visit to a pastor, Basilico Garduño, at his camp “in the
shadow of El Cerro Redondo (Round Peak), near Jémez Hot
Springs.” Garduño worked for a patrón, presumably Frank
Bond. The patrón visited the camp later, but Brown offers
no details concerning him. Brown does, however, record
112
Garduño’s conversation about his former patrón, Don
Maríano [Otero].
My father and I both worked for Don Maríano, who irst
owned those springs, that is, the grant on which they are
located. He was muy rico, a man of many sheep and much
land. We used to lamb in the grassy valley just above the
springs and dip the sheep in troughs built just below the main
sulphur spring. We used nothing else except the very water
from the spring to rid the sheep of scab and ticks. It was
much better than this stuff we have to use nowadays (Basilico
Garduño, in Brown 1978:166).
Brown describes the shearers, who arrived once a year, as
“itinerants, shearing sheep on a commission basis all over the
state and into Colorado” (Brown 1978:171).
Franklin Bond assumed ever greater oversight of the
family business dealings in northern New Mexico following
the decline in his father’s (Frank Bond) health and subsequent moves, irst to Albuquerque and then to California.
Because wool prices declined in 1939–1940, he added
cattle to the Baca Location ranching operation. World War
II brought great demand for uniforms, briely boosting the
price of wool.
Frank Bond died on June 21, 1945, just weeks before
Japan’s unconditional surrender ended World War II. Soon
afterward, commercial manufacture of synthetic ibers developed during the war caused the sheep industry to collapse
again (Martin 2003:67). Franklin Bond increased the number
of cattle on the Baca Location, and began leasing rangeland
to cattle ranchers who terminated the traditional partidos with
local men in favor of cowboys who worked as employees (see
Martin 2003:67–68).
Even the Bond family hired between 5 and 15 cowboys for
the ranching season. Martin reports:
The ranch hands would be up at 4 AM for a hearty breakfast
and arrive at the corrals at 5 AM. Out of the herd of 50,
each cowboy was assigned six or seven horses—enough for
a week of hard riding. On trail by sunup, the employees rode
up to 20 miles [32 km] a day, checking the cows and calves,
inspecting the watering holes, and tending other ranch
chores. Branding operations were run at Black Corrals
near Cerro La Jara in the Valle Grande. During branding
time cowboys rode out before sunrise to round up cattle. By
afternoon they returned with the stock, the ires were hot, and
the branding began. In the 1940s and early 1950s, cowboys
and sheepherders received $90 per month. Skilled horse
trainers could make $125 per month. Meals were served at
the bunkhouse and consisted of lamb, beef, potatoes, chili,
and fresh pie twice a day (Martin 2003:67).
In the early 1950s, the Baca Location supported some
30,000 sheep and 5,000 cattle (Martin 2003:69). After
Franklin Bond’s death in 1954 at the age of 52, the trend
toward replacing family sheep herds with cattle owned by
lessees continued. By the late 1950s, ranchers ran as many as
12,000 cattle on the ranch (Martin 2003:67).
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Sam King and his younger brother, Bruce (who later served
three 4-year terms as governor of New Mexico in the 1970s,
80s and 90s), obtained a 5-year lease of the Baca Location
grass in 1959. The King brothers helped remove the last of
the Bond sheep from the Valles Caldera, ending this important
part of the Baca Location’s history.
In 1960, the King brothers ran 3,100 head of cattle, which
they trucked into the Valles Caldera from their lower elevation
ranches, during the summer and early fall. Martin describes
the operation:
Starting in mid-September, cowboys rode out each morning
to round up the cattle spread over extensive rangeland. It
took two weeks to herd the cows and calves into the large
pastures of the Valle Grande. In early October heifers were
cut from the herds and moved to the loading pens at the old
Bond shearing camp near the headquarters road. Seven
trucks, all loaded in two hours, took the yearlings to market
in Denver. The Kings trucked the calves to feedlots near their
home ranch in Stanley, and kept the cattle on the Alamos
Ranch near Albuquerque, which they had purchased from the
Bonds for winter range (Martin 2003:69–70).
The King brothers offered to buy 25,000 acres (10,000 ha)
of the Baca Location (they had just bought the Alamo Ranch
and could not make an offer for the entire land grant). The
Bond Estate, however, refused to divide the property (Bruce
King, in Martin 2003:70).
Instead, James Patrick Dunigan, owner of Dunigan Tool
and Supply Company in Abilene, Texas, bought the Baca
Location from the Bond Estate in 1963 (see also chapter 4,
“Divided Rights Part II: James Patrick Dunigan vs. New
Mexico Timber” section). After honoring existing grazing
lease contracts, Dunigan started running his own cattle on the
ranch in 1965.
In his 1968 testimony before 10th Circuit Court of Appeals,
J. B. Harrell, Jr., a Dunigan employee, states that Dunigan
ran about 7,000 yearling steers on the Baca Location. The
ranching season ran from about April 15 to November 15,
depending on weather conditions (Baca Co. v. NM Timber,
Inc. 1967). Most of these animals belonged to Texas ranchers
who trucked their herds to the Valles Caldera. Under the terms
of their grazing contracts, lessees paid Dunigan a per head fee
at the end of the ranching season based on the animal’s weight
gain (Martin 2003:103).
The following year, while making his statement before
10th Circuit Court of Appeals for the same case, Dunigan was
asked about the range improvement and ranching programs
that his companies had initiated:
Collectively, when the partners and representatives of
Dunigan Tool & Supply Company in a management capacity,
took a look at the ranch and decided upon a course of
fencing, developing water, creating areas in which to put
our cattle, and we had committed ourselves at this point to
a steer operation…we felt that we’d get a movement of our
steers up into the high county with the proper techniques of
salts and minerals and with the development of spring tanks,
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
and we purchased a D-8 Caterpillar and in accordance with
plans, proceeded to build sixty-ive earthen stock tanks on the
ranch. At the time we came to the Baca Location there was a
total of six tanks…, besides the running water in streams and
natural springs (James Patrick Dunigan, in Baca Co. v. NM
Timber, Inc. 1967).
Dunigan reported that his newly constructed stock tanks
captured lows from intermittent springs, streams, and draws,
and that some features were placed in high country grassland
areas that previous ranchers had not used.
Under Dunigan’s ownership, therefore, ranching operations were expanded into new topographic settings to allow
more effective use and long-range management of available
grasses. At the beginning of the ranching season, Dunigan
separated the cattle among the Valle Grande, Valle Toledo,
Valle de los Posos, and Valle Seco, as well as the lower elevations along the streams in the San Luis and Santa Rosa areas
of the Baca Location (J. B. Harrell, Jr., in Baca Co. v. NM
Timber, Inc. 1967). Dunigan explained that he adopted this
practice because grass comes early to these low-lying elevations and grows well under sub-irrigation through stream
diversions (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967) Dunigan
needed to develop alternative pastures in the higher elevations
to maintain the productivity of the valley-bottom pastures
over the entire ranching season. He reasoned that by starting a
program of high country grazing about the middle of June:
. . . we will get the growing season beneits in our valleys and
then in the valley in the fall, we have that summer’s growth
that we can bring to our shipping point and, of course, the
cattle won’t hurt the grass after it is matured and had its
growth undisturbed (James Patrick Dunigan, in Baca Co. v.
NM Timber, Inc. 1967).
Besides building stock tanks and salt- and mineral-lick
stations to develop high-elevation grasslands for range use,
Dunigan ran fences along the north side of the Valle San
Antonio to help direct the movement of steers into the high
country (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967).
Dunigan’s overall fencing program was ambitious. The
ranch built fences for the irst time along the north and east
boundaries of the Baca Location to reduce losses resulting
from livestock wandering onto the Santa Fe National Forest.
It also fenced the south side of the Valle San Antonio to
hold cattle in the valley-bottom pasture when the livestock
returned from the uplands. Dunigan indicated that his ranch
planned to build other cross fences throughout the Baca
Location to allow implementation of pasture deferral and
rotation to improve range conditions over the long term
(Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967). Dunigan’s goal was
to allow individual pastures to lie fallow about once every
4 years.
Baca Land and Cattle Company worked with the U.S. Soil
Conservation Service and consulted with Texas Technological
College on ways to improve the Baca Location’s rangeland.
One of these collaborations consisted of an experimental
plot of 14 grasses to develop cool season varieties to
113
inter-seed with the native species (James Patrick Dunigan,
in Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967). The introduction of
diverse cool-season grasses would reduce damage to pastures
during grazing, and had the potential to lengthen the livestock
season by producing useful grass earlier in the spring and later
in the fall. Dunigan also hoped that he could use cool-season
grasses to reclaim abandoned logging road cuts and other
disturbed areas.
Under Dunigan’s ownership, use of the Baca Location was
not limited to cattle. In the 1960s and 1970s, Dunigan diversiied his operation to include commercial elk hunts (Chapter 5),
geothermal exploration (Chapter 8), and leases for Hollywood
ilming (Martin 2003:106–110). He also experimented with
training thoroughbreds at high altitude to see if he could
improve their performance in races at lower elevations.
In 1977 Dunigan built a large stable for thoroughbreds
about a mile [1.6 km] north of the headquarters area and
on the western border of the Valle Grande. The stable
enclosed 18 stalls in two parallel rows. Paddocks enclosing
many acres extended from the stable area toward Jaramillo
Creek. A one-bedroom apartment was attached to the stable
so that trainers never had to be far from their charges.
However, Dunigan’s death in 1980 ended the experiment with
inconclusive results (Martin 2003:104).
Today
Grazing has continued on the Baca Location since its acquisition by the Federal Government. An interim cattle grazing
program began in the summer of 2002 on 23,380 acres (9,461
ha) in the Valles Grande, Toledo and San Antonio, and Cerro
Seco pastures, with a maximum deined capacity of 2,000
animal units.
References
Allen, Craig D.
1989 Changes in the Landscape of the Jemez Mountains, New Mexico. Ph.D. dissertation. Wildlife
Resource Science, University of California, Berkeley.
Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc.
1967 Baca Land and Cattle Company and Dunigan Tool and Supply Company, and George W.
Savage, Trustee Under Liquidating Trust Agreement, v. New Mexico Timber, Inc., and T.
Gallagher and Co., Inc. 384 F.2d 701 (10th Circuit Court of Appeals). 8NN-021-89-022
#5648, Federal Records Center (FRC) #76L0201, boxes 110 and 110A. Denver, CO:
National Archives, Rocky Mountain Region.
Bailey, Vernon
1913 Life Zones and Crop Zones of New Mexico. North American Fauna 35. U.S. Department
of Agriculture (USDA), Bureau of Biological Survey. Washington, DC: U.S. Government
Printing Ofice.
Bandelier, Adolf F.
1892 Final Report of Investigations among the Indians of the Southwestern United States,
Carried on Mainly in the Years from 1880 to 1885, pt. 2. American Series IV. Papers of the
Archaeological Institute of America. Cambridge, MA: John Wilson and Son.
Barker, Elliott
1970 Western Life and Adventures 1889–1970. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico, Calvin
Horn Collection.
Baxter, John
1987 Las Carneradas: Sheep Trade in New Mexico 1700–1860. Albuquerque: University of New
Mexico Press.
Bond and Son
1918–1919 Ledger. Item 103. Bond, Frank, and Son Records. Albuquerque: Center for Southwest
Research, General Library, University of New Mexico.
1918–1921 Quemado Sheep Company 1918–1921. Carton 181. Bond, Frank, and Son Records.
Albuquerque: Center for Southwest Research, General Library, University of New Mexico.
Brown, Lorin W.
1978 Hispano Folklife of New Mexico: The Lorin W. Brown Federal Writers’ Project Manuscripts.
Albuquerque: University of New Mexico.
114
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Corlett, Charles H.
1974 Cowboy Pete. Santa Fe, NM: Sunstone Press.
Douglass, William Boone, and Hugh M. Neighbour
n.d. Restorative Survey of the Baca Location No. 1. Microiche on ile: Santa Fe, NM: State Ofice,
Bureau of Land Management.
Grubbs, Frank H.
1960–1962 Frank Bond: Gentleman Sheepherder of Northern New Mexico. New Mexico Historical
Review 35:168–99; 35:293–309; 36:128–58, 230–243, 274–345; 37:43–71.
Gutiérrez, Ramón A.
1991 When Jesus Came, the Corn Mothers Went Away: Marriage, Sexuality and Power in New
Mexico 1500–1846. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Huning, Franz
1973 Trader on the Santa Fe Trail: Memoirs of Franz Huning, with Notes by His Granddaughter,
Lina Fergusson Browne. Albuquerque, NM: University of Albuquerque, Calvin Horne
Collection.
Jordan, Terry G.
1993 North American Cattle Ranching Frontiers: Origins, Diffusion and Differentiation.
Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
Kelly, Daniel T., with Beatrice Chauvenet
1972 The Buffalo Head: A Century of Mercantile Pioneering in the Southwest. Santa Fe, NM:
Vergara Publishing.
Martin, Craig
2003 Valle Grande: A History of the Baca Location No. 1. Los Alamos, NM: All Seasons
Publishing.
Miera y Pacheco, Bernardo
1779 Plano de la Provincia Interna de Nuebo Mexico que hizo por mandado de el Tnte. Coronel de
Caballeria, Gobernador y Comte. General de dha Prov.a Don Juan Bap.ta de Ansa. On ile.
Santa Fe: Map Room, Angélico Chávez History Library, Palace of the Governors, Museum
of New Mexico.
Morley, Sylvanus
1938 Appendix II: The Rito de los Frijoles in the Spanish Archives. In Pajarito Plateau and Its
Ancient People. Edgar L. Hewett, ed. Pp. 149–154. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico
Press.
Nostrand, Richard L.
1992 The Hispano Homeland. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
Osterhoudt, L. A., W. V. Hall, and Charles W. Devendorf
1921 Independent Resurvey of the Baca Location No. 1. Microiche on ile. Santa Fe, NM: State
Ofice, Bureau of Land Management.
Otero, Miguel Antonio
1935 My Life on the Frontier. Albuquerque, NM: Press of the Pioneers.
Rothman, Hal
1989 Industrial Values and Marginal Land: Cultural and Environmental Change on the Pajarito
Plateau. New Mexico Historical Review 64:185–211.
Sawyer, Daniel and McBroom, William H.
1876 Field Notes of the Survey of Baca Location No. One, in New Mexico, being Grant made to
the heirs of Luis Maria Baca by act of Congress approved June 21, 1860. Surveyed by Daniel
Sawyer and William H. McBroom, U.S. Dep. Surs., under their Contract No. 68, of April 15,
1876. Microiche on ile. Santa Fe, NM: State Ofice, Bureau of Land Management.
Scurlock, Dan
1981 Euro-American History of the Study Area. In High Altitude Adaptations along Redondo
Creek: The Baca Geothermal Anthropological Project. Craig Baker and Joseph C. Winter,
eds. Pp. 131–160. Albuquerque: Ofice of Contract Archeology, University of New Mexico.
1982 Pastores of the Valles Caldera: Documenting a Vanishing Way of Life. El Palacio 88(1):3–11.
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115
U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service
1883–1913 Forest Homestead Records. Albuquerque, NM: Land Status Ofice, Southwest Region.
Weigle, Marta, ed.
1975 Hispanic Villages of Northern New Mexico. Santa Fe, NM: Lightning Tree.
Wentworth, Edward Norris
1948 America’s Sheep Trails. Ames: Iowa State College.
Weslowski, Lois Vermilya
1981 Native American Land Use along Redondo Creek. In High-Altitude Adaptations along
Redondo Creek: The Baca Geothermal Anthropological Project. Craig Baker and Joseph C.
Winter, eds. Pp. 105–127. Albuquerque: Ofice of Contract Archeology, University of New
Mexico.
116
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Chapter 7.
Industrial Timbering
Kurt F. Anschuetz and Thomas Merlan
Establishing the Foundations for a
History of Leveraged Buyouts
During their cadastral survey preceding conirmation of the
Baca Location No. 1 (Baca Location) to Luis María Cabeza de
Baca’s heirs in 1876, Daniel Sawyer and William H. McBroom
noted that the grant “contained an abundance of pine and aspen
timber” (Sawyer and McBroom 1876:14–15).
Commercial timbering approached the Baca Location
from lower elevations accessible to railroads. H. S. Buckman,
a lumberman from Oregon, leased the timber rights on the
nearby Ramón Vigil Land Grant in 1898. He logged the grant
rapidly, destroying what was left of its native ecosystem
(Rothman 1989:203).
In 1905 a Presidential proclamation created the 1,237,205acre (501,000-ha) Jémez Forest Preserve, today part of the
Santa Fe National Forest. The purpose of this preserve was
to prevent indiscriminate logging and to manage the forest
reserves for the beneit of the public. Through its permit and
fee provision requirements, this executive action brought
about notable changes in land use, and increased the use of
private land holdings, which were not subject to Federal oversight.
The Baca Location’s timber holdings accordingly increased
in value. In a 1907 assessment, the land grant’s rich forests
included 425 million board feet of white pine and between 15
and 25 million board feet of spruce, a supply so abundant that
it could “keep 6 to 8 mills busy for 35 to 60 years” (Laughlin
Papers 1907).
After years of arguments with his brothers over the disposition of the property (Martin 2003), F. J. Otero sold the
Baca Location to Redondo Development Company (based
in Warren, Pennsylvania) on October 16, 1909. Its president,
Edward D. Wetmore, later described himself as a capitalist in
the lumber industry (1930 Federal Census, Warren County,
Pennsylvania, in Martin 2003:47). Wetmore’s enterprise
reportedly bought the property for $300,000, a sum that far
exceeded the tract’s assessed ranchland value of $53,000
(Bernalillo County, New Mexico 1849–1903). The disparity
suggests that Wetmore and his investors were speculating on a
resource other than pasture. More than likely, they were speculating on the Baca Location’s timber.
Redondo Development Company investigated developing a commercial logging operation on the Baca Location,
but ultimately decided against it. The impediment was the
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
heavy capital investment needed to develop the roads and
other infrastructure for hauling timber from this still-remote location (Martin 2003:47). Instead, Wetmore used
his connections to mortgage the Baca Location on April 1,
1915, to a bank in his hometown, the Warren Savings Bank,
for $175,000. Redondo Development Company reserved the
right to harvest and sell timber from the land for a stipulated
total of not less than $175,000. This stipulation suggests
the now-familiar device of the leveraged buyout, which
is a strategy where a buyer pays for a property by selling
parts of itself. What the land could be expected to earn from
renewable resources, such as pasture, and its market price
(relecting its speculative value) were getting further and
further apart, something to be expected in a region where
the cash and market economy was still young. Wetmore
apparently was looking for another way to raise money from
the Baca Location other than ranching, but the calculation
concerning the timber was a fateful one.
The Severing of Timber Rights
from Grazing Rights
George W. and Frank Bond, the biggest wool and sheep men
in the region, leased the grazing rights to the Baca Location
in 1917. In March 1918, Frank Bond made an inquiry about
buying the tract. He proposed to give Redondo Development
Company a 50-year timber right. Wetmore asked for a longer
period, and this, together with the Bond brothers’ simultaneous commitment to buy the Ramon Vigil Grant, and wartime
market uncertainties, led the Bonds to put the matter off. With
the end of the World War, the brothers took up the negotiation again. In a contract dated December 17,1918, they agreed
that Redondo Development Company would retain a 99-year
right to the timber, and one half the mineral interests (Baca
Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, Trial record on ile, National
Archives, Rocky Mountain Region, 8NN-021-89-022 #5648,
FRC#76L0201, box 110A; see also Bond and Son 1918–
1919; Scurlock 1981:144). The Bond brothers were to pay a
total of $400,000 for the property by the end of 1925; the deed
of sale would not be executed until 1926.
The Bonds took the deed on April 8, 1926. With ownership
came the deed’s requirement that they maintain the property’s
timber reserves.
117
As part of the consideration for this conveyance, and this
conveyance is made upon the express understanding,
covenant and agreement of the second party [the Bond
brothers], that they will at all times hereafter exercise due
care and use all reasonable means to protect the timber,
trees and wood upon said premises from ire, and during the
grazing season will keep at least three men riding in and
about said timber, and will at all times co-operate with the
United States Forestry Service, and the agents and employees
of the party of the irst part [Redondo Development
Company] to protect said timber from ire, and this shall be
a covenant running with the land and be binding upon the
heirs, executors, administrators and assigns of the parties of
the second part (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967).
Under the terms of their purchase contract, the Bond
brothers could cut only timber suficient “for building houses,
sheds, barns, corrals and fences, and also such dead and down
timber as may be necessary for irewood” (T. P. Gallagher,
Jr., in Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, Answers of New
Mexico Timber, Inc., to Interrogatories, October 16, 1964, box
110A). Clearly, the Bond brothers bought the Baca Location
as stockmen. The terms of the sale were designed to ensure
that they would conduct their livestock operations in ways
that did not adversely affect the timber.
The Early History of Timbering
on the Baca Location
By 1900, several small sawmills were processing timber
from the Cañon de San Diego Land Grant or under permit
from the Jémez Forest Preserve in the upper Río Jemez Valley
(Scurlock 1981:142, citing Kintzinger 1978 and Smith 1979).
Jim Smith ran a water turbine-powered mill at Battleship Rock
from the late nineteenth century to about 1912. Surveyors noted
that the Freelove sawmill, which was on San Antonio Creek to
the northwest of Redondo Creek, was working between 1913
and 1914. Lew Caldwell started a sawmill on his homestead
at Vallecito de los Indios in 1925. The Hughes brothers started
a mill at Ponderosa farther downstream in 1930 (Scurlock
1981).
Guy H. Porter and his son, Frank H., established the White
Pine Lumber Company in 1922. They invested $2,000,000 to
build a sawmill at Bernalillo and a rail line from this mill to
San Ysidro near Zia Pueblo (Scurlock 1981:148). By 1924,
White Pine Lumber Company mill was in operation and
the company extended its line—known irst as the Santa Fe
Northwestern and subsequently as the Santa Fe Northern—to
Porter, the operation’s main logging camp in Guadalupe
Canyon. Like some other area mills, White Pine Lumber
Company processed lumber primarily from private holdings
on the Cañon de San Diego Land Grant. By 1927 White Pine
Lumber Company averaged 145,000 board feet of lumber
daily, until a shortage of timber forced a reduction in production levels (Scurlock 1981:148, citing Southwest History
Class 1976:66–67). To restore its timber output, White Pine
Lumber Company extended its tracks from Porter to various
118
landings higher up Guadalupe Canyon, following the Río
Vacas (Scurlock 1981:148, citing Weinstein 1979). The White
Pine Lumber Company cut about 100 million board feet of
lumber from the beginning of its major operations in 1924
until its shutdown in 1931. With the onset of the Depression
and a drop in demand for lumber, economic conditions forced
the company to close.
While White Pine Lumber Company failed, New Mexico
Lumber and Timber Company, which had also worked the
110,000-acre (44,515-ha) Cañon de San Diego Land Grant
since 1922, expanded its operations. The company’s president,
T. P. Gallagher, Jr., bought White Pine Lumber Company later
that year and continued working its timber rights in the upper
San Diego Land Grant through 1936, depleting the tract’s
commercial timber reserves (Scurlock 1981:138, 148, citing
Southwest History Class 1976). Before exhausting its timber
rights, however, New Mexico Lumber and Timber Company
began searching for new privately owned tracts.
The Baca Location was the company’s obvious choice. Not
only was the tract rich in timber, the introduction of logging
trucks and the Civilian Conservation Corps’ construction of
the irst graded road between Los Alamos and Cuba in 1935
freed commercial loggers from the heavy expense of building
a rail line. Redondo Development Company had waited 26
years for the conditions that would make its investment profitable (Vernon Glover, personal communication 2002, in
Martin 2003:85).
Redondo Development Company, with the approval of
Warren Savings Bank and Trust Company, sold the logging
rights on the Baca Location to the Firesteel Lumber Company
on July 19, 1935, for $150,000. On tax assessment forms iled
between 1931 and 1935, Firesteel’s owner, Robert Anderson,
had variously claimed that the Baca Location had anywhere
from 270 to 312 million board feet of commercially valuable
timber (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, box 110A; see
also chapter 4).
New Mexico Lumber and Timber Company immediately
signed an agreement with Firesteel Lumber Company and
began the irst industrial logging on the Baca Location (Baca
Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, box 110A; see also chapter 4).
The company’s president, T. P. Gallagher, Jr., decided to log
the stands of ponderosa pine, white ir, and Douglas ir that
had been growing largely untouched on Redondo Border and
Banco Bonito, and between Redondo Creek and Vallecito de
los Indios for countless generations. According to Gallagher,
the logging focused exclusively on this timber because it could
be cut “in high grade because of economic reasons and because
it could be sold in the market” (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc.
1967, box 110A; see also Vernon Glover, in Martin 2003:85).
The “economic reasons” included the great size of the trees
and the comparatively lat terrain.
A sawmill in Redondo Meadow handled the logs, and the
lumber was shipped on the good downhill grades through
Jemez Springs to the railroad landing at Cañones. Anderson
reported that 42 million board feet of timber was cut in 1935
(Glover 1990:36, in Martin 2003:85–86).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
As the U.S. emerged from the Great Depression and
trucking of timber became practical, the mortgage on the Baca
Location’s timber changed hands among banks, agencies, and
speculators (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, Abstract of
Title to Timber Interest, box 110A). In the short term, mortgage holders moved to consolidate their interests. Warren
Savings Bank and Trust Company sold Redondo Development
Company’s bond of $130,000 and irst mortgage on the Baca
Location timber rights to Blue Diamond Trading Corporation
of New York on May 26, 1936. The Reconstruction Finance
Corporation received Redondo Development Company’s
1933 promissory note for $65,000 from Warren Savings Bank
and Trust Company on May 28, 1936. It immediately reassigned the note to Warren Savings Bank.
New Mexico Lumber and Timber Company established
a logging camp, called Camp Redondo or Redondo Camp,
for about 25 employees and their families near the mouth of
Redondo Creek. The camp consisted of 12 by 16 foot (3.7 by
4.9 m) log cabins, transportable skid-mounted frame houses,
sheds, stables, a mess hall, a log schoolhouse, and miscellaneous huts and tents (Scurlock 1981:148, citing Darnell 1979
and Weinstein 1979). The remnants of some of these structures, particularly those of the log cabins (e.g., sites BG-24,
BG-25, BG-27, BG-28, and BG-29) and the old schoolhouse
(site BG-26), are visible today. Dick Cotton, a New Mexico
Timber Company employee who arrived at Camp Redondo
from Missouri in 1937, built and lived in an outlying cabin
(site BG-19) (Scurlock 1981:148, citing Darnell 1979 and
Smith 1979).
Interviews with two of the New Mexico Lumber and Timber
Company’s surviving logging supervisors, Henry Darnell
(1979) and Yale Weinstein (1979), showed that employees
included “Anglos from Arkansas, Oklahoma, and northeast
Texas, Mexican nationals, and local Hispanos” (Scurlock
1981:148). While Anglo-American employees presumably
received preferential consideration in company housing, the
former employees noted, “The Mexicans built their own huts
at the main camp or lived in tents near the active tree cutting
sites (Scurlock 1981:148, citing Darnell 1979 and Weinstein
1979).
During its relatively brief history, Camp Redondo saw
signiicant change in logging technology and organization.
During its irst year or two, the camp was home to fellers
(timber cutters), as well as skidders (horse and mule team
drivers) and barn dogs (skidding team supervisors) alike
(Scurlock 1981:148).
Martin succinctly describes the early logging operations:
The easiest, least expensive logging centered on the
ponderosa stands. Limitations of equipment and the dificulty
of moving logs on steep terrains kept sawyers off steep
slopes. The company constructed rough roads through the
grasslands that reached the quality [ponderosa] pine stands
without requiring extensive engineering plans. Sawyers made
their cuts with two-man saws that were most easily used
at chest height. Pushing and pulling and using wedges to
keep a saw from binding, a team could fell even the largest
pines in several hours. (The tall stumps left by the sawyers
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are distinctive of this era.) Felled trees were skidded—
dragged—by teams of horses or by machinery to loading
areas. Lacking cranes to lift the logs onto the backs of trucks,
the loading areas often were lat landings excavated into
hillsides. Even the largest diameter logs could be rolled from
the hill onto the latbed trucks, which sat by the depressions
(Martin 2003:86–87).
The introduction of more powerful and eficient logging
trucks and caterpillar tractors, however, saw the transformation
of the area’s logging industry and changes in the demography
and social structure of Camp Redondo. The logging trucks
and tractors quickly replaced the draft animals. With families
replacing single men, Henry Darnell moved to the log schoolhouse (BG-26) as early as 1936 (in Scurlock 1981:148, citing
Darnell 1979).
The loggers hauled their timber to the Porters’ old railway
in Guadalupe Canyon until the winter of 1940–1941. When
winter storms destroyed the rail bed, trucks began hauling the
logs all the way to the Bernalillo mill (Scurlock 1981).
Weather permitting, logging and associated work ran
nonstop from May to March. “Off-days were whenever the
weather was too inclement to work. On these days employees
played cards or went to Billy Mann’s bar in Jemez Springs”
(Scurlock 1981:148, citing Weinstein 1979).
Logging had clear-cut Redondo Border and Banco Bonito
by the late 1930s. In addition, small, unmarketable trees
were often knocked down and left on the ground. Recalling
these heady days (while attempting to downplay the fact that
his logging operation was returning to the practice of clearcutting two decades later), Gallagher proudly testiied in
the 1960s that his loggers left this desolated tract to natural
restoration (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, box 110A).
Nonetheless, the record still visible on the ground reveals
Gallagher’s testimony that his operations had clear-cut the
forests since the beginning. The size of some surviving trees
reveals that loggers actually left “a few old giants…to provide
a seed source for regeneration” (Martin 2003:87, citing Craig
Allen, personal communication 2002).
The success of this initial enterprise inspired another
lurry of business transactions. Anderson formally transferred
all his rights, title, and interest in the Baca Location timber
to A. I. Kaplan of New York on December 31, 1936 (Baca
Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, box 110A). Shortly thereafter,
Blue Diamond Trading Corporation sold its renewal note and
assigned the bond to Calumex Corporation, based in Delaware,
on October 14, 1937. Kaplan, who was the largest investor in
New Mexico Lumber and Timber Company, in turn assigned
all his rights, title, and interest to New Mexico Lumber and
Timber Company (T. P. Gallagher, Jr., President) on September
16, 1938 (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, Abstract of
Title to Timber Interest, box 110A). Redondo Development
Company deeded all of its Baca Location No. 1 timber rights
to New Mexico Lumber and Timber Company on December
31, 1939. New Mexico Lumber and Timber Company subsequently mortgaged the timber to the Reconstruction Finance
Corporation for $182,436.52 at 5 percent interest per year
(Deed, December 31, 1939, Redondo Development Company
119
to New Mexico Timber, Inc., in Abstract of Title of Timber
Interest in and to the Baca Location No. 1, Baca Co. v. NM
Timber, Inc. 1967, box 110A; see also chapter 4).
Camp Redondo closed in 1939. Most of the Valles
Caldera’s logging activity shifted to the northwest part of the
Baca Location. Loggers built more roads and several sawmills
in the new locale. Small-scale, intermittent logging continued
in the Redondo Creek area.
In a corporate reorganization, New Mexico Lumber and
Timber Company assigned all of its rights to New Mexico
Timber, Inc., on April 30, 1940. T. P. Gallagher, Jr., continued
to serve as the enterprise’s president (Baca Co. v. NM Timber,
Inc. 1967, box 110A). On June 27, 1940, the Reconstruction
Finance Corporation recognized the satisfaction of the mortgage and bond dated May 15, 1930. It released the mortgage
on the Baca Location timber on January 16, 1942.
New Mexico Timber, Inc., continued intensive, large-scale
operations in the Valles Caldera through World War II. Logging
sites included Redondo Peak, El Cajete, and the Jaramillo
drainage. Gallagher stated that his corporation started cutting
spruce at this time because economic conditions favored its
marketability (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, Answers
of New Mexico Timber, Inc., to Interrogatories, October 16,
1964, box 110A).
The Intensiication of Timbering
From 1946 through the mid-1960s, New Mexico Timber,
Inc., harvested thousands of nursery trees in addition to the
great ponderosa pine, spruce, and ir timbers. Gallagher stated
that these trees consisted primarily of blue spruce, Engelmann
spruce, Douglas ire, white ir, and ponderosa pine transplants. Following State of New Mexico laws regulating the
commercial logging industry, the trees felled were 12 inches
(30 cm) or larger in diameter. Logging operations often left
four of these larger trees per acre (.4 ha) to reseed the cut tracts
(Martin 2003:88).
Gallagher’s timber men also harvested thousands of
young white ir, Douglas ir, and spruce trees for sale as
Christmas trees in Albuquerque and Santa Fe. In 1961 New
Mexico Timber, Inc., ran advertisements in the Albuquerque
Journal and the Santa Fe New Mexican during the month
of November to promote the sale of two sizes of Christmas
trees—up to 8 feet (2.4 m) tall, and from 8 to 12 feet (2.4–3.7
m) tall. In 1962, the company entered into a contract with
the Pueblo of Jémez, which cut and sold Christmas trees
as a tribal business enterprise (Baca Co. v. NM Timber,
Inc. 1967, Answers of New Mexico Timber, Inc., to
Interrogatories, October 16, 1964, box 110A). These enterprises do not appear to have been very successful. By the late
1960s, the Christmas tree business was operated mainly by
the Los Alamos Boy Scouts, who cut thousands of trees each
Holiday season for sale primarily to residents of Los Alamos
(Los Alamos Monitor 1970:1).
By 1963, Gallagher’s logging operations had cut more than
25,000 acres (10,000 ha) of timber, including 15,000 acres
(6,000 ha) of ponderosa pine and 10,000 acres (4,000 ha) of
120
spruce-ir and mixed conifer stands. “The base of the eastern
and northern caldera rims, the lowermost slopes of Cerros
del Medio, Cerros del Abrigo, and the Cerros de Trasquilar
were extensively logged during the later years of this period”
(Martin 2003:87).
During the four operating seasons from 1960 to 1963
alone, New Mexico Timber, Inc., processed 14,575 thousand
board feet of inished spruce lumber. Most of this harvest,
7,915 thousand board feet (54.3%), however, happened in
1963. In addition to the inished spruce lumber, New Mexico
Timber, Inc., and Bernalillo Log & Lumber Company cut 115
thousand board feet of pulpwood and sold nursery stock and
Christmas trees (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, Answers
of New Mexico Timber, Inc., to Interrogatories, October 16,
1964, box 110A).
This 3.5-fold increase in logging on the Baca Location was
a product of several notable events. The irst was a change
in regulations governing New Mexico’s logging industry. The
second was the opening of new markets for previously noncommercial wood resources. The third was a renewed effort
by various Federal, State, and local interests to create a new
national park that would center on the Valle Grande. The last
event was a change in the ownership of the Baca Location.
In 1962 the New Mexico Legislature redeined the legal
minimum size limits for tree harvests. Depending on the
species, the new laws allowed loggers to begin cutting trees as
small as ive inches (12.5 cm) in diameter.
This legislative change gave previously unmarketable stands
of small trees commercial timber value. For the irst time, New
Mexico Timber, Inc. could harvest the small-diameter spruce
and ir trees growing on the Baca Location’s many steep
slopes to supply a new pulpwood mill in Snowlake, Arizona,
scheduled to open early in 1963 (Martin 2003:87–88). At the
beginning of the 1963 timber harvest season, New Mexico
Timber, Inc., announced that it had signed a contract with
the mill’s operators “to cut millions of dollars worth of pulpwood…on the Baca Ranch” (Martin 2003:88–89).
Along with its pulpwood expansion, New Mexico Timber,
Inc., began to seek commercial markets for aspen logs from
the Baca Location. Gallagher noted that his company had
cut aspen since 1950, but it did so only on an experimental
basis (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, Answers of New
Mexico Timber, Inc., to Interrogatories, October 16, 1964,
box 110A). In 1964 the company signed a major contract to
begin harvesting the Baca Location’s aspen groves.
The movement begun in 1961 to create a “Valle Grande
National Park” was one in a series of initiatives dating back to
1888 to place major parts of the Valles Caldera in public ownership and to protect its natural and cultural resources (chapter
4). The National Park Service (NPS), under the watchful eye
of area residents concerned about the still-expanding, highly
visible damage that logging was inlicting on the scenic
landscape of the Valles Caldera, lobbied for the proposal. If
approved by Congress, the initiative would have linked the
Valle Grande with the Bandelier National Monument under
NPS administration and given most of the Baca Location to the
Forest Service. Gallagher was adamant in his opposition to the
park plan, and said again that his company owned the timber on
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the Baca Location and intended to log it all. In a letter to New
Mexico Senator Clinton P. Anderson that October, Gallagher
stated, “The government would ind itself in a rather strange
position if they bought only the Valle Grande meadow, and
found us later operating portable sawmills, spewing slabs and
sawdust across the national park” (Martin 2003:77).
James Patrick Dunigan
vs.
New Mexico Timber Revisited
On January 11, 1963, James Patrick Dunigan of Dunigan
Tool and Supply Company, Abilene, Texas, with the backing
of a group of investors, bought the Baca Location. Dunigan
created a new entity, the Baca Land and Cattle Company, to
operate the property, making it clear that he intended to use
the tract as a ranch.
Increased timbering greeted Dunigan’s acquisition of the
Baca Location. His relations with T. P. Gallagher over the next
decade were usually antagonistic. Their dispute took place in
an economic environment in which “The activities of the livestock business and timber business have become less and less
compatible…because of the various attempts of both businesses to eliminate manpower” (Mr. Bigbee, Esq., reading
a quote attributed to T. P. Gallagher, Jr., in Baca Co. v. NM
Timber, Inc. 1967, box 100A).
Martin does not believe that Dunigan’s purchase of the
Baca Location had much to do with the increased volume
and expanded focus of Gallagher’s logging activity in 1963
(Martin 2003:87). Martin correctly points out that the change
in the legal deinition of harvestable trees was Gallagher’s
main incentive. Nonetheless, Dunigan’s ideas about conservation and the concern of area residents undoubtedly contributed
to the intensiication of logging operations. Although he
held legal timber rights on the Baca Location through 2017,
Gallagher had reason to know that public sentiment and
government action might soon curtail his operations.
It is clear that Dunigan was interested in long-term conservation and went to great lengths to restore and sustain the
property’s scenic qualities. He made range improvements and
built erosion control features in an effort to address the cumulative effects of three decades of timber cutting. In 1975 he
agreed to listing of the Baca Location by the National Park
Service as a National Natural Landmark (NNL). Although the
property’s stated signiicance was its geological structure, not
its scenic beauty, the listing implied the owner’s intention to
preserve the Baca Location (chapter 4).
Dunigan was also well aware that Federal, State, and local
interests were considering the possibility of creating a “Valle
Grande National Park” to preserve the tract’s environmental
values (see chapter 4). While Dunigan’s investors proposed
various development plans for the Valles Caldera, including a
ski resort, a racetrack, and a resort community of home sites
and stores, he remained committed to his idea of maintaining
the property as a working ranch and sustaining the Valle
Grande’s beauty (Martin 2003:80–82).
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
In an effort to restrain or to halt logging of the Baca
Location, Dunigan sued New Mexico Timber, Inc., in Federal
district court on May 12, 1964, to obtain recognition of his
successor interest in the 99-year timber lease. Having lost this
initial round, he appealed the case to the 10th Circuit Court
of Appeals in 1967. In a series of depositions for this case,
James Patrick Dunigan, J. B. Harrell, Jr., who was a Dunigan
employee, and T. P. Gallagher, Jr., each offered insight into the
modiied logging practices used by New Mexico Timber, Inc.,
after Dunigan’s purchase of the Baca Location.
After meeting with Gallagher in 1963, Dunigan reported
inding that New Mexico Timber, Inc., had just begun cablelogging and clear-cutting of spruce stands in the Burrita area
(Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, box 110A). Rather than
cutting trees one at a time, lumbermen working steep slopes
covered by small-diameter trees strung a stout cable between
closely spaced logging roads. As they dragged the cable, they
could quickly—and indiscriminately—knock over all timber
standing in their path.
Once the trees were stripped from the soil, swampers lopped
off the branches. Heavy equipment piled the trucks. A convoy
of trucks carried off the valuable logs (Martin 2003:90).
Dunigan stated that from its irst chain and boom logging
area in 1963, New Mexico Timber, Inc., moved eastward along
the ridges bordering the north side of the Burrita. By the time
of his testimony in 1969, the chain and boom clear-cut area
had expanded to include the areas around “Indian Point and
Cerra de Polita” and to reach “Los Posos” and “the back side
of Medio” on the hill slopes enclosing the Valle San Antonio
and the Valle Toledo (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967,
box 110A; Los Alamos Monitor 1972:1). In his deposition
a year earlier, Harrell noted that New Mexico Timber, Inc.,
had clear-cut approximately 8,500 acres (3,440 ha) of forest
using the chain and boom method since 1963 (Baca Co. v.
NM Timber, Inc. 1967, box 110A).
Dunigan also complained that for the lumbermen to
cable-log on steep slopes, New Mexico Timber, Inc., had
begun building roads at close intervals of just 200, 300, or 400
feet (61, 91, or 122 m) through timber stands to accommodate
equipment and cable. The previous practice, Dunigan asserted,
was for loggers to build their access and haul roads at intervals
averaging between one-quarter to one-half mile (400–800 m).
Some substantial timber stands were being serviced by just
one road, while others required closer spacing and converging
trails (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, box 110A).
In his testimony T. P. Gallagher initially held that topographic factors, not logging methods, dictated his logging road
intervals (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, box 110A). As
we noted earlier, Gallagher testiied that his operations had
clear-cut the Baca Location’s timber stands beginning in
1935. Under direct examination, Gallagher was somewhat
evasive as he answered attorneys’ questions about his logging
practices after 1963. Under continued questioning Gallagher
admitted that his timbering since Dunigan bought the ranch
was “somewhat different than it was prior to 1960,” including
the introduction of chain and boom “operations…on the north
121
side of the Baca location” (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967,
box 110A) around 1961. Gallagher also acknowledged that
the crane operation required the construction of roads at closer
intervals than had logging conducted without this equipment
in previous decades.
Along with clear-cutting and logging road construction,
the issue of slash and other logging debris was a focal point of
the dispute between Dunigan and Gallagher. Chain and boom
logging:
. . . left behind three- to six-feet [.9–1.8 m] high piles of
jumbled limbs, brush, and debris…[that] were formidable
barriers to livestock and wildlife. The slash piles and
remaining snags increased the ire danger in the area to
unacceptable levels (Martin 2003:90).
In his 1968 deposition before the 10th Circuit Court of
Appeals, Dunigan described how this issue proved divisive
from the start of his relationship with Gallagher. His comments
also relect the fact that New Mexico Timber, Inc., held an
exclusive lease on the property’s forests, including rights to
all timber, trees, and wood, for another 50 years.
On the matter of slash and debris, Mr. Gallagher said that at
this point I was starting to get into his pocket, any time we
talked about spending over three or four hundred dollars in
a given season, and that he was totally unwilling to consider
any form of slash disposal and/or erosion control beyond
spending the limited amount of money on thank-you-ma’ams
[erosion control road berms], and following that statement
he reminded me of the fact that he owned all the timber, trees,
and wood on the grant and that he also owned anything that
poked its head up out of the ground until midnight of the last
day of his timber reservation in the year 2017 and that—that
is the way it was and there wasn’t anything that anybody
could do about it (James Patrick Dunigan, in Baca Co. v.
NM Timber, Inc. 1967, box 110A).
Dunigan complained bitterly that chain and boom clear-cut
areas were useless for ranching. He testiied that because
downed slash, severed treetops, and old fallen logs completely
covered the ground, the newly logged tracts were inaccessible
to livestock (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, box 110A).
In a 1970 interview, Sam Bailey, who served as New
Mexico Timber, Inc.’s forester, succinctly summarized the
logging company’s view. Bailey acknowledged that New
Mexico Timber, Inc., had harvested the majority of the Baca
Location’s original 68,000 wooded acres (27,200 ha) since
1935. He maintained, however, that only half of the harvested
acreage had “been subjected to the present ‘clear cutting’
techniques” (Los Alamos Monitor 1970:1). Bailey said that
the rest of this acreage, most of which had been harvested
before 1963, had been selectively logged of large, thickstemmed trees only.
Bailey defended his company, saying that clear-cutting was
the most common method of harvesting spruce and ir in New
Mexico, and that cable logging caused much less damage to
122
young trees (i.e., those under 5 inches [12.5 cm] in diameter).
Nevertheless, Bailey acknowledged:
That a freshly clear cut area looks pretty bad, but he claimed
that time, even a few years, quickly heals the scars…He
said that the slash, which is obviously ugly in the newly
logged regions, is soon covered by secondary growth if it
is left alone. He said that an attempt to gather and haul off
the limbs and tops would be wholly impractical. “There
just aren’t enough trucks.” Burning the slash, Bailey noted,
would simply kill the secondary growth (Los Alamos
Monitor 1970:1).
Lastly, Bailey stated that, with the Court of Appeal’s decision still pending, New Mexico Timber, Inc., was not about to
invest in the new equipment needed to replace the contested
cable-logging and clear-cutting technique.
Faced with mounting damage and the onset of erosion that
accompanied the blading of logging roads, Dunigan implemented range restoration programs that New Mexico Timber,
Inc., had refused to undertake. Although New Mexico Timber
repeatedly told Dunigan that he had no right to do so, Dunigan
had his employees close and reclaim skid trails and logging
roads in clear-cut tracts, using a bulldozer to push slash and
abandoned down timber into eroded gullies (James Patrick
Dunigan, in Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, box 110A).
Dunigan also testiied that some of his earthen tanks served a
dual purpose, to capture and hold water for livestock and to
control erosion caused by logging roads and a few other areas
of natural disturbance. He also collaborated with the U.S. Soil
Conservation Service and the Texas Technological College
to develop cool-season grasses that might be used to reseed
logging road scars.
The uncertainty of the still-pending court case was one
issue. Another was the growing public protest against logging
operations in the Valles Caldera. The Los Alamos Monitor
reported that the State of New Mexico had begun considering
. . . a new set of regulations, apparently aimed at logging, on
the Baca. These regulations would cause drastic changes in
the handling of slash and formalize a requirement for seeding
and water barring roads (Los Alamos Monitor 1970:1).
These developments convinced Gallagher that New Mexico
Timber, Inc., would not be allowed to continue cable-logging
and clear-cutting on the Baca Location for another 47 years.
To take full advantage of its timber rights, using the most profitable methods then allowed, New Mexico Timber, Inc., began
“cutting trees on the property at a ferocious rate, 24 million
board feet of lumber per year” (Los Alamos Monitor 1970:1).
Achieving these production levels on the Baca Location,
required the company to employ 175 men and operate 2 mills
in 1970. The number of employees rose to 300 over the next 2
years (Los Alamos Monitor 1970:1, 1972:1).
Logging moved into the Valle Grande in 1971 (Los Alamos
Monitor 1972:1). Road scars and clear-cut areas were now
visible to anyone traveling State Road 4. Area residents grew
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angrier. In 1970, the Los Alamos Monitor reported that within
7 years,
Virtually every tree on the ranch that can be sawed into two
by fours will have been cut down. And it will take nature 40
to 50 years to restore in main the appearance of the ranch
(Los Alamos Monitor 970:1).
The Monitor reported even more alarming news to environmentalists and others who hoped that they would some
day enjoy public access to the Baca Location. In a sidebar
accompanying its main article, the newspaper noted that the
harvesting of the Baca Location’s timber could be completed
“within three years by going to two or three shifts a day at New
Mexico Timber’s mills” (Los Alamos Monitor 1970:1).
By 1971, less than 10 years since it had begun intensifying
its cutting of the larger pine trees—using chain and boom
logging on steep slopes to harvest smaller diameter trees for
pulpwood products, and working aspen groves—New Mexico
Timber, Inc., had graded over 1,000 miles of interlocked,
maze-like roads. Although the hill slopes enclosing the Valle
Toledo were the major area of impact, chain and boom logging
also occurred on the north side of Cerro Redondo (Martin
2003:93). By a historical irony, logging came back to its point
of beginning: one of the last areas to be clear-cut on the Baca
Location was reached from a work camp at the headwaters of
Redondo Creek. Camp Redondo located near the mouth of the
creek had served as the base of operations for some of New
Mexico Lumber and Timber Company’s earliest logging operations on Redondo Border and Banco Bonito.
Dunigan eventually won several relatively minor restraints
on logging, as well as limited damages, through the appeals
process (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, box 110A; see
also chapter 4). In March 1971 the 10th Circuit Court of
Appeals upheld U.S. District Judge H. Vearle Payne’s June
5, 1969, inding that New Mexico Timber, Inc., should lay
slash in ways that would not hinder the movement of livestock and wildlife, cut down dead and living trees that were
likely to blow over, and build water bars on abandoned roads
to reduce their erosion. This decision, however, did not question the company’s right to continue clear-cutting on the Baca
Location (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, Abstract of
Title to Timber Interest, box 110A; see also chapter 4).
The Court of Appeals also upheld Judge Payne’s award
of $202,278.30 in compensatory damages and interest to
Dunigan’s Baca Land and Cattle Company. This judgment,
however, covered only the 5,000 acres (2,000 ha) that New
Mexico Timber, Inc., had logged between the time that
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Dunigan had begun his suit in 1964 and the date of Judge
Payne’s inding. If the judgment had covered the entire area
logged since 1935, “then Dunigan might have been awarded
$2.6 million” (Los Alamos Monitor 1970:1).
Just as in Judge Payne’s court, Dunigan was denied the
third count of his suit. This argument sought to limit New
Mexico Timber, Inc.’s, harvest of trees to those that were
mature in 1918, the time at which Redondo Development
Company separated the Baca Location’s timber rights from
the land when selling the property to the Bond brothers (Baca
Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 1967, box 110A; see also chapter 4).
The message was decisive: clear-cutting, albeit with a few new
restrictions governing the disposition of slash and the treatment of logging roads, would continue on the Baca Location.
Dunigan was not satisied with the Court of Appeals
decision. He directed his attorneys to ile suits for damages
covering the entire area logged by New Mexico Timber, Inc.,
since 1935. Dunigan and Gallagher wearily prepared to renew
their 8-year court battle. They also began negotiations for the
sale of the timber rights. The Baca Land and Cattle Company
bought the Baca Location timber rights from New Mexico
Timber, Inc., on July 1, 1972, for $1,250,000, just 2 days
before the parties were scheduled to return to court (Martin
2003:93).
In a joint statement announcing the sale of the timber rights
and the cessation of logging, Dunigan and Gallagher stated,
“The transaction settles all litigation between the parties”
(Los Alamos Monitor 1972:1). A representative for New
Mexico Timber, Inc., added that half of the company’s 300
employees might be laid off, although some crews would be
kept active “hauling already cut logs from the area, reseeding
the logging roads and cleaning up the slash” (Los Alamos
Monitor 1972:1).
Dunigan’s purchase of the Baca Location’s timber rights
did not mean the end of all logging. When cutting resumed
under his stewardship, however, operations were limited to
the salvage of vigas on Redondo and Redondito Peaks.
The Persistence of the
Timbering Tradition
In 2001, the Valles Caldera National Preserve issued
permits to haul timber on South Mountain, as well as to
obliterate and rehabilitate 4.9 miles (7.8 km) of old logging
roads on a 100.1-acre (40.5-ha) tract. This work was allowed
to complete a timber project that was in progress when the
Federal Government bought the ranch.
123
References Cited
Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc.
1967 Baca Land and Cattle Company and Dunigan Tool and Supply Company, and George W.
Savage, Trustee Under Liquidating Trust Agreement, v. New Mexico Timber, Inc., and T.
Gallagher and Co., Inc. 384 F.2d 701 (10th Circuit Court of Appeals). 8NN-021-89-022
#5648, Federal Records Center (FRC) #76L0201, boxes 110 and 110A. Denver, CO:
National Archives, Rocky Mountain Region.
Bernalillo County, New Mexico
1849–1903 Bernalillo County Clerk’s Ofice Records. Accession No. 1974-034.
Reels 1–33. Santa Fe: New Mexico State Records Center and Archives.
Bond and Son
1918–1919 Ledger. Item 103. Bond, Frank, and Son Records. Albuquerque: Center for Southwest
Research, General Library, University of New Mexico.
Darnell, Henry
1979 Interview of October 25, 1979. Dan Scurlock, interviewer. Tape BG-8. In Dan Scurlock’s
possession, Fort Sumner, NM.
Glover, Vernon
1990 Jemez Mountains Railroads: Santa Fe National Forest, New Mexico. Santa Fe: Historical
Society of New Mexico.
Kintzinger, Paul
1978 Cuba Extension Railroad (The Second Division). Sandoval County Review 1(5):17.
Laughlin Papers
1907 Unsigned letter to L. W. Dennis, Chicago, Illinois, August 14, 1907. Napoleon B. Laughlin
Papers, Accession No. 1959–131, Box 10, Folder 145. Santa Fe: State Records Center and
Archives.
Los Alamos [NM] Monitor
1970 Baca Location to Change. Los Alamos Monitor, December 17:1.
1972 Baca Location Timber Is Sold to Ranch Owner. Los Alamos Monitor, June 30:1.
Martin, Craig
2003 Valle Grande: A History of the Baca Location No. 1. Los Alamos, NM: All Seasons
Publishing.
Rothman, Hal
1989 Industrial Values and Marginal Land: Cultural and Environmental Change on the Pajarito
Plateau 1880-1910. New Mexico Historical Review 64:185–211.
Sawyer, Daniel and McBroom, William H.
1876 Field Notes of the Survey of Baca Location No. One, in New Mexico, being Grant made
to the heirs of Luis Maria Baca by act of Congress approved June 21, 1860. Surveyed by
Daniel Sawyer and William H. McBroom, U.S. Dep. Surs., under their Contract No. 68, of
April 15, 1876. Microiche on ile. Santa Fe: State Ofice, Bureau of Land Management.
Scurlock, Dan
1981 Euro-American History of the Study Area. In High Altitude Adaptations along Redondo
Creek: The Baca Geothermal Anthropological Project. Craig Baker and Joseph C. Winter,
eds. Pp. 131–160. Albuquerque: Ofice of Contract Archeology, University of New Mexico.
Smith, Clyde
1979 Interviews of September 28 and 29, and October 2, 1979. Dan Scurlock, interviewer. Tapes
BG-3B, 4, 5, and 6. In Dan Scurlock’s possession, Fort Sumner, NM.
Southwest History Class
1976 Viva el Pasado. Bernalillo, NM: Bernalillo High School.
Weinstein, Yale
1979 Interview of September 25, 1979. Dan Scurlock, interviewer. Tape BG-1. In Dan Scurlock’s
possession, Fort Sumner, NM.
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Chapter 8.
Industrial Mineral Extraction and Geothermal Exploration
Thomas Merlan
Introduction
Historical Overview
The Valles Caldera is the result of the youngest major
volcanic episode in the creation of the central Jémez volcanic
ield. This geological feature is a diverse suite of basaltic
through rhyolitic rocks, which erupted from some time less
than 13 million years ago to no later than .13 million years
ago. It represents some of the greatest volcanic activity documented in the earth’s history.
The vast heat content and the high subsurface temperatures
associated with shallow, crystallizing magma cause convection
of hot groundwaters in overlying rocks. These hot convecting
waters usually form surface hot springs and fumaroles. At the
Valles Caldera, a hydrothermal system at temperatures of 428
to 572 ºF (220 to 300 ºC) exists at depths of 1,968 to 8,200
feet (600 to 2,500 m) in caldera-ill ignimbrites and pre-caldera andesites (Dondanville 1971). Acid-sulfate springs, mud
pots, and fumaroles at Sulphur Springs issue from the west
side of the central resurgent dome of the Valles Caldera. Hot
waters leach soluble constituents from fresh volcanic rocks
and from older rocks. As temperature, pressure, and chemical
environment change, hydrothermal minerals are deposited in
favorable structures and horizons within the hydrothermal
system. Many of the world’s precious and base metal ores are
mined from the eroded remnants of ancient calderas. Early
Jémez volcanic rocks in the Cochití Mining District south of
the caldera contain gold deposits that were mined at the beginning of the twentieth century.
Two reservoirs have been drilled in the Valles hydrothermal system: the Redondo Creek and the Sulphur Springs
reservoirs (Goff et al. 1988). The deep reservoir luids are
neutral-chloride; they contain about 16 to 58 ounces per ton
(500–1,800 mg/kg) total dissolved solids (TDS) (Goff et al.
1988). About 16 miles (10 km) from the Valles Caldera, two
sets of neutral-chloride hot springs discharge along the precaldera Jémez fault zone at Soda Dam and Jémez Springs.
These springs have strong chemical similarities to the deep
luids within the caldera. The conclusion generally drawn
from this is that a hydrothermal outlow plume travels out of
the caldera in the subsurface along the Jémez fault zone and
within adjacent sedimentary rocks toward the springs (Goff et
al. 1988:6041).
The silver and gold deposits of the formation were exploited,
with modest success, about a century ago. The hydrothermal
resources of the caldera have been the focus of more recent
development.
Fray Gerónimo de Zárate Salmerón served as the resident
missionary at the Jémez Pueblo of Giusewa, between 1618
and 1626. He subsequently prepared a report of his observations in or after 1629. Salmerón emphasizes the mineral
wealth of New Mexico and states that he iled on many
mineral locations in the Jémez Mountains (Ayer 1916:217).
None of these ilings, however, led to any known mining in
the region.
John Wesley Powell irst described rocks of the Jémez
Mountains region during reconnaissance work performed in
the 1880s (Powell 1961 [1885]). The region was known at the
time as the Tewan Plateau. Powell recognized it as an extensive volcanic ield that had erupted many types of volcanic
rocks including voluminous deposits of ash. J. P. Iddings
(1890) presented petrographic and chemical data for some of
Powell’s samples, including Bandelier Tuff and some quartzbearing basalts.
About 1881 Miguel Antonio Otero and his nephew,
Maríano Sabine Otero, jointly acquired the Jémez Springs.
Maríano also pursued development of Sulphur Springs as a
second commercial resort. Maríano became “excited about
the possibilities of mining sulfur, an idea that he probably
borrowed from John W. Walton, a miner who had staked out
a claim along the Baca Location’s western boundary in 1865”
(Martin 2003:42). In 1898 Maríano iled a mineral claim for
a 19-acre (7.6 ha) parcel next to Walton’s tract. According to
the 1876 U.S. Government survey, the Sulphur Springs were
just outside the west boundary of the Baca Location No. 1
(Baca Location) (Sawyer and McBroom 1876). The resurvey
of 1911, however, determined that the Sulphur Springs were
inside the tract.
The Oteros formed a development company to operate the
Jémez Springs resort, with Miguel Otero as president, and
Maríano Otero and various oficials of the Atchison, Topeka
and Santa Fe Railroad serving on the company’s board of
directors (chapter 3). They began building new bathhouses,
a hotel, and other improvements, while the railroad surveyed
and graded a branch that would bring tourists from Bernalillo
to Jémez Springs. The hotel and bathhouses at Jémez Springs
were completed in 1882. The death of Miguel Antonio Otero
later that year stopped the development of a spur railroad,
but visitors continued to reach the resort by stage. Plans to
make Jémez Springs into a major resort were dropped (Otero
1935:237–238, 241–277).
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125
Although he gave up the plans that he had shared with his
uncle to enlarge the Jémez Springs resort, Maríano did not
quit his resort and mineral interests upstream. He established
a 10-acre (4 ha) resort at Sulphur Springs in 1901 (Scurlock
1981:153). He irst built bathhouses over the largest springs.
Building through 1902, Maríano added a hotel for the steady
stream of visitors who traveled from Jémez Springs to the
Sulphurs (Martin 2003:44).
In 1900 Otero established an experimental plant for
reining sulfur at Sulphur Springs. Pleased with the trial run,
Maríano began planning to expand his mining and milling
works to achieve production levels of up to 15 tons (1,361
kg) of reined sulphur per day. To get new equipment to the
site, Otero began negotiations with inluential Santa Feans
in June 1902 to improve transportation over the Jemez
Mountains between his Sulphur Springs operations and Santa
Fe (Martin 2003:42–43). He claimed that the capital investment to rebuild the old military road through the Cañon de
Valle Pass and several other unimproved trails would beneit
both Jemez Spring and Santa Fe. The Territorial government
was not interested. Maríano made a deal with entrepreneurs in
Santa Fe; he would fund construction of 13 miles (20.8 km)
of road himself, and they would pay for the remaining 2 miles
(3.2 km) of the project (Martin 2003:43).
Otero miscalculated the quantity and availability of the
sulphur at his mine. Through 1903, sulphur was abundant
near the surface. By 1904, however, the mining operations
had exhausted the surface resource and Otero needed to begin
tunneling. Poisonous hydrogen sulide gas rapidly built up
in the mineshaft (Martin 2003:44–45), and to make matters
worse, prevailing sulfur prices dropped so low that the venture
was no longer proitable (Boyd 1938:14–14, 35–39). G. R.
Mansield notes, “Old sulphur mill at Sulphur Springs hills
built 1902. From 1902–1904, 200,000 lbs. [90,718 kg] of
sulphur were produced here. Same locality as No. 426” (U.S.
Geological Survey 1918–1925, G. R. Mansield, #428).
Maríano Otero died in a buggy accident near Jémez Springs in
1904. G. R. Mansield photographed the resort in April 1918
(U.S. Geological Survey 1918–1925); a ire destroyed the
buildings, probably in the 1970s. In 1983, Goff and Bolivar
mention the destruction of the Sulphur Springs resort by ire
as having occurred “several years ago” (Goff and Bolivar
1983:32).
Gold and silver were discovered about 5 miles (8 km) south
of the Baca Location in 1889. Development of major mines
and the founding of the boomtowns of Albemarle, Allerton,
and Bland followed circa 1894. The demand for lumber led
to the establishment of several sawmills (Scurlock 1981:140;
see also chapter 6).
Gold claims were irst staked in the Cochití Mining District
in the southeast Jémez Mountains in 1893. The 2 largest
mines, Lone Star and Albemarle, produced ore from quartz
veins in altered volcanic rocks from about 1897 to 1903 and
from 1914 to 1916 (Lindgren et al. 1910). About 185,000
tons (167,829 metric tons) of ore grading about 0.2 ounce per
ton (6 mg/kg) gold and 4 ounces per ton (124 mg/kg) silver
have been mined from the district, “but only recently [i.e., the
late 1980s] have workers realized that the deposit was formed
126
in an earlier hydrothermal system of the Jémez Mountains
volcanic ield” (Goff and Gardner 1988:5997).
C. S. Ross of the U.S. Geological Survey irst began
surveys in the Jémez Mountains in the 1920s (Ross 1931,
1938; see also Goff and Gardner 1988:5997). Ross returned
to the area in the mid-1940s to continue geologic mapping and
volcanic studies with R. L. Smith, and again in 1954 with R.
A. Bailey (Goff and Gardner 1988:5997). These investigations resulted in a series of papers on ash low tuffs, eruption
mechanisms, ring dikes, resurgent cauldrons, and ash low
magmatism (Ross and Smith 1960; Smith 1979; Smith and
Bailey 1966, 1968).
The irst geothermal well drilled in the Valles Caldera in
1960 was not meant to be such: it was an oil test well on the
west lank of the resurgent dome. The Westates–Bond 1 well
struck superheated water about 392 ºF (200 ºC) at shallow
depths, but found no oil (Dondanville 1971). Three more
wells followed in the 1960s in the same general area.
Union Oil Company of California drilled a well (Baca
4) in the resurgent dome in 1970. In July 1978 the U.S.
Department of Energy (DOE), Union Oil Company of
California (Unocal), and the Public Service Company of
New Mexico (PSCNM) began a jointly sponsored cooperative geothermal demonstration project. The project drilled
20 more wells over the next 4 years. When this project ended
by mutual agreement in January 1982, Unocal’s predictions concerning the resource (up to 400 Mwe of electrical
capacity) had not been met. To the partnership’s disappointment, only 20 Mwe had been proven. Only 2 of the
13 exploratory wells drilled by Unocal were successful.
Although all the wells yield superheated water, most were
not suficiently permeable to be considered production wells
(Goff 2002:9). Because the DOE provided funding to the
project, its results are available to the public and represent
“one of the most extensive, publicly available data bases of
any drilled caldera system in the world” (Goff and Gardner
1988:5997).
In all, about 40 deep exploration and research wells,
including those described above, were drilled in the Valles
Caldera in the Redondo Creek and Sulphur Springs reservoir
during the period between 1959 and 1983, deining a small,
but hot (572 ºF [300 ºC]), neutral-chloride, liquid-dominated
geothermal system (Goff and Janik 2002:300; Goff et al.
1988). “The system proved to be too small in volume for
economic development” (Goff and Janik 2002:301).
The Fenton Hill Hot Dry Rock demonstration project,
designed and built by Los Alamos National Laboratory,
followed in the 1980s (Goff and Bolivar 1983:39). The irst
hot dry rock (HDR) geothermal experiments were performed
on the west margin of the Valles Caldera (Goff and Janik
2002:300). Four deep wells were drilled to depths as great
as 7.2 miles (11.6 km) to determine whether electricity
could be generated commercially from a man-made reservoir. High development costs and continuing low prices for
fossil fuels inally ended this project in 1998 (Goff and Janik
2002:300]).
“The HDR concept was developed and tested in
Precambrian crystalline rocks beneath the west margin of the
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caldera from 1972 to 1998” (Goff and Janik 2002:304). Cold
water was pumped down an injection well, forced through artiicially fractured reservoir rocks, and extracted from a nearby
production well. The cold water dissolved minerals lining
the fractured rocks and absorbed CO2 and other gases while
reaching thermal equilibrium (T ≥ 320 oF [160 oC]). Depth of
circulation was greater than 8,200 feet (2.5 km) (Goff and
Janik 2002:304–305).
The geothermal and HDR experiments were followed in
the 1980s by a broad array of investigations of processes in
magmatism, hydrothermal systems, and ore deposit mechanisms. The DOE’s Ofice of Basic Energy Sciences sponsored
investigations, designated as part of the Continental Scientiic
Drilling Program, that led to papers describing the hydrothermal system; the collapse, resurgence and location of
calderas, the evolution of volcanism and tectonics, and the
geophysical structure of the caldera. (Goff and Gardner
1988:5997-5998). The irst corehole was drilled in August
1984, and a workshop followed that October to organize a
scientiic drilling program. A second corehole was drilled
in September 1986, and a third in 1988 (Goff and Gardner
1988:5998).
The demonstration project led to legal challenges by the All
Indian Pueblo Council and the State of New Mexico, which
contended that the project would deplete or dry up the water
low from the hot springs and aquifers in San Diego Canyon.
This issue was never resolved in court because the project
ended. Goff concludes, however, that this view is correct—a
hydrothermal outlow plume from the Valles reservoir feeds
the hot springs in San Diego Canyon (Goff et al. 1988; Goff
2002:10).
The exploitation of the mineral resources of the Valles
Caldera for proit both precedes and follows scientiic and
theoretical studies. Nonetheless, after many years of work and
considerable expense, only 20 Mwe of geothermal reservoir
capacity have been proven in the Valles Caldera. Estimates of
undeveloped capacity range as high as 1,000 Mwe but remain
unsubstantiated. The shallow heat within the Valles rocks is
vast, but extraction of large quantities of hot luids from these
rocks has proven dificult (Goff 2002:10).
Mining of precious metals in the early twentieth century met
with modest results and was abandoned. Geothermal exploration with a view to commercial development has shown small
capacity. It appears fair to conclude that the acquisition of the
Valles Caldera by the Federal Government in the year 2000 as
a permanent public resource and park is a mature judgment of
the resources and best use of the lands.
References
Ayer, Mrs. Edward E., trans.
1916 The Memorial of Fray Alonso de Benavides. Chicago, IL: Privately printed.
Boyd, Dick
1938 Jemez High Country. New Mexico Magazine 16 (9):14–15, 35–39.
Dondanville, R. F.
1971 The Hydrothermal Geology of the Valles Caldera, Jemez Mountains, New Mexico. Open ile
consultant report. Santa Rosa, CA: Union Oil Co.
Goff, Fraser
2002 Geothermal Potential of Valles Caldera, New Mexico. Geo-Heat Center Bulletin 23(4): 7-12.
Klamath Falls: Oregon Institute of Technology.
Goff, Fraser E., and Stephen L. Bolivar
1983 Field Trip Guide to the Valles Caldera and Its Geothermal Systems. Tech. Rep. LA-9963OBES. Los Alamos, NM: Los Alamos National Laboratory.
Goff, Fraser, and Jamie N. Gardner
1988 Valles Caldera region, New Mexico, and the Emerging Continental Scientiic Drilling
Program. Journal of Geophysical Research 93(B6):5997–5999.
Goff, Fraser, and Cathy J. Janik
2002 Gas Geochemistry of the Valles Caldera Region, New Mexico and Comparisons with Gases
at Yellowstone, Long Valley and Other Geothermal Systems. Journal of Volcanology and
Geothermal Research 116:299–323.
Goff, Fraser, Lisa Shevenell, Jamie N. Gardner, Francois-D. Vuataz, and Charles O. Grigsby
1988 The Hydrothermal Outlow Plume of Valles Caldera, New Mexico, and a Comparison with
Other Outlow Plumes. Journal of Geophysical Research 93 (B6):6041–6058.
Iddings, J. P.
1890 On a Group of Rocks from the Tewan Mountains, New Mexico, and on the Occurrence of
Primary Quartz in Certain Basalts. U.S. Geological Survey Bulletin 66.
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
127
Lindgren, Waldemar, Louis C. Graton, and Charles H. Gordon
1910 The Ore Deposits of New Mexico. Department of the Interior, United States Geological
Survey, Professional Paper 68. Washington, DC: Government Printing Ofice.
Martin, Craig
2003 Valle Grande: A History of the Baca Location No. 1. Los Alamos, NM: All Seasons
Publishing.
Otero, Miguel Antonio
1935 My Life on the Frontier. Albuquerque, NM: Press of the Pioneers.
Powell, J. W.
1961 [1885] The Exploration of the Colorado River and Its Canyons. New York: Dover
Publications. (Originally published as Exploration of the Colorado River of the West and Its
Tributaries: Explored in 1869, 1870, 1871, and 1872, Under the Direction of the Secretary of
the Smithsonian Institution. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Ofice.)
Ross, Clarence S.
1931 The Valles Mountain Volcanic Center of New Mexico. Transactions of the American
Geophysical Union 12:185–186.
1938 The Valles Volcano, New Mexico. Washington Academy of Sciences Journal 28:417.
Ross, Clarence S., and Robert L. Smith
1960 Ash-Flow Tuffs: Their Origin, Geologic Relations and Identiication. Professional Paper 366.
Washington, DC: Geological Survey.
Sawyer, Daniel and McBroom, William H.
1876 Field Notes of the Survey of Baca Location No. One, in New Mexico, being Grant made to
the heirs of Luis Maria Baca by act of Congress approved June 21, 1860. Surveyed by Daniel
Sawyer and William H. McBroom, U.S. Dep. Surs., under their Contract No. 68, of April 15,
1876. Microiche on ile. Santa Fe, NM: State Ofice, Bureau of Land Management.
Scurlock, Dan
1981 Euro-American History of the Study Area. In High Altitude Adaptations along Redondo
Creek: The Baca Geothermal Anthropological Project. Craig Baker and Joseph C. Winter,
eds. Pp. 131–160. Albuquerque: Ofice of Contract Archeology, University of New Mexico.
Smith, Robert L.
1979 Ash-Flow Magmatism. Special Paper 180. Boulder, CO: Geological Society of America.
Smith, Robert L., and Roy A. Bailey
1966 The Bandelier Tuff: A Study of Ash-Flow Eruption Cycles from Zoned Magma Chambers.
Bulletin of Volcanology 29:83-104.
1968 Resurgent Cauldrons. In Studies in Volcanology A Memoir in Honor of Howel Williams.
Memoir 116. Robert R. Coats, Richard L. Hay, and Charles A. Anderson, eds. Pp. 613–662.
Boulder, CO: The Geological Society of America.
U.S. Geological Survey
1918-1925 (2006, June 30) Home page of U.S. Geological Survey Photographic Library, U.S.
Department of the Interior. [Online]. Available: http://libraryphoto.cr.usgs.gov. [2007,
January 23].
128
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Chapter 9.
The Valles Caldera National Preserve as a Multi-Layered
Ethnographic Landscape
Kurt F. Anschuetz
Introduction
The land use history of the Valles Caldera National
Preserve (VCNP), as represented in the documentary record
maintained in various archives and libraries, focuses primarily
on the Hispanic and Anglo-American occupation of the locale
subsequent to 1860. In an act of June 21, 1860, the U.S.
Congress authorized the Baca Land Grant heirs to choose as
many as ive square tracts of “vacant land” (i.e., places where
there was neither permanent residence nor formally claimed
ownership) to replace the 496,447-acre (200,901-ha) grant to
which they had agreed to extinguish their rights in favor of the
town of Las Vegas (U.S. Congress, House 1860; U.S. Public
Law 167 1860). Luis María Cabeza de Baca’s heirs selected
5 substitute tracts, each measuring 99,289 acres (40,180 ha).
Each tract appears as a distinctive square on land grant maps.
The irst of their selections encompassed the Valle Grande,
Valle San Antonio, Valle Santa Rosa, and Redondo Creek
(chapter 4).
This sequence of legislative actions changed the Valles
Caldera from an unspeciied tract of “vacant land” to a legally
deined entity known today as the Baca Location No. 1 (Baca
Location). With the conveyance of formal rights to Luis María
Cabeza de Baca’s heirs as the tract’s lawful owners, executive, legislative, and judicial authorities immediately viewed
the Baca Location as consisting of occupied land, even
though for decades the property would not support sustained
year-round habitation. Moreover, the land and its individual
resources, including pasturage, timber, minerals, and game
animals, gained formal status (through the issuance of legal
title to the land grant) as properties over which the land grant’s
authorized owners alone controlled rights to access, use, and
disposition.
The legal deinition of the Baca Location as a land grant
whose owners held exclusive property rights has had signiicant and lasting consequences. The irst consequence concerns
access and use rights. Speciically, it was no longer legal (as in
earlier decades; chapter 5), for entrepreneurs such as trappers
or hay cutters, to enter the Baca Location without consideration. Also, as is illustrated throughout the discussions of
subsistence plant gathering, hunting, mineral collecting, and
agricultural practices (chapter 5) and ranching (chapter 6)
after 1860, it is clear that the Baca Location’s owners have
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
variously exercised their rights to permit, deny, or tolerate
these activities by others.
The second consequence was that the land grant’s owners
possessed the right to sever particular access and use rights
from the land. The legislative actions of the U.S. Congress
rendered obsolete the traditional aboriginal view that the
Valles Caldera was a place imbued with certain inseparable
qualities whereby resources, including the land, water, plants,
animals, and minerals, obtained meaning in relationship to one
another (see below). The deinition of the Baca Location, built
upon the Western idea that the land and its resources were
discrete, quantiiable commodities, occurred just as the United
States was incorporating the Territory of New Mexico into its
national economy and society. By the late nineteenth century,
new business opportunities, created by a combination of local
growth and increased access to major markets in the Midwest
and East, were on the horizon. Many of New Mexico’s natural
resources became more attractive although historically they
had been of little commercial value because of the lack of
demand and the inaccessibility of their locations, including
those in the Valles Caldera area. Commodity trading increased
in existing markets and was fueled by speculation on future
market conditions. During the second decade of the twentieth
century, the Redondo Development Company, then the owner
of the Baca Location, severed the timber and mineral rights
from the ranch land (chapters 4, 6, 7, and 8).
The land use history of the Baca Location between 1860
and 2000 saw the owners of the land grant’s various rights
enter into contracts whereby one or more rights to the land and
its other resources were recognized, leased, mortgaged, sold,
and bitterly contested in court. With a few notable exceptions, these actions offered the promise of beneit only for
the individuals who already possessed a sanctioned interest
in the land grant. For example, chapter 4 provides discussion of the history of the partition suit brought by Joel Parker
Whitney against Maríano Sabine Otero and others (Whitney v.
Otero 1893). chapter 7 similarly reviews the contest between
James Patrick Dunigan and T. P. Gallagher, Jr., over the Baca
Location’s timber rights (Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc., 1967,
box 110A).
The emphasis on rights and beneits for individuals
following the legal designation of the Baca Location in 1860
represents a transformation in ideas about the occupation
129
and use of this land. For countless generations, the region’s
aboriginal populations had recognized that the Valles Caldera
constituted common lands that offered beneits to multiple
communities. While it is conceivable that various groups might
have claimed preferential use rights to particular resources
at certain times, there were no economic, social, or political
institutions that sanctioned assertions of outright ownership of
the land until the U.S. Congress allowed Luis María Cabeza
de Baca’s heirs to claim alternate grant lands in compensation for the extinguishment of all rights to their contested Las
Vegas property.
The legal determination by the U.S. Congress in 1860 that
the Valles Caldera was “vacant land” overlooked traditions
of land use and occupation dating back to the beginning of
human history in the region (chapter 2). As discussed in chapters 2 and 5, Native American populations have visited the
VCNP for innumerable centuries. Since about the seventeenth
century, aboriginal people have been joined by Hispanics who
settled the river valleys surrounding the Jémez Mountains.
Together, Native Americans and Hispanics cut wood for shelters and fuel, gathered native plants for food and medicine,
hunted game animals, harvested birds for food and feathers,
and collected various other resources, such as obsidian, clay,
and stone slabs for making piki (paper bread) griddles. Some
groups even practiced agriculture in and around the high altitude Valles Caldera during times of drought, for example,
during late pre-Columbian times and again in the eighteenth
century.
As documented through archaeology, history, ethnohistory,
and ethnography, these many pursuits were undertaken on a
relatively small scale and entailed only brief stays between
the early spring and late fall. Although the few existing documentary records emphasize the economic aspects of these
activities, among Native American and Hispanic populations
alike, these doings frequently had important social and ritual
purposes as well. While chapter 5 focuses discussion mainly
on subsistence, the present essay provides a framework for
a fuller understanding of the social and ideational contexts
underlying the traditional land use activities in the VCNP that
predominated before 1860, but persisted afterward in obscurity.
The thesis of this chapter is that Valles Caldera represents
a multi-layered ethnographic landscape with which people of
culturally diverse communities—Native American, Hispanic,
and Anglo-American—maintain meaningful relationships for
their own purposes as part of a dynamic cultural process. This
thesis, in part, derives from the discussion of the landscape
approach presented in appendix II. In this supplementary
essay, I argue that landscape goes beyond a simple emphasis
on the built environment and considers the cultural-historical traditions through which traditional, land-based people
have occupied and modiied their community lands in their
own terms, both materially and ideationally. As the renowned
geographer Carl O. Sauer (1925:46) notes, “The cultural
landscape is fashioned from a natural landscape by a culture
group. Culture is the agent, the natural area is the medium,
the cultural landscape is the result.” Building on Sauer’s
foundations, I add that landscapes are a potent mechanism
130
with which communities record the memory of their culture
and history (appendix II).
This chapter’s thesis also derives from the examination of
how landscapes represent dynamic cultural process presented
in appendix III. This appendix considers how the people
construct and sustain continuity in their landscape afiliations despite substantive changes in their natural, economic,
social, and political environments and explores the role that
community traditions play in shaping this course of action.
As recognized by archaeologist Stewart Peckham (1990:2),
traditions generally relate to people’s valued understandings
of “how they became who they are.” For our present purposes,
I hasten to add that traditions unify how a community creates
and occupies its landscapes across the dimensions of space
and time (appendix III, after Anschuetz 1998b:47).
Distinguishing Land Use Traditions:
Landscapes as Memory and
Landscapes of Memory
All humans remember and celebrate cultural-historical
memories through the traditions sustained by their cultural
communities. As I observe in appendix II, every community imbues its landscape with intrinsic meaning based on
its cultural patterns of perception and interpretation (after
Anschuetz 1998b:44–58). These perceptions include not only
the community understandings of its physical environment
and resources, but time and how people interact with their
cultural-historical memories to create and sustain their traditions (e.g., see Ortiz 1991). Other customs, including many of
the vernacular (qua common, indigeneous) land use activities
pursued by Native American and Hispanic groups within the
Valles Caldera (chapter 5), may simultaneously be informed
by, and serve to establish, the veracity of oral traditions. For
this reason, it is useful to examine the substantive differences
in the ways in which Anglo-American and traditional Native
American and Hispanic land-based communities generally
organize and interact with their cultural-historical memories in constructing their landscapes (following Ferguson
2002:4.5–4.7).
Landscape is a cultural process entailing interaction
between relatively static representations of geographical
space and dynamic cultural and social factors that underlie the
construction of these representations (after Ingold 1993:738;
see also appendix III). Landscapes, therefore, are more than
the built environment (Tallbull and Deaver 1997) or a cultural
resources site (Cleere 1995). T. J. Ferguson (2002:4.5–4.6)
explains further, “Landscapes have complexity and power
because they are created by people through experience and
engagement with the world.” Barbara Bender (1993:2) adds,
“Landscape has to be contextualised. The ways in which
people—anywhere, everywhere—understand and engage
with their worlds depend on the speciic time and place
and historical conditions.” Lastly, Keith H. Basso (1996:7)
observes that landscapes are “a venerable means of doing
human history…a way of constructing social traditions and,
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in the process, personal and social identities.” Examinations
of how cultural communities construct their landscapes,
therefore, should focus on what landscapes do in service
of the group rather than what they are or what they mean
(Ferguson 2002:4.6; Mitchell 1994:1; Whittlesey 1997:20;
see also appendix II).
Since the arrival of the Spanish in the region more than
400 years ago, the dominant uses (i.e., activities that were the
most visible and had the greatest material or legal impact) of
the Valles Caldera and the documentary history of these uses
have both complied with, and been informed by, a Western
view of landscapes. From a Western perspective, “land is part
of a historical process that produces enduring images, place
names, and events. Land use and the people using the land
change through time” (Ferguson 2002:4.5).
To use the terminology proposed by anthropologist
Susanne Küchler (1993), Western cultural traditions construct
understandings of landscapes of memory. Operating within
this world view, Anglo-American communities characteristically view history and landscapes in terms of enduring images
inscribed on the land. By virtue of having history materially
etched into their surfaces, landscapes:
. . . can be measured, described, and depicted. Deined in
terms of landmarks of ecological, historical, or personal
validity, landscape is a widely shared and accessible means
to transmit cultural knowledge regarding the past and future
(Küchler 1993:85).
Through graphic representations, such as the map that
cartographer Bernardo Miera y Pacheco (1779) made of
the Valle de los Bacas (Valley of the Cows) in the late eighteenth century, and the many written accounts (including
the present volume) documenting the land use history of
the Valles Caldera, the idea of the landscape’s inscribed
surface is rendered in material forms that are characteristically replete with inferred, interpreted, or assigned meanings
and values. As such, these representations of landscapes
of memory validate—and reify—the personal, social, and
political remembrances that the dominant Euro-American
community chooses to honor and perpetuate (after Ferguson
2002:4.5). Moreover, this world view tends to cast history as
a series of completed events that people can learn from—and
build upon—so as not to repeat the mistakes of those generations that preceded us (after Santayana 1905:284; see also
Anschuetz 2000:2, 2004:11).
Many land-based cultural communities that do not ascribe
to a Western world view, in comparison, construct and occupy
landscapes as memory (Küchler 1993). In these landscapes,
activities that occur, places where these actions are undertaken,
and names that are assigned to recall the signiicance and
meaning of these places are “integrated in a process that acts
to freeze time; that makes the past a referent for the present.
The present is not so much produced by the past but reproduces itself in the form of the past” (Morphy 1993:239–240).
According to Ferguson, in both their conceptualization and
occupation, landscapes as memory:
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. . . are a template in the processes by which traditions
are constructed and transmitted. Rather than validating
pre-existing memories by inscription, non-European
cultural landscapes form an essential part of the memories
themselves. They do not represent memory; they are memory.
In this view, the land is as important as the human activities
that occurred on and marked the land in the past (Ferguson
2002:4.5).
Landscapes as memory are “maps in the mind” (Basso
1996:43). They are also much more. Writing about Native
American landscapes as memory, Ferguson (2002:4.6)
observes that “landscapes often are conceptualized in a verbal
discourse that has moral dimensions. Place names and stories
associated with landscapes serve as metaphors that inluence how the members of a society view themselves.” Young
(1987:4–9, cited in Ferguson 2002:4.6) adds that points on
the land evoke the image of places, the emotions and moral
values associated with them, and the stories that they embody.
Moreover, natural features, places, and landscapes possess
the power to symbolize and recall the ancient past, thereby
projecting the past into the contemporary, human world.
Places and landscapes evoke stories of the people from the
beginning of their history by evoking the emotions associated
with these rememberances (Ferguson 2002:4.6).
In communities that construct landscapes as memory, the
people adopt a view of history that is not cast exclusively in a
past that is never again to be repeated. The members of these
communities live their history not only to learn from it but
also to repeat it (Anschuetz 2000:2).
Building Blocks of Land Use
Traditions in Constructing
Landscapes as Memory
(adapted from Anschuetz 2001:2.13–2.35,
2002a:3.3–3.15)
The interrelated themes of breath, center, emergence,
movement, and connectedness generally are shared among
the Southwest’s many Native American groups (e.g., see
Anschuetz 2002a,b; Ferguson 2002; Kelley and Francis
2002) and important in developing an understanding of the
continuing relationships that indigenous communities maintain with their traditional homelands. Moreover, northern New
Mexico’s traditional Hispanic communities possess a system
of cultural values and beliefs that generally corresponds to the
understanding of landscape that forms the structure of Native
American world views and is based on spiritual ecology (after
Cajete 1993–1994, 1994, 1999).
The undertaking of these themes is relevant to this study of
the Valles Caldera’s land use history because these themes are
axiomatic to the way the people construct and sustain coherent
senses of place and time within these landscapes today
despite the ever-changing conditions that characterize their
worlds. In part, this examination is useful for comprehending
131
the cultural logic that underlies how land-based communities
construct landscapes as memory. In addition, the framework developed for this task will be useful for understanding
aspects of the important cultural relationships that various
chroniclers, historians, and anthropologists have observed in
their accounts concerning the land use practices among the
traditional communities that maintain associations with the
VCNP.
Breath
In writing about the theme of breath, Gregory Cajete, a
Santa Clara Pueblo resident and educator, observes:
American Indians believe it is the breath that represents the
most tangible expression of the spirit in all living things.
Language is an expression of the spirit because it contains
the power to move people and to express human thought
and feeling. It is also the breath, along with water and
thought, that connects all living things in direct relationship.
The interrelationship of water, thought (wind), and breath
personiies the elemental relationship emanating from “that
place that the Indians talk about,” that place in the Center
where all things are created (Cajete 1994:42).
Elsewhere in his volume, Look to the Mountain: An Ecology
of Indigenous Education, Cajete (1994:43) expands on the
idea of breath in essential relationship to language, learning,
and senses of place through reference to the poem, That’s the
Place Indians Talk About, written by the Acoma poet, Simon
J. Ortiz (1992:321–324). Ortiz’s verse examines the spiritual
connections that Native Americans have with special places in
their lives and on their landscapes.
By talking about those special places, they connected their
spirit to them through their words, thoughts, and feelings.
I remember thinking about how beautifully simple, yet how
profound, this metaphor was. It illustrates the special quality
and power the spirit has to orient us through the breath of
its manifestations in language, song, prayer, and thought
(Cajete 1994:43).
Cajete (1994:43) elaborates, “Breath—consciously formed
and activated through language, thought, prayer, chanting,
ritual, dance, sport, work, story, play, and art—comprised the
parameters of communication.”
Based on his work among the Hopi, one of the Pueblo
groups that maintains an afiliation with the VCNP (chapter
1), linguist Benjamin Lee Whorf (1956a [1940]) suggested
that language simultaneously conditions how people perceive
the reality of their landscapes and helps structure all of their
activities, including, for example, their land use practices. In
speaking of breath and language, Cajete (1994:45) observes,
“As is true in all languages, Indian metaphors relect the nature
of reality they see and to which their mind has been set through
experience and cultural understanding.” Cajete (1994:44)
extends Whorf’s logic of breath and language beyond humans
when he writes that for many Native Americans, “Language
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as prayer and song has a life energy that can inluence other
energy and life forms toward certain ends.”
In retelling a lesson that she learned from her grandmother,
Rina Swentzell, another Santa Clara Pueblo author, offers an
explanation that supports and helps further explain Cajete’s
point:
Gia Kuhn said that a place breathes in and incorporates
thoughts and feelings of all beings who enter its space. She
said that we remain a part of any place we visit—any place
we breathe or leave our sweat. That is why we must think
and move carefully wherever we go, because we become one
with the place and, therefore, inluence its spiritual quality
(Swentzell 1993:144).
An additional aspect of language warrants further elaboration. Language is a principal medium for cultural learning and
experience. Through his identiication of the fundamental linkages between language and breath, however, Cajete (1994:43)
recognizes that Native American languages are expressions of
spirit. He adds that Indian languages characteristically lack a
speciic word for religion. Rather, the idea of spirit that is so
deeply ingrained in the processes of language, learning, and
experience underlies an understanding of the world through a
perspective that Cajete terms spiritual ecology.
According to Cajete (1993–1994:6), the essence of spiritual ecology is the traditional relationship and participation
of indigenous people with place that includes not only the
land itself, but also the way people perceive the reality of their
worlds and themselves. Although he refers to Pueblo culture
to illustrate his point, Cajete ascribes to the view that spiritual
ecology, as manifest through breath and language, is a characteristic among traditional land-based communities. “The
land has become an extension of Pueblo thought and being
because, as one Pueblo elder states, ‘it is this place that holds
our memories and the bones of our people…this is the place
that made us!’ ” (Cajete 1993–1994:6).
Rather than a religious doctrine, spiritual ecology is an
expression of spirit as an orientation toward a living process.
It is not a static intellectual structure (Cajete 1994:43–44).
Tito Naranjo and Rina Swentzell effectively illustrate Cajete’s
point:
In the Tewa Pueblo language there is a word which means
“seeking life.” That word incorporates the most basic
concept of Pueblo thinking, that human life is about the
search for harmony and balance, about breathing and
walking carefully and sensing the connectiveness between
polarities in the human and natural worlds (Naranjo and
Swentzell 1989:257–258).
In constructing their landscapes, the people of traditional
land-based communities in general draw upon the spiritual
power of breath and language to sustain paramount traditions
of relationship, not only for renewal and for remembering, but
also to perpetuate the spiritual ecology of the world as a whole
(Cajete 1993–1994:7; see also discussion by Carmichael
1994; Saile 1977). People make a place as much as a place
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makes people. Among people who construct landscapes as
memory through their thoughts, speech, and activities, the land
is a relection of their very soul (after Cajete 1994:84). Cajete
(1994:83) refers to this projection of the human sense of soul
and the archetypes contained therein as “ensoulment.”
As an outside observer, Sophie D. Aberle portrays the
objective, material importance of the relationship between the
Pueblos and their landscapes to which Cajete (1993–1994;
1994) and Naranjo and Swentzell (1989) refer. Although her
description lacks the poetry used by writers from traditional
land-based communities, it effectively conveys the objective
quality of their ties to the land:
Land being the basis of Pueblo economy, to understand the
Indian’s relation to his soil is vital. The years of contention
over boundaries, titles to grants, and legislation inluence
the Indian’s habit of thought as well as his laws…Land in the
eyes of the Indian is his most precious possession (Aberle
1948:5).
In their literary treatise of Native American writers and
their landscapes, other outsiders, Patricia Clark Smith and
Paula Gunn Allen convey their comprehension of the spirituality of these landscape connections:
For American Indians, the land encompasses the butterly
and ant, man and woman, adobe wall and gourd vine, trout
beneath the river water, rattler deep in his winter den, the
North Star and the constellations, the lock of sandhill cranes
lying too high to be seen against the sun. The land is Spider
Woman’s creation; it is the whole of the cosmos (Smith and
Allen 1987:176).
Center
Cajete (1994) and Ortiz (1992) express the idea of center
as both “that place Indians talk about” and “that place where
all things are created.” Traditional land-based communities
view the land as inseparable from their very existence and
identity, the idea of center has inseparably intertwined physical geographical and spiritual referents.
The deinition of center necessarily depends on a comprehension of orientation, which Cajete (1999:6) identiies as a
key and sacred concept among Native Americans. “Orientation
is more than physical context and placement…It is about how
the human spirit understands itself” (Cajete 1994:49). The
comprehension of sacredness among many cultures, including
the traditional Native American and Hispanic communities that maintain a close cultural association with the Valles
Caldera, is a quality inherent to places as a metaphysical
process based on timeless tradition. It is not strictly associated
with some particular feature or object (after Hubert 1994:12).
Within such cultures, sacred locations deined through orientation cannot be deconsecrated or made secular and profane.
In deining center, community traditions transmit ideas
regarding the “rightful orientation to the natural world”
(Cajete 1994:37, italics in original) through reference to seven
cardinal directions: East, West, North, South, Zenith, Nadir,
and Center (ig. 9.1). Through the association of cardinal directions with particular environmental phenomena, traditional
communities build mental orders, which seem “less to control
the environment than to control the world within” (Johnson
1995:200). That is, by deining direction and placement, the
people construct a knowable world out of sometimes capricious, often dangerous, and ever-changing surroundings.
9.1—The seven directions and the four levels of the
cosmos within a construction of landscape as
memory (adapted from Swentzell 1990: igs. 3-4).
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133
9.2—A schematic view of a landscape as memory,
version 1 (adapted from Ortiz 1969: 13–28).
Laguna Pueblo author Leslie Marmon Silko explains how
traditional people impose order through their thoughts on the
disorder of the world in which they live:
The land, the sky, and all that is within them—the
landscape—includes human beings. Interrelationships
in the Pueblo landscape are complex and fragile. The
unpredictability of the weather, the aridity and harshness
of much of the terrain in the high plateau country explain
in large part the relentless attention the ancient Pueblo
people gave to the sky and the earth around them. Survival
depended upon harmony and cooperation not only among
human beings, but also among all things—the animate and
the less animate, since rocks and mountains were known on
occasion to move (Silko 1995:157).
Drawing from the perceptions and experiences of its people
with their physical and spiritual worlds, each community traces
its orientation by associating symbols, ranging from mountains, hills, other natural phenomena, colors, animals, plants,
spirits, and holy winds (which are other traditional conceptualizations of breath and thought), with each direction (e.g.,
see Benally et al. 1982; Reichard 1963). Ortiz (1972:142)
identiies “the dominant spatial orientation” inward, toward
the metaphor of center. For the Pueblo (as well as the Navajo,
Apache, and Ute), “all things are deined and represented by
reference to a center” (see ig. 9.2).
As a way of knowing, thinking, and orientating, it [the
spiritual ecology of place] proceeds in concentric rings from
the location of the family household, to the segment of the
village the household is located in, to the village as a whole,
134
to the land immediately surrounding the village, then to
the mountains and other geographic features that form the
recognized boundaries of each Indigenous group’s territory
(Cajete 1994:47).
It is necessary to emphasize that the assemblage of cardinal
directions not only includes the usual compass bearings, but
also ideas of multiple, layered realms (after Saile 1977:76,
1989:173). For example, the Pueblo, Navajo, Apache, and
Ute communities ascribe the cardinal directions (East, West,
North, and South) to the physical world in which the people
live. This landscape represents the middle world. They also
recognize Zenith to refer to the upper spirit world in which
supernatural beings and powers associated with the sun, sky,
clouds, eagles and other birds, and the stars live. Nadir is the
lower world, home of the spirits of the ancestors and supernatural beings and powers associated with lakes, springs, caves,
and some burrowing animals.
Many kinds of physiographic features (e.g., mountains,
hills, lakes, caves, and springs) and culturally constructed
features (e.g., houses, plazas, and shrines) in the natural world
serve as conduits through which people communicate with
the upper and lower world realms (Saile 1989:173). Rising
from the ground and reaching into the sky, mountains and
hills represent physical intersections between the earth and
the sky (Saile 1977:76; see also Blake 1999) (ig. 9.3). As an
ecological metaphor and a symbol of higher thought, mountains and hills often co-occur “with the metaphors of pathway,
pilgrimage, and cardinal orientations forming the boundaries
of a sacred place” (Cajete 1994:92). Springs and caves are
other important portals to the lower world (e.g., see Ellis
1964:32: Saile 1977: ig. 4) (ig. 9.2).
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9.3—Cross section of a landscape as memory (adapted from Saile 1990:ig. 5-9; also see Saile 1977: ig. 4).
The idea of center uniies the middle, upper, and lower
realms of the cosmos. Through a creative, meaningful process
based on its traditions of relationship with its natural and
supernatural worlds, each community places its people at the
center of its cosmos through their occupation of the middle
world (after Cajete 1994; Naranjo and Swentzell 1989;
Ortiz 1969; Swentzell 1988) (igs. 9.2 and 9.4).
In addition, through the conceptualization of their communities as occupying the physical center of the middle world in
reference to this system of seven cardinal directions, the residential hub of their landscape lies “at the intersection of the
horizontal and vertical regions of the physical and symbolic…
universe” (Swentzell 1988:15).
An example drawn from Pueblo ethnography illustrates
how this system of landscape as memory incorporates essential ideas of space and time. In the living world, the most
easily understood physical representation of center is the
village plaza (or oldest plaza if the Pueblo has several of these
features) (igs. 9.4 and 9.5). As expressed in Pueblo architectural traditions, plazas are enclosed in the horizontal dimension
by terraced house structures (ig. 9.5), just as the nearby rising
hills surround a village and the distant mountains embrace the
whole of a Pueblo’s physical world (igs. 9.2 and 9.3). In this
sense, the Pueblo concept of space is manifest primarily in an
objective (i.e., quantitative) reality. “It includes all that is or
has been accessible to the senses, the present as well as the
past, but it excludes everything that we call the future” (Tuan
1977:120). This objective realm has certain other fundamental
conceptual limits. The Pueblo conceptualization of the world
includes a subjective realm that is knowable through the
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9.4—A schematic view of a landscape as memory, version 2
(adapted from Ortiz 1969:ig. 2, used with permission of
University of Chicago Press).
135
9.5—The plaza, enclosed by terraced houses and with
a kiva in the middle, as a center in a Pueblo landscape (adapted from Swentzell 1990:ig. 3-7).
communities’ coherent bodies of qualitative cultural-historical knowledge. Yi-Fu Tuan (1977:121) notes further, “As the
objective horizontal plane stretches away from the observer to
the remote distance, a point is reached at which details cease
to be knowable” (ig. 9.6).
Pueblo understandings of their landscapes are similar to
their comprehensions of the cosmos as a whole because they
incorporate subjective realities in their natural and supernatural realms alike. Tuan (1977:121) explains that the periphery,
as the borderland between the objective and the subjective
realms of the Pueblo world, “is the timeless past, a country
told about in myths.” Moreover, Pueblo authors observe
that their kin “believe that past and future come together
in the present—or in the center” (Naranjo and Swentzell
1989:257). Residential settlements do not constitute the only
centers within such landscapes, however. A center occurs
wherever “harmony, balance, and grounding happen. It is
where opposites come together to create cyclic movement and
lowingness” (Naranjo and Swentzell 1989:257). Symbolic
openings (e.g., caves and shrines) and other portals to the
supernatural realm of the cosmos (e.g., lakes and springs)
are other kinds of centers (ig. 9.3). Speaking of the Pueblos,
Naranjo and Swentzell state:
These openings represent, again, an effort to connect this
level of existence with that below. Each of the openings…is
a special healing place. Each is the primary point of energy
low [or, to use Cajete’s (1994) term, spiritual power (see
above)] between the simultaneous levels of the Pueblo world
(Naranjo and Swentzell 1989:262).
136
The Apache (Anschuetz 2002b; Basso 1996; Carmichael
1994; Farrer 1991, 1992), Navajo (Kelley and Francis
1994, 2002), and some land-based Hispanic communities
(Anschuetz 2002c; Enson 1995), among others, share similar
understandings of center, centeredness, and lowingness of
spiritual power as forming an interconnected web of relationship that ties the earth, the heavens, and the underworld into
a whole.
Based on this body of ethnographic work, it is safe to
generalize that within Native American conceptualizations
of landscapes as memory, center cannot be comprehended
without reference to periphery, and vice versa. Moreover, as I
consider next, the idea of center simultaneously refers to the
themes of emergence, movement, and connectedness, just as
it does to the theme of breath, as portrayed in its reference to
spiritual power.
Emergence
The Native American theme of center refers to a place on
the landscape with a point of connection and a low of life
energy among the many levels of the world. The idea of center
simultaneously refers to the place where people emerged from
the underworld (Naranjo and Swentzell 1989:262).
The relevance of the idea of emergence in these landscape
constructions is much deeper than simply equating center with
the beginning of human time in the physical world that traditional people know today. Emergence, a concept imbued with
a sense of timelessness through the sanctity of ritualized tradition, refers to both the becoming of the people and of their
landscape.
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9.6—A schematic view of objective and subjective realms of the cosmos within a landscape as
memory (adapted from Tuan 1977:ig. 15, used
with permission of University of Minnesota Press).
As Tuan explains in his igure notes, the objective
realm is the horizontal space within the cardinal
grid. At the distant edges, the objective realm
merges with the subjective realm, which is represented by the vertical axis.
The origin myths recorded among many Native American
communities, including the Pueblo, Navajo, Apache, and Ute,
exhibit striking similarities. Both the idea of world levels and
the intrinsic ahistoricism of the myths are important. Each
origin myth:
. . . in some fashion, tell[s] of the emergence of crude
uninished people from the lower levels until they reach the
light of the upper and present world…Supernatural beings
and spirits helped the people in their ascent and showed
them how to undertake the tasks necessary for their survival
(Saile 1977:76).
Just as with the people, the succession of worlds, which
the people have occupied, has become increasingly complete
in form. Turning to Pueblo ethnography to illustrate this idea:
Each world metaphorically represents a stage of natural
evolution through which human beings learn how to become
more human. Pueblo people believe that they emerged from
an earth navel, a place of mountains looked upon lovingly by
the sun and the moon (Cajete 1999:15).
Ortiz (1969:16) similarly refers to the idea of becoming, or
being fully formed. Among Pueblo origin myths, for example,
the world before emergence is described as moist, green,
and unripe, whereas the world after emergence is dry, hardened, and ripe. The process of becoming complete (for the
people and the land alike) is a gradual one that “is said to have
continued long after emergence” (Ortiz 1969:17).
In their myths and community histories, traditional
communities trace the process of becoming through the
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successive levels of their world and their movements
through the present-day world. In doing so, they are not
concerned with questions addressing objective facts of
beginnings or origins. Instead, such historical constructions
focus on movement according to the recurrence of traditional patterns, such as activities linked to the annual cycle
(Parsons 1996, 1:17 [1939]). Given the emphasis on repetitive
action in these narratives, many authors characterize
these stories as a historical (e.g., Ortiz 1969:143; Tuan
1977:121–122). Parsons (1996 [1939], 1:102–103) observes,
“A formula such as ‘it came up with them’ or ‘thus it was
from the time they came up’ gives authenticity to precious
things as well as a starting point back of which there is no
call to search.”
Pueblo ethnography again provides useful perspective.
The sense of timelessness that obtains from the ahistoricism of emergence is a quality associated with the process
and power of healing spaces. Swentzell (1991:178) explains,
“Simultaneous levels of existence, as told in Pueblo emergence stories, are a part of daily reality and understanding.”
Moreover:
. . . sensing and feeling the whole more easily satisies the
Pueblo person’s curiosity. To know the details is extraneous.
To sense the large relationships that exist between the parts
of a deined whole and to feel their relevance is enough.
To know through feeling, intuiting, is to be a strong Pueblo
person (Swentzell 1991:178).
With its inalienable association with a healing space, then,
emergence is not only the center of space. It also is the center
of time (after Ortiz 1969:143).
137
Movement
The archaeological and documentary records of the Valles
Caldera are replete with discussion of the transitory use of the
locale by Native American and Hispanic groups over time.
This system of short-term land use is unsurprising, given
that the Baca Location has always been peripheral to settings
of major settlement. Then again, the permanency of settled
village life among the traditional people who have associated with the Valles Caldera historically also appears to be
overstated. The settlement patterns of hunting and gathering
groups and farming communities alike were usually luid. For
example, Linda Cordell writes of the dynamic occupational
histories of early Pueblo villages:
Their inhabitants seemed to come and go, the settlements
themselves changing both size and coniguration in response
to social forces we barely understand. In my mind, the
shifting locations of population and the modiication of
community layout that suggest the incorporation and
dispersal of groups of people are signs of a social landscape
with far fewer constraints than any we know in the region
today. They are mirrored in the luidity and lack of formality
that seem to characterize the patterns of exchange in
ceramics. They seem to be part of a larger but much more
open social world in which the notion of abandoning a
dwelling or a site may have been of minimal importance,
perhaps something to have been embraced rather than
resisted (Cordell 1998:64).
Cordell’s (1998:64) observation that among the Pueblo,
movement was “something to have been embraced rather than
resisted” is perceptive. More than an adaptive strategy whereby
people merely responded to changes in their economic, social,
and political environments, ethnography documents that
movement is another big idea of Pueblo culture. In turn, it
simultaneously informs and motivates land use patterns.
As stated by Tewa authors in a variety of documentary
contexts, “movement is the revered element of life” (Naranjo
and Swentzell 1989:261). Another Tewa author adds,
“Movement, clouds, wind and rain are one. Movement must
be emulated by the people” (Naranjo 1995:248). In talking
about the process of people’s movement through a sequence
of places, Swentzell observes:
They did not settle in place for a long time, but rather
emulated the movement of the seasons, winds, clouds, and
life cycles by moving frequently. They responded to the
movement of loods, droughts, and social tensions. The
movement of clouds told them how they should move on the
ground (Swentzell 1993:145).
Leland C. Wyman (1962:78, 1965:105) offers additional
insights into the importance of movement among southwestern
land-based communities. For example, in his opening discussion of the geography of the Navajo Windway myths, he notes
that in speeches made by Navajo tradition keepers:
138
. . . movement is described in great detail; he lives
conceptually and linguistically in a “universe in motion.”
In his myths the heroes and supernaturals restlessly
undertake long journeys during which many place names are
mentioned, even spots merely passed by, and stopping at a
spring for a drink of water is an occasion for giving the place
a name . . . (Wyman 1962:78).
The task now at hand is to examine movement as both a
cosmological and landscape concept. First, the movement
of people across their landscapes complies with traditional
patterns of relationship with their worlds. Second, the movement of life energy among the landscape’s many centers
interconnects the natural and supernatural worlds of the
cosmos (see also discussion of breath above).
Pueblo authors again provide invaluable perspective about
patterns shared by the Navajo, Apace, and Ute. With regard to
the cosmological aspect, Cajete observes that Pueblo people
recount their forebears’ movements in their oral traditions
to sanctify the timeless principles of spiritual ecology that
underlie their respective communities’ senses of place:
In the stories Pueblo elders tell, the ancestors journeyed
many times and settled in many places, including Chaco
Canyon, Mesa Verde, and Canyon de Chelly. And each
time they stopped they established a relationship to the
place in which they settled, and they learned from each of
these places. They came to understand something about
the essence of these natural places and something about
the delicate environmental balance of nature in such
places. They settled by lakes and came to understand the
nature of water and its importance and sanctity in an arid
environment. They came to understand that water was one
of the foundations for maintenance of life on earth. They
settled near mountains and came to understand the nature
of mountains in terms of the way they provide a context, an
environment in which Pueblo people and other living things
could live (Cajete 1999:13–14).
Silko (1995:158) notes that in tracking their movements,
“Whatever the event or the subject, the ancient people
perceived the world and themselves within that world as part
of an ancient, continuous story composed of innumerable
bundles of other stories.” Cajete (1994:91) adds, “In this sense,
the landscape is like a textbook of ecological meaning, interpreted through the traditional stories and activities of tribes.”
The oral narrative, based on metaphor and ritual performance,
“became the medium through which the complex of…knowledge and belief was maintained” (Silko 1995:158) across the
generations. Through these stories Pueblo, Navajo, and other
traditional land-based community people hear who they are
(after Silko 1995:128; see also Peckham 1990).
Importantly, the identiication of prominent geographic
features and landmarks in each community’s narratives exists
primarily for ritual purposes (Silko 1995:162). To pursue
Cajete’s (1994, 1999) and Silko’s (1995) reasoning, these
narratives are most important for their afirmation of spiritual
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ecological principles and not for their comprehensive environmental or historical detail.
As I discussed previously, the oral traditions maintained
among communities that construct landscapes as memory
possess the quality of timelessness. Moreover, the question of
whether or not the people actually journeyed through the places
identiied in a community’s oral traditions at a particular time
is irrelevant. For example, Naranjo (1995:248) notes, “With
migration, movement is the essential element, not where they
stopped or which path they took.” Silko (1995:161) adds, “the
continuity and accuracy of the oral narratives are reinforced
by the landscape—and the…interpretation of that landscape
is maintained.”
In considering these ethnographic patterns, the relationships between people and their histories of movement through
landscapes as memory are both important and beyond question (after Swentzell 1991). Silko explains:
The myth, the web of memories and ideas that create an
identity, is a part of oneself. This sense of identity was
intimately linked with the surrounding terrain, to the
landscape that has often played a signiicant role in a story
or in the outcome of a conlict (Silko 1995:167).
The second aspect of the concept of movement among
communities that construct landscapes as memory—namely,
the low of life energy among the many centers deined in
their landscape constructions—reinforces the essence of spiritual ecology as the traditional relationship and interactions of
the people with their places. Nowhere is this idea more openly
manifest than in communities’ conceptualizations of the interrelationships among movement, breath, and center.
The Tewa understanding of “seeking life” illustrates these
relationships succinctly (see Cajete 1994:45–46; Naranjo and
Swentzell 1989:257–258; see also Laski 1959). On the one
hand, a Pueblo’s plaza (or oldest plaza, if there are several), as
the center of all centers for the community and a focal healing
place, is the terminus of all blessings that emanate from the
shrines scattered across the landscape. The plaza is one part
of the link between the supernatural and natural realms of the
Pueblo cosmos. On the other hand, the people, through the
sacred power and solemn petitions of their public and individualistic rituals in their subscription to a living process (see
above), channel blessings back across the landscape through
a hierarchy of shrines of direction even as they receive blessings from the supernatural world.
In this metaphorical ebb and low of energies between the
cosmos’ natural and supernatural realms, the blessings that
emanate from the living world and intersect the underworld
undergo a transformation in power through the renewal of
their supernatural associations. These strengthened blessings
renew the cycle of movement from the plaza center upon their
return to the community. The power of the blessings builds
upon itself yet again as the goodness manifest in the public
ceremony, private ritual and everyday action that people
demonstrate in their conduct once more lows outward from
the village center. Just as the power of Pueblo ritual accumulates through the act of controlled, repetitive action (e.g., see
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Whorf 1956b [1939]), the power contained in blessings apparently also accumulates within itself through its renewing cycles
of movement between the cosmos’ natural and supernatural
realms. Therefore, through this system of continually reproducing, continually invigorating life force energies, people’s
actions help sustain harmony between the contrasting/complementary realms of the cosmos. Ortiz (1969:22) explains, “By
the system of ideas at work here, everything good and desirable stays within the…world.”
Connectedness
The sense of intrinsic connectedness between northern
New Mexico’s traditional people and the worlds in which
they live is the general basis of their spiritual ecology and the
speciic basis of their understandings of healing and seeking
life. Naranjo and Swentzell illustrate the importance of the
idea of connectedness:
For Pueblo people, the building, the landscape, the region,
all together are the physical expressions of their beliefs.
These things form the invisible link between the spiritual and
material parallels of their lives. The building, the landscape,
the region make up the world within which people live. It
is a holistic and symbolic world. It is a description of the
physical environment in terms of what it should be like or
what feels right, rather than what makes sense or what is
rational (Naranjo and Swentzell 1989:261).
Swentzell explains further how the theme of connectedness informs the common idea among Native American
communities that spiritual power—the very force of life
itself—permeates everything in their world, including objects
that Western traditions consider inanimate:
That connection is—creativity from the source…, the powa-ha, literally “water-wind-breath.” It is that energy that
lows from everybody, everything—plants, stones. That’s why
everything takes on life in that world. We all breathe of the
same breath the plants do, the rocks do. And so the world
itself takes on a different structure (Swentzell 1989a:25).
Swentzell (1989b:12) adds, “All of life, including walls,
rocks and people, were part of an exquisite, lowing unity”
(see also Cajete 1994; Silko 1995; Tiller 1983).
Connectedness is one of the big ideas shared by people who
build and sustain landscapes as memory. It is not surprising
that they communicate these perceptions of their life in relationship with the land in their oral traditions and through their
ritual, symbols, and everyday activities. Drawing from Pueblo
ethnography, Cajete introduces the focal understanding of
connectedness in terms of the “theology of place,” which is
characteristic among the people of traditional Native American
and Hispanic communities alike:
It is through these symbols and participating with the
land in a kind of symbolic dance that Pueblo people have
traditionally maintained the memory of their relationship
139
to the places. Through traditional art forms…, which are
replete with designs based on their relationship to the
land, its plants, animals, Pueblo people have symbolized
their sense of identity as a people of place. This continual
establishing of relationship is not only for renewal and for
remembering to remember who they are as a people, but
is also an attempt to perpetuate the spiritual ecology of
the world as a whole. This is the complex of relationship,
symbolism, attitude, and way of interacting with the
land that comprises the Pueblo theology of place (Cajete
1999:15).
We now can begin to grasp some of the most meaningful
elements embodied in constructions of landscape as memory.
To understand the ideas of breath, center, emergence, and
movement within a spiritual process of healing, it is necessary irst to possess an explicit comprehension of periphery in
the relationship between the natural and supernatural realms
of the cosmos. People who construct and interact with landscapes as memory create a whole that is greater than the sum
of its parts by uniting their world through a system of social
and symbolic dualism (after Ortiz 1969).
In the process of acculturation into their communities of
birth, “children learn about connections to the earth through
virtually every experience in their culture” (Trimble 1993:170).
So pervasive is this world view that early in their lives, children comprehend ideas of center and periphery along with
their interdependence to form a whole. For example, a young
Santa Clara Pueblo girl, Rose Bean, remarks, “A Pueblo is
more than physical buildings and landscape…It’s living in a
circle with a kiva in the middle” (in Hucko 1996:44; see also
Swentzell 1989b).
Individuals acquire sophistication in their knowledge and
understanding of these traditional themes and apply them to
their everyday activities when they became adults and contributing members of their communities. Nora Naranjo-Morse, a
Santa Clara Pueblo artist, “speaks of the circle that connects
her with her clay people—a circle that takes in thousands of
years of history and connections to clouds and mountains,
spirits and underworlds. The Pueblo people live and pray and
dance and shape pots to maintain these connections” (Trimble
1993:119).
Witherspoon (1977, 1983) and Wyman (1983) similarly
explain that the Navajo live their daily lives and observe
their ceremonies through a complex system of beliefs about
the dynamics of the universe. To earn their living, the Navajo
attempt to inluence the physical manifestation of the world
for the beneit of all people through the orderly demonstration
of traditional knowledge about the web of interrelationships
between the natural and supernatural realms of the cosmos.
Just as among the Pueblos, the cultural ideal among the
Navajo is to draw upon their cultural traditions for knowledge about how to structure all of their actions, including
their land use activities, to sustain connectedness and balance
throughout the whole of their cosmos.
The analogy of the Pueblo’s Earth-Mother bowl and
Sky-Father basket pair (igs. 9.7 and 9.8) helps convey this
essential idea of connectedness. Bowls and baskets are eficient
9.7—A Pueblo view of the Earth-Mother as a bowl (from
Swentzell 1990:ig. 3-2).
140
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9.8—A Pueblo view of the world as a sphere, with the
Sky-Father-Basket atop the Earth-Mother-Bowl
(adapted from Swentzell 1990:ig. 3-1).
containers. Together, they form a coherent, protective sphere.
(Farrer’s [1991, 1992] discussion of Apache world view
suggests that Athapaskan groups possess similar ideas about
their cosmos consisting of a protective sphere that embraces
all life.) The breakage and subsequent loss of a bowl’s rim
and body sherds, and the tearing of the basket’s woven
fabric, however, compromise the vessels’ forms and functions. Such damage also ruins the sphere’s integrity and its
ability to sustain its contents. So, too, landscapes that become
fragmented lose their power. No longer able to sustain relationships and connectedness in the harmony of a whole,
the spiritual thought process is rendered incomplete and its
healing power is diminished.
Cajete (1993–1994, 1994, 1999) has commented extensively on the ill effects that plague traditional land-based
communities when the wholeness of their landscape constructions is not respected and the people lose their sense of spiritual
ecology. While acknowledging the world is inherently ever
changing, Swentzell observes:
Transformation is a part of life, and is a very part of life,
but it has to be transformed in terms of continuing…When
you leave behind the past it is detrimental not just to yourself
but to the world at large. Because you leave behind respect,
connectedness—which is love (Swentzell 1989a:28)
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Landscapes as Memory and
Vernacular Land Use History
in the VCNP
As discussed earlier, people understand themselves to be an
integral part of the land within a world view that encompasses
the idea of landscape as memory. As such, the people’s history,
culture, and the very essence of their spiritual being is intrinsic
to the landscape. Silko eloquently expresses this perspective:
So long as the human consciousness remains within the
hills, canyons, cliffs, and the plants, clouds, and sky, the
term landscape, as it has entered the English language, is
misleading. “A portion of territory the eye can comprehend
in a single view” does not correctly describe the relationship
between the human being and his or her surroundings. This
assumes the viewer is somehow outside or separate from the
territory she or he surveys. Viewers are as much a part of the
landscape as the boulders they stand on (Silko 1995:156,
italics in original).
To extend this cultural logic fully, communities that create
landscapes as memory do not deine themselves only in terms
of the intimate relationships among the myriad of places and
141
features found extending from the center to the periphery of
their natural world. This landscape approach simultaneously
unites the middle realm of the cosmos with the supernatural
worlds above and below within a process of becoming that
transcends time, whereby the past is a referent for the present
and the landscape is the recollection and celebration of age old
tradition itself. In stating their relationship with their culture
history over time, the people of traditional land-based communities reveal that they recollect their history not only to learn
from it but also to repeat it so as to renew and reassert the
veracity of their traditions (Anschuetz 2002a:3.42–3.43). In
this way, communities periodically restate their relationships
with the cosmos and its power (Saile 1977:79). Landscape
features, therefore, are more than products of history. They
represent the media through which the devotion of living of,
and for, one’s cultural community is sustained across the generations despite the inevitability of change in the natural world.
For many Pueblo and Navajo communities, as well some
Apache, Ute, and northern New Mexican Hispanic communities, the natural and cultural resources of the VCNP traditionally
are elements of landscapes that refer simultaneously to the
physical and metaphysical realms of the cosmos. Physical
environmental features, including the volcanic mountains that
enclose the Valles Caldera, springs, caves, shrines, streams,
plants, animals, vistas, and the hollow of the great caldera itself,
contribute to the construction of the landscape in terms of each
community’s cultural-historical traditions. Informed by the
interrelated themes of breath, center, emergence, movement,
and connectedness, these environmental features are more than
just an assemblage of objective attributes. Physical features
embody metaphysical referents through which associated
traditional community sustain their cultural identities. They do
this through their geographic association with the subjective
realm of the Valles Caldera as a periphery of their landscapes.
The people of the traditional Native American and Hispanic
communities variously gathered, hunted, and collected the
material resources of this locality to sustain their economic
livelihoods (see chapter 5). They relied on the symbolic qualities of these land use activities and their material products to
sustain their communities economically, socially, and ideationally as living cultural entities.
The following discussion considers several prominent landscape elements present within the VCNP that have helped
organize and give meaning to the land use activities of communities traditionally associated with this location. As noted in
chapter 5, comparatively few details are available concerning
the vernacular land use of the Valles Caldera because of common
oversight involving mundane practices and the compelling need
of secrecy to protect ritual and spiritual power. Consequently,
the following discussion cannot be, and does not pretend to
be, a comprehensive ethnographic inventory and assessment
of how individual Pueblo, Navajo, Apache, Ute, or Hispanic
communities interacted with particular landscape features.
Instead, this narrative consists of ethnographic insights into
how particular groups have interacted with the VCNP in the
past to recall, verify, and reafirm traditions important to their
history, culture, and identity. In most cases, I cite ethnographic
and other commentaries that identify the Valles Caldera locality
142
directly. To help illustrate the importance of their relationship
with the Valles Caldera settings, I refer to accounts of community relationships with analogous landscape features, such as
mountains and volcanic calderas with which some of the associated communities are afiliated.
The categorization of particular feature types for the
purposes of structuring this discussion is troublesome in the
sense that it breaks a uniied whole into its major constituent
elements. This organizational device, therefore, fragments
important connective relationships, which deine a whole that
is clearly greater than its parts, as discussed.
Mountains
Mountains within landscapes
Among cultural communities everywhere, but especially
among those that construct landscapes as memory:
. . . [m]ountains are spiritually and culturally signiicant
landscapes that evoke emotions ranging from awe and fear to
reverence and wonder. Towering crags, violent storms, rare
lora and fauna, snow-capped peaks, and serrated ridges
all contribute to a mystical sense of the sublime. [Blake
1999:487]
A rich body of ethnographic information demonstrates that
Pueblo communities and the other Native American groups
afiliated with the VCNP regard mountains with reverence for
more than just their plant, animal, and mineral resources (table
9.1). The mestizos, criollos, and many other mixed-blood
people that make up a large proportion of the rural Spanish
colonist population (e.g., see Anzaldúa 1987:5; see also
Mörner 1967; Wolf 1959) almost certainly shared the views
of the indigenous communities concerning the sanctity of
the southwestern mountains (see Anschuetz 2002c:7.7–7.8).
This shared vision is the product of the blending of the structure and symbolic content of Indian and of Iberian (i.e.,
Catholic) religious belief (e.g., Anzaldúa 1987:25–39; Ingham
1986:180–193; Rodriguez 1994:143–148).
Among all these communities, summits signify the borderland between the objective and the subjective realms (Tuan
1977:120). Alfonso Ortiz (1972:157) explains, “the further one
ranges outward from a particular village or group of villages,
the greater is the tendency to attribute characteristics opposite of normal to anything of symbolic value, even if only by
surrounding it with an aura of sacredness and mystery.” The
power inherent in the landscape becomes potentially more
dangerous and uncontrollable at greater distances from the
center, and at greater depths or heights (after Saile 1977:77). For
the region’s Native American and traditional Hispanic communities, “The mountain, as ecological metaphor and symbol
of higher thought and attainment, is often integrated with the
metaphors of pathway, pilgrimage, and cardinal orientations
forming the boundaries of a sacred place” (Cajete 1994:92).
All 16 Pueblo communities living along the Río Grande
Valley and its major tributaries (Cochití, Isleta, Jémez,
Nambé, Picurís, Pojoaque, Sandía, San Felipe, San Ildefonso,
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Table 9.1. Native American cultural communities associated with the VCNP that view mountains as places of sanctity and power.
Cultural community
Pueblo
Navajo
Apache
Ute
References
Blake 1999; Ellis 1956; Hewett and Dutton 1945; Hewett and Mausy 1940; Ortiz 1969; Page and Page 1982;
Parsons 1996 [1939]; Saile 1977
Blake 1999; Kelley and Francis 1994; 2002; Witherspoon 1977, 1983
Basso 1996; Buskirk 1986; Carmichael 1994; Farrer 1991; Mails 1974; Opler 1946; Schaafsma 2001
James A. Goth, in Wright 2000; Hillstrom 1998; Liljeblad 1986; Romeo 1985; Wroth 2000
San Juan, Santa Ana, Santa Clara, Santo Domingo, Taos,
Tesuque, and Zía), maintain signiicant associations with the
Jémez Mountains (e.g., Douglass 1917; Ellis 1956, 1974;
Harrington 1916; Ortiz 1969; Weslowski 1981; White
1942, 1960, 1962). The Jémez use the Towa name Wavema to
refer generally to the mountainous region to the north of their
Pueblo (Weslowki 1981:117). (As I discuss later, the Jémez
also use the name Wavema to designate Redondo Peak. The
differentiation of the name to designate the Jémez Mountains
as a whole or to identify Redondo Peak speciically is contextually dependent within speech acts.) Most names for most
places known by individual Pueblo communities in the Jémez
Mountains rarely have been documented by outsiders. Among
those who construct landscapes as memory, appellations “exist
in people’s hearts and souls and history and oral tradition, and
in their love” (Ortiz 1992:338).
Despite the fact that the Jémez Mountains are far outside
the core areas of their respective homelands, the Pueblos of
Hopi and Zuni maintain memories of northern New Mexico in
their landscape traditions. The Hopi recall cultural-historical
connections to speciic settlements in the Tewa Basin on the
east lanks of the Jémez Mountains (e.g., see Poling-Kempes
1997:19–20; Yava 1978:27–28, 44–45.). Anthropologists have
documented a Zuni ethnogeography that includes at least four
Jémez Mountains sites in or near the Valles Caldera (Ferguson
and Hart 1985:Map 15—Traditional Zuni Hunting Area [site
31], Map 16—Traditional Zuni Plant Collection Area [sites 31
and 93], and Map 18—Traditional Zuni Religious Use Area
[sites 31, 48, 93, and 94]). There are Zuni cultural sites on
the east side of the Jémez Mountains in proximity to the Río
Grande Valley, as well.
The Navajo similarly view the Jémez Mountains as generally delimiting the eastern margin of their aboriginal homelands.
Frederick W. Sleight (1950), who relies on translation of
the place-name sisnádjini as “Horizontal black belt” (Haile
1938:66), states that the description embodied in this term can
easily be applied to the Jémez Mountains in general. “When
viewed from deep within the old Navajo country, the Jémez
Range appears as an extended, level black belt on the eastern
horizon, and is the only mountain mass on the eastern side of
the Navajo domain with this appearance” (Sleight 1950:391).
Sleight’s statement, however, is not simply the random
observation of an outsider. Of interest are commentaries made
by medicine men with whom Sleight worked. These informants
note that sisnádjini (1) is visible on the eastern horizon from
the Lukachukai Mountains in northwestern New Mexico, (2)
appears as “that long line of mountain” (unidentiied informant)
on the eastern side of the Navajo homeland, and (3) can be
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seen on the north horizon from Albuquerque’s heights (Sleight
1950:394; see also Wyman 1962:81).
Sallie Brewer provides the recollections offered by
Peshlakai Etsedi of a conference at which Navajo leaders,
including Nah Zizii, Hosteen Iltsuee Etsosa (Marriano),
Hostin Be Dah Gah, and Becenti, agreed upon the territory
that their people would occupy following their release from
Bosque Redondo in the late 1860s:
These men decided that the Navajos would have the country
between Sisnajinee [Black Belt in the Jémez Mountains],
Zoet Zilth [Mount Taylor], Nahtah Ah Say Ay [Corn Stairs or
Mount Thomas], Do Ko-osteed [Suspended by Yellow Shell
or San Francisco Peaks], Nahto Zilth [Tobacco Mountain or
Buckskin Mountain near Grand Canyon], Nah Ah Tsees Ahn
[Navajo Mountain] and Devehn Tsah (Brewer 1937:61).
The association with the Jémez Mountains is stronger
among Pueblo and Navajo communities that identify particular
summits within this range as their east mountain of cardinal
direction. All six of the Tewa Pueblos (Nambé, Pojoaque, San
Ildefonso, San Juan, Santa Clara, Tesuque) recognize Tsikumu
(a.k.a. Cerro Chicoma [Obsidian Covered Mountain]) as their
West Mountain in their landscape constructions (Harrington
1916; Ortiz 1969). This summit is just beyond the northeast corner of the Baca Location. Within the Valles Caldera,
Redondo Peak (a.k.a. Pelado) is the North Mountain for
Jémez Pueblo. The Jémez use the name Wavema (Father of
All Northern Mountains [Harper 1929:Section 2, p. 30]) to
designate this summit (Sando 1982:11) and the entire mountain region north of their community (Weslowski 1981:117).
Some Navajo communities historically identiied this same
summit, which they know by the name sisná˙djiní, as their
Holy Mountain of the East (Amsden 1934:123; Brewer 1937;
Goddard 1933:11; Keur 1941:8; Linford 2000:242–243;
Matthews 1897:78; Sleight 1950:passim)9.1.
9.1
For other Navajo communities, some authors, notably Benally
and others (1982) and Haile (1938:66, 1950:112, 114), identify
Sierra Blanca in southern Colorado as the Holy Mountain of the
East. Several authors (Reichard 1963:452–453; Sleight 1950;
Wyman 1962:70) recount the debate over the identiication.
Sleight [1950] concludes that different Navajo communities
probably identify different peaks as their Holy Mountain of the
East for a variety of reasons related to their speciic location and
historical experience.
143
The preceding discussion of the themes of breath, center,
emergence, movement, and connectedness stated that traditional communities deine themselves within their cosmos
through their identiication of mountains of cardinal direction. The mountains of cardinal direction, therefore, are not
just geographical referents. These summits are “an essential component to a system of cultural meaning at both a
community and regional scale, sustaining people in physical and spiritual terms” (Blake 1999:488). On the one hand,
they establish foundations upon which the communities
construct their senses of timelessness in their occupation of
the land itself. Charles Avery Amsden (1934:123). refers to
this quality in his statement that each mountain of cardinal
direction speciies “the cosmic limit in that direction as seen
through the mist of tradition.” On the other hand, the mountains of cardinal direction convey more than privilege and
legitimacy in a community’s occupation and use of the land
through their reference to timeless tradition; they entail lasting
obligations for present and future generations. Mountains of
cardinal direction, as some of the most holy places within a
group’s landscape, “have a special power to make holy spirits
accessible to mortals and bring together the Navajo origin
legends, ways of life, and the correct pursuit of those ways”
(Blake 1999:502–503).
Among the Jémez, regardless of their use of the placename Wavema to denote either the Jémez Mountains generally
or Redondo Peak speciically, the mention of their “Northern
Mountains” collectively or the “Father of All Northern
Mountains” is imbued with great cultural meaning. In turn,
the Valles Caldera landscape simultaneously possesses
multiple levels of signiicance informed by Jémez Pueblo oral
traditions of emergence and migration. According to Jémez
tradition keepers, the Towa’s forebears lived among other
native people in the underworld in some unearthly form under
the guidance of the spiritual powers. “These beings taught
them all the ceremonials as explicit dictates for how they
should live on the newly formed lands. The Towa brought
these traditions with them when they emerged to the present
earth as human beings” (Weslowski 1981:118).
At the time of the Towa forebears’ Emergence upon the
surface of this world, which is the place that the Jémez
remember as Wanatota, somewhere far north of their present-day Pueblo, the spiritual powers created the original four
mountains of cardinal direction for the people. They did this for
the people so the Jémez would have appropriate places upon
which they could fulill their solemn obligations. These peaks
included “Yellow-Flint Mountain” to the east, “Blue-Flint
Mountain” (i.e., Wavema) to the north, “Red-Flint Mountain”
to the west, and “Black-Flint Mountain” to the south (after
Parsons 1925:137; Weslowski 1981:119). The people were
always to visit these holy summits over the span of the yearly
cycle to make prayers and to offer feather blessings, asking
the spiritual powers for their continued assistance and giving
thanks for the goodness that they had already received.
As the Towa forebears moved south through a series of
migrations that would eventually bring them to the present-day
site of Jémez Pueblo, the people would always designate
144
cardinal mountains of directions, including Wavema, at each
of the homelands that they occupied along their long journey
(Weslowski 1981:117). The designation of Redondo Peak as
Wavema immediately followed the Towa forebear’s arrival in
the upper Río Jémez Valley seven centuries ago (chapter 2),
(see Sando 1982:11).
The Jémez have perpetuated the history of their community through the many levels of ritual associated with the
mountains of cardinal direction (and other places of power
created at the time of Emergence, or inhabited or visited by
the Towa forebears during their migrations). They also recall
the spiritual instructions, which their forebears accepted and
to which they still are bound, as to how to live within and to
use their homelands within the precepts set forth at the time of
Emergence (Weslowski 1981:119–120).
Today, the Jémez still visit Redondo Peak throughout the
year. Societal duties are performed on all sides of the peak and
in the adjacent valleys” (Weslowski 1981:117). Weslowski
explains further:
. . . that this peak is used regularly by the underworld’s
chief’s society. This group is greatly respected as a
ceremonial supervisor and conserver of custom…The
underworld chiefs made a pilgrimage to Redondo Peak
every June to begin the summer series of rain retreats and
ceremonies . . . (Weslowski 1981:117, citing an unnamed
consultant; Parsons 1925:63, and her own ield notes; see
also Ellis 1964).
The Jémez, just as their Towa forebears, sustain the low
of power and harmony between the natural and supernatural realms of the cosmos through their perpetuation of
their cultural-historical memory and the fulillment of their
obligatory traditions. Within this living landscape tradition,
Redondo Peak and the Jémez Mountains together symbolize
the cardinal direction North, Emergence, and the many places
the Jémez occupied and visited on their migrations. For the
Jémez, the Northern Mountains—the Jémez Mountains generally and Redondo Peak speciically—recall the origins and
ends of natural life and the eternity of all spiritual life. The
North is “the place from which the people came and whence
the newborn still come” (Parsons 1925:125). Today the
further association of spiritual powers with North (as the place
of Emergence) and the souls of the deceased (as the direction where the irst Towa lived and died), partially informs
the cultural rationale linking the Northern Mountains with
the cloud people, the katsinas, and the dead (Ellis 1964:19;
Parsons 1925; Weslowski 1981:123). Finally, the additional
essential connection of these many supernatural beings with
moisture in its varied material and ethereal forms (e.g., rain,
snow, clouds, and breath), contributes to the Jémez view of the
Jémez Mountains as “the home of the lowing water” and “the
perpetuators of rainfall” (Weslowski 1981:122). One community member gracefully summarized this relationship: “Water
and mountains are intertwined as beneicial places. The mountains are the source of energy of existence. We receive energy
from the places we believe in” (in Weslowski 1981:122).
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In her examination of this web of relationships, Weslowski
(1981:123) reports that the North encompasses the whole of
Jémez Pueblo aboriginal lands. In this world view, Redondo
Peak, as Wavema, and its valleys represent the totality of
Jémez’ culture and history. Continued occupation and use of
the Valles Caldera for traditional game hunting, plant gathering, mineral collection, and ritual activities is compulsory
for sustaining the Pueblo cultural identity.
There is some variability in the identiication of the Holy
Mountain of the East among the communities of the Navajo
Nation. Nonetheless, even among the groups that specify
the location of sisnádjiní as someplace other than the Valle
Grande, the Jémez Mountains generally, and the great caldera
especially, are basic to the ceremonial repertoire through
which the Diné recount, enact, and reafirm their own emergence traditions.
Just as among the Pueblo, the Navajo holy mountains igure
prominently in Navajo creation tales. To pick up Washington
Matthews’ comprehensive account of the Navajo Creation
Story at the point before the people emerge onto the Fifth
World (which is the present world):
First Man and First Woman, Black Body and Blue Body, set
out to build the seven [sic] sacred mountains of the present
Navajo land. They made them all of earth which they had
brought from similar mountains in the fourth world. The
mountains they made were Tsĭsnadzĭ́ni [sisná˙djiní] in the
east, Tsotsĭl (Taylor, San Mateo) in the south, Dokoslíd (San
Francisco) in the west, Depĕ́ntsa (San Juan) in the north,
with Dsĭlnáotĭl, Tsolíhi, and Akĭdanastáni (Hosta Butte) in the
middle of the land.
Through Tsĭsnadzĭ́ni [sisnádjiní], in the east, they ran a bolt
of lightning to fasten it to the earth. They decorated it with
white shells, white lightning, white corn, white clouds, and
he-rain. They set a big dish or bowl of shell on its summit,
and in it they put two eggs of the Pigeon to make feathers for
the mountain. The eggs they covered with a sacred buckskin
to make them hatch (there are many wild pigeons in this
mountain now). All these things they covered with a sheet of
daylight, and they put Rock Crystal Boy and Rock Crystal
Girl into the mountain to dwell (Matthews 1897:78–79).
Mountains as stories
In this account and other Navajo Emergence accounts (e.g.,
Benally et al. 1982:8; Klah 1942; O’Bryan 1956:24, 26; Van
Valkenburgh and Begay 1938:30–31), authors establish a
subjective quality of timelessness in the Navajo conceptualization of the holy mountains. That is, the sacred peaks were
created and re-created through the succession of worlds from
the beginning of time to the present. These stories and various
pictorial representations of these summits (e.g., Harrison
Begay, in Gill 1983:ig. 1) also allow the identiication of the
many symbols that the Navajo associate with each of these
peaks. For example, Gladys Amanda Reichard (1963:chart
1) documented the symbolic associations of sisnádjiní, the
Holy Mountain of the East (table 9.2).
The care invested in detailing these many associations
is not a mere literary device. “The order and character of
the world and of the place of human beings in that world,
including their relationships with one another and with all
other living things, is deined in these stories” (Gill 1983:505).
These written and graphic depictions also establish the principles with which the Navajo deine their relationship with
the physical geography, which includes the VCNP, of the
world in which they live.
The Jémez Mountains and Redondo Peak igure in other
Navajo oral traditions as important places within the Navajo
construction of the landscape as memory. On the one hand,
these stories are important vehicles for encoding information about the physical appearance and resources available
at these locations (e.g., Coolidge and Coolidge 1930). More
importantly, in many stories, mention of these summits is
independent of their geographic location. They are important because they help perpetuate the memory of the cultural
history of the Navajo people since time immemorial. These
stories explain how the world and the people became what
they are today. Leland C. Wyman (1962: 78–80) observes
that these narratives emphasize the underlying importance of
locality and the even greater signiicance of the movement
of characters in Navajo oral traditions. They also remind the
Navajo of the spiritual obligations for living properly, which
may include ritual use of the Jémez Mountains generally, and
the Valles Caldera speciically, both now and in the future.
Table 9.2. Symbolic Associations for Sisnádjiní, the Navajo Holy Mountain of the East (adapted from Reichard 1963:Chart 1).
Mountain attribute
color:
fastened by:
covered by:
jewel:
bird:
vegetation:
sound:
peopled by:
moved by:
extra gifts:
guardian deity::
Associated symbol
white
lightning
daylight, dawn
whiteshell, whiteshell with belt of dark cloud
pigeon, white thunder
spotted, white corn
thunder in young eagle’s mouth
Rock Crystal Boy, Rock Crystal Girl, Whiteshell Boy, Whiteshell Girl, Dawn Boy, Dawn Girl
spotted wind
white lightning, dark cloud, male rain, white corn
xa˙ctc΄é΄δγan
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145
For example, in his account of the Navajo Creation Story,
Hasteen Klah (1942) refers to Nehochee-otso, a large hollow
place on the top of the Jémez Mountains where Tseh-nagi
(Rolling Rock) lived. This monster was “a great striped rock
which could roll very quickly in any direction, and killed
people by rolling on them” (Klah 1942:71). The story of
the destruction of Rolling Rock establishes that the Navajo
view the Jémez Mountains as a portal between the natural and
supernatural worlds of the cosmos:
Nayenezgani, the Hero Twin Monster Slayer, traveled to
the Jemez Mountains to kill Tseh-nagi in his quest to rid
the world of the monsters that plagued the people. When
Nayenezgani tried to approach Tseh-nagi, the Rock began to
roll towards him and he shot his lightning arrow at the Rock
from the east, but could not hit it, and the Rock then rolled
back to its den. Then Nayenezgani shot at it from the south
and managed to knock a little splinter from it while the Rock
pursued him. He then approached the Rock from the west
and the same thing happened, and also from the north, and at
the end he only managed to knock off a few pieces and could
not injure it, and meanwhile it kept chasing him while he was
barely able to avoid it.
At his home at Huerfano the magic kehtahn [prayer stick]
began to burn very brightly, which showed that Nayenezgani
was in great danger. So they [other immortals] sent hail, big
rain, and cyclones to attack the Rock. And the water soaked
it, and Hashjeshjin [the Fire God] burnt it with his ire, and
then hit it with a stone knife, and large pieces were broken
off it. The Rock tried to escape them, but they chased it into a
mountain from which it burst out as though from a volcano,
and inally they chased the Rock four times around the earth,
while it grew smaller and smaller, until at last it fell into the
Grand Canyon, where it is now (Klah 1942:93–94).
In her account of the Mountainway origin story, Mary C.
Wheelwright (1946:78–79) reports that the Jémez Mountains
are the place where the Youth, who has become a medicine
man, visits the Kisahni (a Pueblo group that Wheelwright
identiies as the Hopi in a sidebar). Here he inds two individuals, who learn the Tohe ceremony that he performs during
his visit:
The medicine man said to these two that they must have
ceremonies given over them before they could be medicine
men, and have the Jish or medicine pouch. They said they
would have these ceremonies up on Tsilth Klizhin, the Dark
Mountain (Jemez Mountain). So all the Kisahni People left
their homes to go to this place, and there they built a hogahn
with twelve upright posts. It was a very big hogahn called
Taytah-haskahni. After this was inished they built another
hogahn for the cooking of food during the ceremony, and
sent someone out to collect herbs and everything needed
for the Wohltrahd, and wood to make the Tse-panse hoops;
so now they were prepared to start the ceremony that night
(Wheelwright 1946:79).
146
The Jémez Mountains are also the setting where two
akananillis (Meal Sprinklers) depart in the Mountainway
origin story (Wheelwright 1946; Wyman 1975). The runner
who goes to the west to the White Mountain Apaches is Asheen
Tsiskai, whose name derives from the fact that “he was a racer
on the plains and valleys, running from the Dark Mountain
[the Jémez Mountains] down the valley to the south, and then
north to Debehentsah before the sun rose in the morning”
(Wheelwright 1946:80). The other runner is Kah-jes-tyinee
(Sleeps to Noon, [a.k.a. Valley Boy]), who is believed by all
Navajos other than his grandmother to be a lazy youth but
was transformed into a perfect young man by being named a
Meal Sprinkler. Kah-jes-tyinee variously runs east or north to
the Jicarilla Apaches and the Río Grande Pueblos in different
accounts of the Mountainway origin story (cf. Wheelwright
1946; Wyman 1975).
Wyman (1975:238) identiies the Meal Sprinklers’ starting
place as “behind Black Mountain.” This place-name is a likely
reference to the Jémez Mountains in general and may even
refer more speciically to the Valle Grande, which is “behind”
the Jémez Mountains.
According to Wyman (1975), when recounting the details
of his journey, Valley Boy speaks of his visits to the Pueblos of
Santo Domingo and Zía to obtain these communities’ pledges
to arrive back home before the close of the Mountainway
ceremonial. On the last leg of his journey, Valley Boy (a.k.a.
Sleeps to Noon [Kah-jes-tyinee]) ran from Zía Pueblo up into
the Jémez Mountains, climbed its summit (possibly Redondo
Peak), and visited a supernatural being before returning to the
race’s starting point.
Next he set out towards the Black Mountain range again, and
required much time before he arrived at its base. He went up
to the summit, where he found a narrow canyon and came to
a waterfall. Suddenly the Ye’i granduncle gave his call. He
descended down into the canyon and there called to him with
his whistle. He [Valley Boy] entered his [the Ye’i’s] home . . .
(Wyman 1975:240).
Wheelwright’s (1946) version of the Mountainway origin
story concludes when Kah-jes-tyinee returns to his people in
the Jémez Mountains. He arrives just before his counterpart,
Asheen Tsiskai.
The Navajo traditionally re-enact parts of these narratives both symbolically and literally. Wheelwright (1946)
notes that Akananillis go out on the ninth (and last) night
of the Mountainway ceremony to summon the people to the
corral dance in a symbolic recreation of this tale. Richard
F. Van Valkenburgh (1940:9) reports that one Navajo tradition keeper, Maríano Chávez of Torreon, once told him about
a man who ran from the Chuska Mountains to the Jémez
Mountains and who started building a number of rock shrines
along the way.
Matthews (1887:451) describes prayer sticks, made “of
nothing more than a few sticks and feathers, with the occasional addition of strings and beads” used as offerings in the
Mountainway and other ceremonials that recall the origin
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stories. He includes an illustration of a prayer stick that
belongs to:
. . . klèdji-qaçàl, or chant of the night. It is sacred to the
Youth and the Maiden of the Rock Crystal, divine beings who
dwell in Tsisnàtcini [sisnádjini], a great mountain north of
the Pueblo of Jemez (Matthews 1887:452).
Matthews’ igure caption explains:
The original is in the National Museum at Washington. It
consists of two sticks coated with white earth and joined by
a cotton string a yard long, which is tied to each stick by
a clove hitch. A black bead is in the center of the string; a
turkey feather and eagle feather are secured with the clove
hitch to one of the strings (Matthews 1887:ig. 58).
In his discussion of Windway repertoires, Wyman (1962)
reports that Horizontal Black Belt (sisnádjiní [Redondo
Peak?]) was the home of a Talking God, while the Black
Range (Jémez Mountains) not only was shattered by Thunder,
but was the home of the Black Ant People. In reference to the
part of the Windway myth concerning cotton chord divination, Wyman (1965) notes that Horizontal Black Belt was one
of the homes of the Small Bird People. He repeats the association of the Ant People with the Black Range in his retelling of
the Red Antway ceremonial.
The Blessingway repertoire mentions both the Jémez
Mountains and the Valles Caldera. Through his documentation of three versions of the myth, Wyman reveals that the
Navajo view the Jémez Mountains as the home of Bear, a
potent symbol of wisdom (Wyman 1970:330, 456). In his
version of the Blessingway myth, River Junction Curly (in
Wyman 1970:554) refers to a place called “the Hollow Gap
at the upper end of Black Mountain (Jemez Range)” when
telling of Monster Slayer’s destruction of the monsters that
plagued the people. Based on this description, “Hollow Gap”
might refer to the Valle Grande.
Later in his account, River Junction Curly tells about
Monster Slayer and the Twelve Roaming Antelopes (which
were terrible beasts that killed people) at Dark Mountain
(the Jémez Mountains) (in Wyman 1970:569–571). Monster
Slayer gave chase to the Twelve Roaming Antelopes with the
intent of destroying them to rid the world of their evil. Klara
B. Kelley (personal communication, Gallup, NM, 2003) speculates that Monster Slayer might have trapped the Twelve
Roaming Antelopes in the Valle Grande. Kelley suggests that
the caldera symbolizes a primordial antelope trap.
River Junction Curly’s story is notable because it tells that
Monster Slayer spares the terrible antelope beasts after receiving
their word that they will become peaceful game animals that
humans can hunt for food (Wyman 1970:570–571). In doing
so, this narrative not only explains the origin of the antelope
as docile game animals, but also places their original home in
the Jémez Mountains.
Haile (1947) reports that toward the end of the third day
of the Shootingway ceremonial, the singer recites a prayer
for each of the eight sticks that he makes. Haile recounts the
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basic prayer and provides a synoptic summary of additions,
including mention of the Jémez Mountains:
Additions to this prayer are concerned with place names
of Shootingway and holy young man: may good conditions
come to me from jarring mountain; from rock extending
to the skies…from trees extending up the mountain side…
from loating feather, Jemez range and other Shootingway
localities (Haile 1947:170).
Water
Water resources, such as ponds and springs, are portals to
the underworld through which blessings pass into the supernatural realm of the cosmos. In return, the spiritual powers
provide their assistance to the natural world by bringing forth
water from the underworld, which is the source of all lifegiving moisture in the cosmos. The Pueblo, Navajo, Apache,
and Ute associate lakes, springs, rivers, and clouds with supernatural beings (Basso 1996; Carmichael 1994:91–93; Ellis
1964:32; Hillstrom 1998; Kelly and Francis 1994; Ortiz
1969; Romeo 1985). Each of these groups views these water
sources as conduits fed by the great underground ocean that is
the source of all moisture in the natural world (e.g., Parsons
1996 [1939]; see also Hewett and Dutton 1945:29). The
underworld is manifest variously as breath, wind, clouds, rain,
snow, seep moisture, spring water, and rivers. Cloud lowers
grow over mountains. Springs feed ponds found below the
summits of the mountains of direction. Rivers are umbilical
cords from the mountains, through which the underworld
helps sustain life energy in the living world (after Anschuetz
1998b:450; see also Simmons 1969:39). Consequently, water
is a powerful ritual medicine (Ellis 1956:56–57; Parsons
1996 [1939]:352, 416, 453–454)
The people of Jémez Pueblo look to their Northern
Mountains (i.e., the Jémez Mountains) as “the home of the
lowing water” and “the perpetuators of rainfall” (Weslowski
1981:122). Collectively, the lakes, springs, rivers, and clouds
associated with Wavema symbolize the cardinal direction
North and are referred to by a ceremonial name that translates as “North…side where the sacred water stands” (Harper
1929:Section 2, p. 9).
The Jémez also consider springs to be “the doorways to
the homes of the clouds” (Weslowski 1981:123). While all
springs are highly revered, those associated with Wavema
in the south-central part of the Valles Caldera are held with
even greater regard as shrines. “Springs located on the mountains are utilized along with the very sacred shrine at the top”
(Weslowski 1981:117). In addition, springs along Redondo
Creek, which drains from Wavema, are visited regularly “by
societal groups or individuals for the offering of prayer. Young
men who train in the mountains as ritual runners sometimes
bath in some of these pools as well” (Weslowski 1981:117).
Besides the springs directly on Redondo Peak, the hot
springs within the Valles Caldera contribute to the area’s
signiicance and justify the need by the Jémez for continuing
ritual pilgrimage (Harper 1929:Section 2, p. 33). Weslowski
reports:
147
There are hot mineral springs to the north and west of
Redondo Creek that have long been used for therapeutic
purposes…One Jemez consultant recalled that other Indians
(Pueblo and non-Pueblo) came to these baths as well, some
traveling for very long distances (Weslowski 1981:117).
Laurie Collier Hillstrom (1998) includes a Ute story titled
“Smoking Waters” that talks about Ute cosmology and the
origins of hot springs. Although this passage does not identify
the Valles Caldera, the account explains why the Ute groups,
which briely visited this locality for seasonal hunting on a
stop over place during their journeys from the north to Santa
Fe and the Río Grande Valley, would have been drawn to the
area’s hot springs. According to their oral traditions, mountain hot springs possess the power to soothe the sick and the
weary and heal the wounded because they are a gift of love
and peace made by a medicine man who did not wander from
the proper path of living in accordance with Ute cultural traditions.
As discussed in chapter 5, the Jémez are known ethnographically to collect water and other products found alongside
streams, ponds, and springs at Redondo Peak for use in rites
back in their communities (e.g., Ellis 1956:67, 1964:32;
Friedlander and Pinyan 1980:28; Weslowski 1981:114,
115). Navajo traditionalists are also known to have collected
water from their Holy Mountains of the East and South
(Reichard 1963: 452–453; Sleight 1950:380–381; Wyman
1970:20), which might include Redondo Peak.
Chiefs Society into the Valles Caldera. The society, consisting
ideally of 12 members, is a highly secretive organization that
relies heavily on seclusion.
Their name refers to their relationships with the underworld.
They use underground chambers, such as hidden caves
beneath waterfalls or high in the mountains, for initiations,
and shrines, although their meetings are held in the home
of their chief in the village. Springs or lagoons, the home of
their patron, the plumed serpent, also are used as places of
initiation, for the society members are supposed to associate
with the supernaturals of the underworld in springs and
caves and to prophesy the future for the Pueblo, on the
basis of what they have seen below the water or on the
walls or loors of caves, or of what they have heard in such
underground contacts (Ellis 1964:32).
Despite the secrecy of these rites, Jémez Pueblo pilgrimages to Valles Caldera area caves were general knowledge.
Writing a general interest piece for New Mexico Magazine,
Betty Woods says that the Jémez were avid piñon nut hunters.
Further, the community’s medicine men went into the canyon
lands below Vallecito “to gather herbs and mix their wonderworking potions…we can suppose that ancient Indian
medicine men came to the same canyons for their healing
herbs and went to the caves for ceremonial making of medicine” (Woods 1942:30).
Volcanoes, Calderas, and Lava Rock
Caves
As is illustrated in igure 9.3, caves are another of the
portals of communication between the natural and supernatural worlds that are closely associated with mountains.
Perceptible air movement in and out of caves is understood
as the earth breathing (Brunnemann 1995:29; Schaafsma
1987:4; see also Simmons 1982:8). Grottoes are connected
physically and metaphysically by passages through the
underworld (e.g., Curtis 1926:172; Usner 1995:16; see
also Evans et al. 2001:33; Page and Page 1982:187). Also,
people emerged from the world below through openings in
the earth’s crust.
Florence Hawley Ellis (1956:57) reports that hunters from
the Pueblos of Jémez, Santa Ana, and Zía formerly hunted
deer in the high country of the Jémez Mountains, including the
Valles Caldera. Some hunts were made by men from the individual Pueblos; others by hunters from two or three Pueblos.
When the hunts involved men from all three communities, the
participants visited shrines maintained at caves and springs
within their shared hunting territory. The different Pueblo
communities customarily took turns directing the hunts and
leading the requisite ceremonies in a cave, which was marked
with an eagle on its ceiling. Although Ellis does not specify
the cave’s location, the great importance of the Valles Caldera
to each of these communities suggests that the grotto was near
Redondo Peak.
Ellis further offers useful ethnographic detail about the
ritual pilgrimages by the members of the Jémez Underworld
148
There is no speciic mention of the Valles Caldera in the
available ethnohistorical or ethnographic literature concerning
traditional Native American and Hispanic community beliefs
about volcanoes, calderas, and lava rock. Nevertheless, there
are several Pueblo, Navajo, Apache, and Hispanic references
suggesting that the Valles’ volcanoes, calderas, and lava rock
contribute to the landscape associations of several Native
American communities.
Among Pueblo and Navajo communities alike, giants,
witches, or gigantic monsters variously terrorized the people
far back in time. These groups consequently sought the assistance of the Warrior Twins who, in those days, were living
among the people (Curtis 1926; Cushing 1896, 1920; Kelley
and Francis 2002; Reichard 1963;White 1935). The warriors
chased the giants and fought them. When they inally killed
the evil beings, the people saw nearby volcanic peaks and
their caves belch smoke, if not also lava and ire, which hardened the earth (e.g., Curtis 1926:172; cf. Cushing 1896:398,
1920:32–33).
These oral traditions indicate that lava, whose lows are
traceable from deinable peaks, is associated with water,
moisture, life’s essence, and movement. First, when people
emerged onto the surface of the living world, they found it was
still moist (unripe), moving or lowing, and in need of hardening so the people might occupy the land (Cushing 1967:14
[1883]). Second, at least some Río Grande Pueblos conceptualize lowing lava as “hot water.” For example, the Tewa
tell a story that ire and water lowed from the volcanic peaks
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at Black Mesa (between the Pueblos of San Ildefonso and
Santa Clara), Cabezón Peak in the Río Puerco Valley of the
East, and Tsimayo in the Santa Cruz Valley after the Warrior
Twins killed one of the monsters that stalked the earth (after
Johnson 1995:300; see also Cushing 1896:398 for a similar
story maintained by Zuni Pueblo). Third, Zuni Pueblo and
Navajo people characterize lava lows as the hardened blood
that gushed from the lethal wounds inlicted on the giants
by the Warrior Twins (Cushing 1896:398–399; Kelley and
Francis 2002:5.21–5.23; Reichard 1963:22).
Considered as an assemblage, these accounts indicate that
Native American groups have long recognized that lava once
was a lowing liquid. Moreover, they interpret the patterns of
movement frozen in the rock in terms of the low of water
that they observe in streams and rivers in their everyday lives.
Through this system of associations, lava beds combine with
mountains, water, and caves in the communities’ knowledge
of their landscapes to form complex interwoven cosmological relationships that help explain the ideas of breath, center,
emergence, movement, and connectedness.
Kelley and Francis (1994:125) state that volcanic calderas
“are important in the songs, prayers, and stories of many ceremonial repertoires that involve the power of thunder and
lightning (which seeks depressions and lava rock) and wind.”
The association of calderas with thunder and lightning is of
additional interest, given the rumbling and iery explosions
associated with some volcanic eruptions.
Concerning the topic of lava rock, Pueblo tradition-keepers
consider this resource to possess essential spiritual qualities. In some instances, lava beds and lows deine places of
worship (Anschuetz 2002b:3.31–3.32). Lava beds, and the
lava tubes that occur within them, are important because they
simultaneously serve as arrays and portals for communication with the powerful spiritual beings, the deceased, and the
souls of “people and animals yet to come” (Weahkee 1997:2;
see also Phillip Lauriano, in Brunnemann 1995:29 and in
Schwingendorf 1995:1). Within holy places on their landscapes, exposures of lava rock can contribute to the healing
properties of these locations (Anschuetz 2002b:3.31–3.32;
after Naranjo and Swentzell 1989).
Navajo informants similarly disclose that basalt is the best
type of rock for use in their all-important sweat lodge rituals
(Kelley and Francis 2002:5.23). The special quality of lava
rock derives, in part, from it association with the blood of the
monsters killed by the Warrior Twins.
Western Apache ethnographies provide references to
the power contained within volcanic rock. For example,
among the Cibecue Apache “a large lightweight red pumice
stone was kept at one camp to ward off lightning” (Buskirk
1986:106). Other associations of rocks of volcanic origin as
protection against harm include the observance among the
White Mountain Apache of people placing obsidian “at the
four corners of a ield to keep away lightning and ‘bad things’
” (Buskirk 1986:106).
Some traditional Hispanic community groups use volcanic
rock to adorn local graves, shrines, and churches (Jaime
Chávez, in Hartranft 1989). This material also is favored
for ritual hearths and sweat lodges (Anschuetz 2002c:7.22).
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These practices demonstrate “a spiritual connection between
the community and lava rocks” (Brunneman 1997:51). As
explained by some consultants, the steaming rock used in
sweat lodges refers to “breath of our ancestors” (Pablo A.
Lopez and Phil Crazy Bull, letter to Steve Thomas, Open
Space Division, City of Albuquerque, October 24, 1997, in
Anschuetz 2002c:7.22).
Shrines
In her discussion of shrines and other special power
points that Pueblo people characteristically build on their
landscapes, Ellis (1994:104) offers several relevant observations about how traditional communities generally interact
with such features. Foremost, “shrines clearly are central to
the practice of Pueblo religion, whether located within the
village or at a distance.” She adds, “Communication with
Earth Mothers and other types of [supernatural beings]…is
primarily through shrines. They are locations where the spirits
are believed to be at hand, or possibly live, thus a shrine area
may be small like a sipapu in a kiva or quite large” (Ellis
1994:103). In this deinition, Ellis implicitly refers to the ideas
of center, healing place, and the healing process that Pueblo
authors (e.g., Cajete 1994; Naranjo and Swentzell 1989)
identify as critical to understanding their communities’ traditions and relationships with the land and its resources. That
is, careful consideration of “rightful orientation” (after Cajete
1994:37) within the complexity of Pueblo understandings
of breath, center, emergence, movement, and connectedness
imbue places with special qualities, such as (but not necessarily limited to) sacredness, and mark them as middle places
or shrines.
First, among traditional communities that prescribe to landscapes as memory, physical visits to places for communication
with the supernatural realms of their cosmos are not a precondition for sustaining the special quality of these locations.
Second, buffer areas that are “necessarily and consistently”
(Ellis 1994:110) free from trespass are required to maintain
the sanctity of the power points that the people perceive and
sustain on their landscapes. Finally, Ellis (1994:104) observes,
“Shrines that have fallen out of present use remain sacred and
revered, since each shrine is like a telephone receiver, whose
line communicates with the supernatural switchboard even
when rarely employed. Each shrine contains a sacred power
to be respected and never desecrated.” Shrines are loci of
powers until they are destroyed or their vital contextual associations that are inherent to the place they occupy are altered
(see Hubert 1994:12).
When Ellis (1994) characterizes shrines as places “where
the spirits are believed to be at hand” and recognizes that
shrines are not deined by size or construction criteria, she
departs from traditional materialist anthropological constructs
(e.g., Fewkes 1910:558) that view shrines as formally deined
features (either by geology or cultural construction) within
which people physically deposit sacred offerings or erect
certain kinds of markers. Rather, Ellis contributes to a reined
anthropological deinition of shrines that recognizes (1) that
the prayers directed outward from the community’s centers
149
represent offerings, and (2) the idea that whole localities can
be understood by the people as special places where communication with the supernatural powers of the cosmos can
converge, transform, and reradiate outward.
The best known constructed Pueblo shrine within the
Valles Caldera is on top of Redondo Peak. U.S. Surveyor
William Boone Douglass (1917) irst reported this feature
and provides a comprehensive description (1917:357–362):
two sketch maps (1917:igs. 7 and 8), and two photographs
of the shrine, which he designates as the “La Sierra de la Bola
shrine” (1917: igs. 9 and 10). He describes inding a broken
metate at the shrine during his visit, and tells of a local Hispanic
resident who found a heavy cast silver ornament buried within
the feature (Douglass 1917: ig. 6), which apparently resembles styles made at the end of the seventeenth century. This
latter offering suggests that area Hispanics might also have
made solemn pilgrimages up this mountain, just as they still
do at Tsikumu.
Douglass (1917:358) reports that people from the Towa
Pueblo of Jémez, the Keres Pueblos of Cochití, Santo
Domingo, and Zía, the Southern Tiwa Pueblo of Sandía, and
the Tewa Pueblos of San Ildefonso, San Juan, and Santa Clara
are known to visit the shrine “every year during August.” Ellis
(1956, 1974:157) subsequently added the Keres Pueblos of
San Felipe and Santa Ana, and the Tewa Pueblos of Nambé,
Pojoaque, and Tesuque to this list of Pueblo communities
that made pilgrimages to the summit of this peak. She further
implies that the Navajo made use of the Pueblo shrine for their
own purposes.
Joe S. Sando, the well-known Jémez Pueblo historian,
notes that the shrine on the crest of Wavema (Redondo Peak)
is only one of the most important shrines outside the core area
of Jémez Pueblo owned by the community. He describes the
parcel: “a ‘generous’ area, four feet by four feet, [1.2 by 1.2
m] is set aside by the ‘benevolent’ owner [i.e., James Patrick
Dunigan] of the surrounding timber and grazing area. The
only reason it is set aside is that it contains a visible shrine”
(Sando 1982:11).
Douglass (1917:344–357: igs. 1–5) provides a comprehensive description and illustration of the other widely known
shrine located on the top of Cerro Chicoma, just outside the
northeast corner of the Baca Location. Pueblo and Navajo
communities alike visited this shrine, just as they did the
one atop Redondo Peak, through at least the mid-twentieth
century. Douglass states that the directional orientation of the
six trails (awu-mu-waya [“rain-roads”]) radiating from northeast to south out of the shrine’s center represent the spirit
trails and pilgrimage routes of the Pueblos of Taos, San Juan,
Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, Cochití, and Jémez. The inal
opening, which leaves the shrine from the northwest, represents the pathway through which the Navajo visit this holy
place. At the very least, the Jémez and the Navajo usually
would have needed to cross the Valles Caldera to access this
holy place during their pilgrimages. The presence of a nearby
rock cairn and wood cross demonstrates that local Hispanics
climb this summit to make their own prayers and offerings
(Author’s personal observation, Río Grande Foundation for
Communities and Cultural Landscapes, Santa Fe, 2001).
150
Available ethnographic accounts for the Jémez (e.g., Ellis
1956, 1964; Weslowski 1981) refer to the presence of many
more community shrines throughout the Valles Caldera. The
speciic physical attributes and the locations of these features,
however, are not known by outsiders. Ellis (1956:56–58)
notes that the members of particular societies, such as the
Underground Chiefs Society, built and maintained some
shrines. The participants of communal hunts consisting of men
from the Pueblos of Jémez, Santa Ana, and Zía jointly used
other shrines, and individuals from the community privately
made prayer places for their own purposes.
Although they do not mention either Redondo Peak or Cerro
Pelado speciically, Richard F. Van Valkenburgh and Scotty
Begay (1938) discuss Navajo shrines and the kinds of offerings
the people typically leave in them. Their account is broadly
applicable to the kinds of healing places and types of offerings
that the Pueblos would use in the Valles Caldera area:
Many types of shrines exist. Some are simple, while others
are elaborate. Among the various types of shrines are stone
cists or boxes, sealed enclosures, walled or unwalled springs,
cienegas or pools, natural concavities and peculiarities
in rock formations, caves, and rock shelters…and simple
monuments of rough stone…
In many shrines are found objects which have been either
transported to or are natural parts of the shrine and become
a part of the shrine itself. In some instances these act as
altars or receptacles for altar paraphernalia. Some of these
are boulders with natural or worked concavities, incised
or painted images or carved or uncarved wood or stone.
Occasionally anthropomorphic or geometric igures are
found on the walls or boulders of the shrine.
Offerings made to these shrines may be practically anything:
Prayer sticks of assorted types, semi-precious stones such
as turquoise, malachite, lignite, or native jet, beads of these
stones, native red and yellow garnets, obsidian and chert
lakes, laked implements, smooth banded stones, petriied
wood, fossils, arrowshafts, lengths of reed and wood,
stone and semiprecious stone fetishes, both painted and
unpainted, metal objects, whole pottery vessels (sometimes
as a stationary part of the shrine) and sherds, and very often
simple monuments of rocks, twigs and branches of trees (Van
Valkenburgh and Begay 1938:29–30).
In a subsequent publication, Van Valkenburgh (1940:6,9)
discusses another common Navajo shrine, tsenadjihih, whose
name means “picking up and putting on stones.” Although
tsenadjihih are not as dynamic as shrines on the holy mountains or kethan (prayer stick) depositories, the Navajo revere
these features and account for their origin in Blessingway
mythology. One of his consultants told of a man who ran from
the Chuska Mountains to the Jémez Mountains. “He picked
up rocks and started a number of tsenadjihih. One is on the
old Navajo trail by Jemez Hot Springs, and another is near
Cabezon” (in Van Valkenburgh 1940:9).
Van Valkenburgh (1940:9) elaborates that Navajo made
tsenadjihih and made prayers for success and luck “while
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passing over a trail to some destination where he or she
considers luck is needed…” He adds:
Turquoise and other sacred stones make the prayer effective,
but an improvised prayer and offering will also work. Burned
rocks are never placed on a tsenadjihih. Warriors used
Yucca baccata leaves with the points directed toward their
enemies. If the wind is blowing, a rock is placed over the
twig to hold it on the pile. Nothing that has been struck by
lightning, whirlwinds, or touched by snakes or bears should
be placed on a tsenadjihih. It would bring misfortune (Van
Valkenburgh 1940:9, emphasis in the original).
Available ethnographic information indicates that the
traditional communities do not view the sanctity of the Valles
Caldera simply as a location for a series of individual, society,
and community shrines. Instead, the groups that associate with
Redondo Peak and the Valle Grande understand this landscape
as a whole, as a center of communication between the natural
and supernatural worlds. As Weslowski makes clear, the Valles
Caldera itself is a shrine:
The mountain and the surrounding lands for some distance
are recognized as a prominent religious location. Again,
the Towa explain that the actual physical boundaries of
the constructed shrine do not deine the sacred value of
this ritual location. Rather, the marker provides a symbolic
point of reference for designating a large area as spiritually
signiicant (Weslowski 1981:122).
Trails
In 1851, the U.S. Army improved an existing road between
Santa Fe and the Valles Caldera, a distance of 40 miles (64
km), to facilitate the transport of hay harvested in the Jémez
Mountains to supply Ft. Marcy (chapter 5). This road crossed
the Río Grande at present-day Buckman, ascended the Pajarito
Plateau via Mortandad Canyon, and traversed the Sierra de los
Valles through Cañon del Valle. Similarly, chapter 8 discusses
the contract between Maríano Sabine Otero and the Santa
Fe business community in the early 1900s to rebuild the old
military road through the Cañon del Valle Pass, as well as
several other unimproved trails. Otero claimed that this effort
would beneit both the Jémez Springs and Santa Fe communities, as well as his sulphur mining operations at Sulphur
Springs. Additionally, chapter 7 mentions that in 1935 the
Civilian Conservation Corps built the graded road between
Los Alamos and Cuba to free commercial loggers from the
great capital investment of having to lay railroad tracks as a
precondition to opening forests for timbering. The interested
reader should also see Craig Martin’s (2003:xv, 18, 22, 49)
history of the Baca Location for examples of maps showing
sections of major historic trails.
Each of these observations and maps is important in tracing
the foundations of commercial development of the Valles
Caldera over the past 150 years. The documentary record,
however, is generally silent (beyond the cursory mention of
“unimproved” pathways) about the presence and use of the
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many trails used by local Native American and Hispanic residents in their occupation of this locality. Even in his famed
map of 1779, cartographer Bernardo Miera y Pacheco
(1779) showed no established routes providing access to the
Valle de los Bacas (Valley of the Cows).
As the present discussion illustrates, the Valles Caldera has
been a focus of signiicant human occupation for millenia. Still,
most of the physical pathways or trails used for economic,
social, or cultural practices are invisible now, even to a trained
eye. Carrillo and others (1997:132–133), however, report that
Tewa populations in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
used a trail that started in Santa Clara Canyon to reach Navajo
and Hispanic communities to the west and north. Apparently
used only during the warm season, this upland route allowed
travelers to avoid looded areas along the Río Chama valley.
The trail left Santa Clara and traveled up the Cañada de
Santa Clara to the headwaters of the canyon near Tsichoma
Peak. From here the western branch of the route briely
headed in a southwestern direction and then down the Río
de los Indios to the Río San Antonio. The Río San Antonio
is located in the Valle de San Antonio across the northern
third of Baca Location Number 1. This creek continues in
a western direction toward the western edge of the Jemez
Range. At one point a traveler can turn off this western
branch and head south toward San Diego Canyon at Jemez.
The other branch of the trail continues northward to Río del
Oso, passes San Antonio de los Vallecitos, and swings in a
western direction toward Polvadera Creek where it continues
in a northern direction along the creek until it reaches the
Piedra Lumbre Valley. A traveler can branch off the trail at
Vallecitos and travel in a northerly direction (Carrillo et al.
1997:133).
In his account of the shrine on top of Cerro Chicoma,
Douglass (1917) reports that there also exist many spirit trails
throughout the Jémez Mountains. Although many spirit trails
do not leave a physical track, they are signiicant features in
the cognitive maps maintained among the Native American
communities that include the Valles Caldera in their constructions of landscape as memory.
For example, John Peabody Harrington (1916) provides
suficient information about the linguistic structure of the Tewa
language concerning the ideas of breath, water, people, and
pathways. This suggests that Tewas (and likely other Pueblo
people) conceptualize the movement of people and their breath
along trails as a phenomenon analogous to the movement of
water along a stream course. Recent ethnographic study at the
Petroglyph National Monument on Albuquerque’s West Mesa
makes clear the associations between spiritual trails, volcanic
mountains within holy places, and the caves and lava outcrops
associated with these summits (Anschuetz 2002b:3.33–3.34).
Together, these features represent key parts of an interrelated
communication nexus between the natural and supernatural
realms of the cosmos. Several other observers report that
the souls of the deceased and the prayer blessings of people
travel along spirit trails (Brody 1998:26; Evans et al. 2001:17;
Weahkee 1997:7). Ethnographic evidence suggests further
151
that within this system of belief, key mountains within holy
places (such as Redondo Peak and Cerro Chicoma) serve as
obvious guideposts and visual markers for people, their blessings, and the souls of the dead in their journeys from the
center to the periphery of their landscapes (after Evans et al.
2001:18). Based on ethnographic analogy explaining the function of the spirit trails radiating outward from the shrine on
top of Cerro Chicoma (Dr. Richard I. Ford, personal communication, Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan,
Ann Arbor, 1991), the spiritual beings, their blessings, and the
clouds follow these same pathways to those people who made
prayers and offerings asking for assistance.
Plants, Animals, and Minerals
Chapter 5 reviews what little is known about speciic vernacular plant gathering, game hunting, and mineral collecting
activities of Native American and rural Hispanic communities that maintain associations with the Valles Caldera.
Unquestionably, many of these activities, such as gathering
piñon nuts, hunting deer and elk, and collecting materials
for making pottery, have important economic functions.
Nevertheless, each of these actions, in combination with gathering medicinal herbs, hunting eagles and other birds (Tyler
1979), and quarrying speciic kinds of stones slabs for making
piki griddles, relate to the web of relationships informed by
each community’s cultural-historical understandings of its
landscape. Widely known (but rarely seen) pilgrimages that
Pueblo of Jémez still makes into the Valles Caldera throughout
the year demonstrate how the themes of breath, center, emergence, movement, and connectedness motivate and inform a
host of highly speciic land use activities.
The harvest of particular plant, animal, and mineral resources
from certain locations for use on site, at some distant shrine,
or back in a community center might be dictated by the need
to perpetuate timeless traditions in accordance with a group’s
construction of its landscape as memory. The people bring the
life energies of material resources from the distant realms of
their natural world to mix with those of their communities’
centers as a part of pilgrimage and through the characteristic
act of carrying certain plant and animal products back to their
villages (after Swentzell 1991). Community members give
new life energies in exchange for those they harvested from
their landscape’s periphery. Their intent is to preserve the
whole of the cosmos by using selected products from particularly revered locations in village ceremonies (after Anschuetz
1992). The signiicance of such plant, animal, and mineral
products, therefore, might derive exclusively from their association with the Valles Caldera generally, or from one of its
many deined landscape features, such as Redondo Peak.
To re-emphasize: the signiicance of plants, animals, and
minerals for use within constructions of landscape as memory
is contextually dependent. The differing bodies of traditional
knowledge sustained among—and within—each of the associated communities deines the signiicance of certain products
and the need of access to these products at particular times and
places within the Valles Caldera. Consequently, the culturehistory of many land use activities deies generalization based
152
on Western criteria for loral, faunal, and geological classiication.
Lastly, there are suggestions in the available ethnographic
literature that some communities introduced corn to the Valles
Caldera to fulill their obligations. For example, W. W. Hill
discusses ritual actions associated with the induction of a
Navajo headman into ofice during the Chief Blessingway:
According to Slim Gambler, it was customary for the newly
elected man to journey to the four sacred mountains and
plant corn at each one. White corn was planted at Pelado
Peak (Blanco Peak) in the east, yellow corn at Mt. Taylor in
the south, blue corn at the San Francisco Peaks in the west,
and variegated corn at the San Juan Mountains (La Plata
Mountains) in the north (Hill 1940:27).
This account, therefore, suggests that some headman initiates from Navajo communities might have ritually planted
corn in the Valles Caldera.
Summary and Conclusions
The land use history of the VCNP was motivated, organized, and lived through two contrasting views of the world.
The perspective constructs landscapes of memory and dominates the available documentary record that was imposed
across the northern Southwest with the beginning of European
colonization in the late sixteenth century. These accounts characteristically view history and landscapes in terms of enduring
images inscribed on the land. Moreover, the Western world
view tends to cast history as a series of completed events that
we can learn from—and build upon—to avoid the mistakes of
those generations that preceded us.
In comparison, Native American communities, whose
existence predates the establishment of the Spanish colony
of Nuevo Mexico in 1598, maintain traditional histories
and cultural identities that construct landscapes as memory.
Hispanic groups that have incorporated aspects of the Native
American world view into their own landscape understandings through the processes of mestizaje and syncretism also
construct landscapes as memory. In this world view, age-old
traditions underlie the construction of mental maps whose
temporal and spatial dimensions are deined by moral principles that project the past into the present and future. Members
of these communities live their history to repeat the positive
lessons that their ancestors learned in their lifetimes rather
than viewing the past as a resource for learning from previous
generation’s failings so that humanity may avoid commiting
the same mistakes in the future.
Documentary accounts usually trace the land use history of
the Valles Caldera in terms of the rights that speciic individuals obtained and exercised during their respective tenures as
owners of the Baca Location. Therefore, most of the preceding
chapters in this volume (chapters 3—sketch of documentary history, 4—history of the Baca Location, 6—ranching
history, 7—industrial timbering history, and 8—industrial mineral extraction and geothermal exploration history)
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implicitly embrace a landscape of memory perspective. The
constructions of the pre-Columbian past (chapter 2) and the
history of vernacular plant gathering, game hunting, mineral
collecting, and agriculture (chapter 5) focus primarily on
topics concerning economic activity. These narratives necessarily ascribe to a view of history as a series of distinctive
events and patterns of activity. Most attempts to break out of
this perspective fail because transitory activities do not leave
a lasting footprint on the ground for archaeologists to observe
later. Further, the secrecy that still surrounds the practice of
some culturally signiicant land use activities poses an additional obstacle to the comprehensive evaluation of traditional
land histories. Consequently, the examination of relationships
sustained over time and maintained among seemingly disparate actions is minimized.
This chapter has examined several interrelated themes basic
to understanding how traditional Pueblo, Navajo, Apache,
Ute, and Hispanic communities have occupied the Valles
Caldera across the generations and into the present through
constructions of landscapes as memory. These themes, which
are based on cultural rather than economic precepts, encompass commonly shared ideas about breath, center, emergence,
movement, and connectedness.
After establishing a generalized cultural framework for
addressing constructions of landscapes as memory, this discussion then considered selected landscape elements within the
Valles Caldera. These features, which include mountains,
water, caves, volcanoes, calderas, lava rock, shrines, trails,
plants, animals, and minerals, serve as focal points for physical
and metaphysical interaction. The assertion that landscapes
constructed as memories constitute a dynamic cultural process
is demonstrated through the consideration of how traditional
communities are known ethnographically to have interacted
with these landscape elements. In combination, these discussions establish the foundations for an understanding of how
associated traditional communities sustain culturally important relationships with the Valles Caldera that require the
continuance of certain age-old land use traditions.
Evaluation of traditionally associated communities’ land
use histories and practices warrants consideration of several
interrelated issues. These concerns, which recognize that the
natural environment is more than just an economic resource,
follow.
Communities understand themselves to be integral parts
of a living historical-ecological process in which the people
are as much of a part of the land as the land is part of the
people over time. Communities project their sense of soul
onto the Valles Caldera landscape. The Valles Caldera, therefore, is more than a geographic place that communities visited
to obtain various material resources. It is an essential part of
peoples’ histories and cultural identities.
Communities maintain a reined system of cultural logic
that places great emphasis on orientation within a matrix
of intertwined geographical and cosmological referents.
Communities view the Valles Caldera as a sanctiied place
imbued with spiritual qualities through this framework of
ideas. The cultural importance of the Valles Caldera as a place
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that the people talk about in their origin myths dates back to
the beginning of a community’s history.
Many communities use the Valles Grande to deine the
geographic orientation their cultural landscape by associating the Jémez Mountains with some cardinal direction (e.g.,
North among the Río Grande Pueblos and East among some
Navajo groups historically). They view the Valles Caldera
as a conceptual periphery on their cultural landscapes in this
process. Communities, in turn, use the Valles Caldera as a
reference for establishing periphery to delimit their center.
Communities associate the mountains, springs, caves,
shrines, streams, and the hollow of the Valles Grande with
a borderland where the sky, the earth, and underworld intersect. The Valles Caldera is a place of power because it is
a location where the objective world (i.e., the earth) meets
the subjective realms of the cosmos (i.e., the heavens and
the underworld). Communities characteristically include the
Valles Caldera in a system of mythological belief about a
timeless place where the past and future come together in
the present (after Naranjo and Swentzell 1989:257; Tuan
1977:121).
The Valles Caldera is a symbol of a community’s cultural
traditions and history that inform the people of “how they
became who they are” (after Peckham 1990:2). The Valles
Caldera as physical place within the landscape evokes certain
emotions and moral values (after Ferguson 2002:4.6) just as
the stories that traditional communities tell about this place.
As such, the Valles Caldera as a landscape feature recalls the
communities’ moral obligations to sustain their traditions to
perpetuate their cultural identity into the future.
Communities interact with the Valles Caldera through offsite references in stories, songs, and prayers and periodic
onsite visits through structured orders of cultural knowledge.
Direct visits include game hunting, plant gathering, mineral
and other resource collecting, and ceremonial pilgrimage.
Hunting, gathering, and collecting expeditions, which might
supericially appear to relate to mundane economic activity,
might include a mix of important social and ceremonial
action.
The cultural-historical significance of the Valles
Caldera does not depend on permanent residence, largescale land altering activity, or public ceremonial display.
Temporary, small-scale expeditions for hunting, gathering,
collecting, and pilgrimage to this place are important to
many communities for maintaining and reaffirming their
cultural identities.
Characteristically, there is variability among community
members in their access to traditional cultural knowledge. No
individual is likely conversant with the entire corpus of this
wisdom. It is important to recognize this fact when addressing
issues concerning the signiicance of Valles Caldera to traditional communities. Individuals associated with various
societies and institutions within a particular community might
have different understandings of the signiicance of landscape
features and products. They might also stipulate the need to
visit this place at different times and places for markedly
contrasting purposes.
153
Outsiders might discount a community’s cultural-historical
construction of a landscape as memory if they impose their
own objectiied material reference on the Valles Caldera. For
example, the culture-history of many land use activities deies
generalization based on Western criteria for loral, faunal, and
geological classiication. As a landscape feature, the Valles
Caldera represents an essential stage and symbol of a living
cultural process that is not usually recognized by documentary histories that focus on the land use histories of particular
environmental features and resources.
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Chapter 10.
Summary and Conclusions
Kurt F. Anschuetz
The land use history of the Valles Caldera National
Preserve (VCNP) extends back in time thousands of years.
Given the great length of time involved and the many culturally diverse communities—Native American, Hispanic, and
Anglo-American—that have interacted with this place, it is
not surprising that this history evidences tremendous technological and organizational variability in how people have
used and constructed afiliations with the VCNP. Nonetheless,
throughout this long history, the VCNP was, and continues to
be, peripheral to major centers of residential settlement and
areas of intensive economic land use.
The archaeological record is a principal medium for tracing
the human occupation of the Valles Caldera before the arrival
of European explorers in 1540 and the subsequent establishment of the Spanish colony in 1598 . Using artifacts and other
durable material traces that survive the ravages of time (e.g.,
obsidian debitage, chipped stone tools, charred botanical
materials, a few fragments of animal bone, and the remnants
of stone ieldhouses), archaeologists have constructed a
history of land use by Archaic period hunters and gatherers
(5500 B.C.–A.D. 600) and pre-Columbian Pueblo Indians
(A.D. 600–1600), who are among the forebears of the people
of the Pueblo of Jémez and the other Pueblo communities
(chapter 2).
Investigators cite the hunting of game, the gathering of
plant resources, and the collection of obsidian for the manufacture of stone tools as the main reasons for the short-term,
warm-season use of the locale.
Archaeological evidence also documents that Pueblo
groups from the upper Río Jémez Valley farmed the Banco
Bonito within the VCNP during the Classic Period (A.D.
1300–1600). In addition, by tracing the broad distribution of
Jémez obsidian across the northern Southwest from archaeological sites dating to the late Pleistocene and the early
Holocene, researchers infer that Paleoindians were the irst
people to visit the caldera.
As documented by Governor Juan de Oñate, who had passed
through the Valles Caldera on his way from San Juan Pueblo
to the Jémez Pueblo of Giusewa during the irst years of his
administration of the New Mexican colony, Spanish colonial
authorities clearly were aware of this place (chapter 3). Even
though the colony expanded its settlement reach following the
Pueblo Revolt (1680–1692), the presence of Navajo raiders,
who periodically raided Hispanic and Pueblo settlements near
the Valles Caldera, were major impediments to the regular
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occupation of the VCNP during the Late Spanish Colonial
period (1692–1821). Punitive military expeditions led to
further exploration of this locality and its natural resources.
As exempliied by the Miera y Pacheco Map of 1779, it is
certain that this knowledge of the Valles Caldera and its rich
grasslands had drawn the attention of New Mexican herders
and ranchers by the third quarter of the eighteenth century.
By 1800, Hispanics began using the lush grazing lands that
eventually were to become the Baca Location No. 1 (Baca
Location) and the VCNP.
The Mexican period (1821–1846) is notable in the Valles
Caldera’s land use history for two reasons. First, this period
saw the introduction of a new cultural community to the
Valles Caldera landscape: Anglo-Americans entered the area
as trappers as part of a highly regulated trading partnership
between New Mexico and the United States. The second was
the Mexican government’s issuance of two land grants, the
Luis María Cabeza de Baca Grant (1821) and the Town of Las
Vegas Grant (1835), that embraced the same acreage along the
Gallinas River of north-central New Mexico (chapter 3).
The start of the U.S. Territorial period (1846–1912) saw
the U.S. Army ighting the nomadic tribes of the Southwest
and forcing them to settle on reservations. With the decline
of threats by Native America raiders, Anglos and Hispanics
began large-scale—although seasonal-commercial use of the
Valles Caldera. The ill-fated hay-cutting expedition led by
Santa Fe entrepreneurs Robert Nesbit and Hiram R. Parker in
1851 under contract to the U.S. Army was the irst recorded
commercial venture in this locality under the new administration (chapter 3). The questionable circumstances of both
Nesbit and Parker’s contract and their claimed losses following
the attack of their haying party by a group of Navajo raiders
was a harbinger of the self-interest proiteering that was to
profoundly shape the Valles Caldera’s land use history over
the subsequent 150 years.
The overlapping Las Vegas land grant rights, created by
Mexican authorities during their brief administration and
subsequently conirmed by the U.S. Congress in 1860 during
the U.S. Territorial Period, forever changed the legal basis of
land use rights in the Valles Caldera (chapter 4). To resolve
the land grant conlict, María Cabeza de Baca’s heirs relinquished their Las Vegas claim in 1860 in exchange for U.S.
Congressional authorization to select an equal amount of
land in ive square blocks elsewhere in the Territory of New
Mexico. The irst block they chose was the Baca Location in
163
the Valles Caldera, to which they formally received title in
1876 after the New Mexico Surveyor General completed the
survey of the property.
These legislative actions transformed the Valles Caldera
from an unspeciied tract of “vacant land” to a legally deined
entity known today as the Baca Location. With the conveyance of formal rights to Luis María Cabeza de Baca’s heirs,
executive, legislative, and judicial authorities viewed the
Baca Location as consisting of occupied land, even though
the property still would not support sustained habitation by
anyone for decades. Moreover, through the issuance of legal
title to the land grant, the land and its individual resources,
including pasturage, timber, minerals, and game animals,
gained formal status as properties over which the land grant’s
authorized owners alone controlled rights of access, use, and
disposition (chapter 9).
The legal deinition of the Baca Location as a land grant
whose owners held exclusive property rights has had significant and lasting consequences. The irst effect concerned
access and use rights. Speciically, it was no longer legal for
Native American communities and private entrepreneurs, such
as trappers or hay cutters, to enter the Baca Location without
consideration (chapter 5). The second consequence was that
the land grant’s owners possessed the right to sever particular
access and use rights from the land (chapters 6, 7, and 8). The
legislative actions of the U.S. Congress rendered obsolete the
traditional aboriginal view that the Valles Caldera was a place
imbued with certain inseparable qualities whereby resources,
including the land, water, plants, animals, and minerals,
obtained meaning in relationship to one another (chapters
5 and 9). The deinition of the Baca Location, built on the
Western idea that the land and its resources were discrete,
quantiiable commodities, occurred just as the United States
was incorporating New Mexico into its national economy and
society (chapter 3).
New business opportunities, created by a combination of
local growth and increased access to major markets in the
Midwest and East, were becoming apparent in New Mexico
by the late nineteenth century. As the Valles Caldera became
increasingly attractive as an economic property, speculation
on future market conditions and commodity trading led to yet
another transformation in the landscape’s uses and political
status.
Motivated by self-interest, two of Luis María Cabeza de
Baca’s grandsons, Francisco Tomás Baca and Tomás Dolores
Baca, claimed inlated interests in the Baca Location. In transferring their interests to ierce competitors unrelated to the
Baca family, the Baca brothers established the legal basis for
the partition suit of 1893, which Joel Whitney brought against
Maríano Sabine Otero and others. In its resolution, the partition suit led to the extinction of all the rights that Luis María
Cabeza de Baca’s heirs had in the Baca Location. Through a
series of suspect legal dealings and business transactions, the
tract became the exclusive property of Maríano Sabine Otero
and his family (chapter 4).
Following Otero’s death, the Redondo Development
Company acquired the Baca Location in 1909. This corporation subsequently severed the timber and mineral rights from
164
the ranch land in 1915 when it irst mortgaged the tract’s timber
rights to raise capital for other business interests (chapter 4;
see also chapters 6, 7, and 8). With the development of roads,
sawmills, and other infrastructure that made this once remote
tract accessible to development, this action provided the foundations for the most intensive use of the Valles Caldera in its
history. Moreover, the segregation of land rights from timber
and mineral rights made the Valles Caldera a battleground for
competing commercial interests.
The more than century-long use of the Valles Caldera’s rich
rangeland for herding sheep underwent modiication when
George W. and Frank Bond purchased the Baca Location’s
surface rights in 1918. The terms of the purchase contract,
however, stated that Redondo Development Company would
retain a 99-year right to the property’s timber and one-half
of its mineral interests (chapter 6). The Bond brothers were
allowed to cut only suficient timber for building necessary
ranch facilities and for use as fuel. Clearly, the Bond brothers
bought the Baca Location as stockmen, and the terms of their
purchase agreement were designed to ensure that their livestock operations would not adversely affect the property’s
timber value.
Although the Bond brother’s business was based on the
traditional partido system of sharecropping sheep they greatly
intensiied the intensity of grazing on the tract to earn huge
proits, often at the expense of the partidarios (sharecroppers)
who ran sheep on their ranchlands, until the end of World War
II. With the decline in wool prices following the war, the Bond
family business operations shifted to cattle ranching and the
leasing of range rights to independent interests, including the
King family.
The Bond estate subsequently sold the Baca Ranch to
James Patrick Dunigan in 1963. Under Dunigan’s stewardship, the Baca Ranch saw a variety of range improvements
within a business enterprise based, in part, on more effective
use and long-range management of available grasses (chapter
6). Dunigan also diversiied his ranch land operations in the
1960s and 1970s to include commercial elk hunts (chapter 5),
geothermal exploration (chapter 8), and leases for Hollywood
ilming. He also experimented with training thoroughbreds at
high altitude to see if he could improve their performance in
races at lower elevations.
The Redondo Development Company had waited 26 years
for the conditions that would make its investment in the
Baca Location fully proitable. Its sale of the tract’s surface
grazing rights to the Bond Brothers in 1918 was just one part
of their long-term strategy. Redondo Development Company
expected additional proits from the income that the timber
would bring when loggers could economically transport
timber to sawmills. After all, with the development occurring
throughout New Mexico at the time, the depletion of nearby
private timber holdings, and the restrictions increasingly
imposed by the U.S. Government on loggers working federal
lands, the Redondo Development Company realized that the
Baca Location’s timber had a waiting market.
The commercial introduction of eficient logging trucks was
a key technological innovation; costly railroad investments
no longer were necessary. The Civilian Conservation Corps’
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construction of an improved road that linked Los Alamos with
Jémez Springs in 1935 fulilled the inal economic requirements. Redondo Development Company sold its 99-year
timber right to Firesteel Lumber Company, which, in turn,
immediately transferred its interest New Mexico Lumber and
Timber Company. The Valles Caldera, which represented the
last large tract of rich timberland in the Jémez Mountains held
in private ownership (therefore, not subject to federal restrictions), inally opened to commercial logging that same year
(chapter 7).
The timber operations initially harvested mature ponderosa pine, white ir, and Douglas ir, leaving stands of smaller
diameter pulpwood trees alone. In addition, loggers left a
few mature trees in cutting areas for natural reseeding. In
the late 1950s and early 1960s, the public outcry over the
logging operations began to grow and talk of incorporating
the Valles Caldera as the center of a new national park generated interest. In addition, Dunigan, a developer and rancher
with environmental interests who was antagonistic to the
logging industry (and vice versa), purchased the Baca Ranch
in 1963 (chapter 7).
Consequently, T. P. Gallagher, Jr., the president of the
reorganized New Mexico Timber, Inc., began to fear that his
business interest would never realize the 2017 maturity date
of Redondo Development Company’s original 99-year timber
lease. Simultaneously, plans for a pulp mill in the region and
a change in New Mexico law permitting the harvest of trees
as small as ive inches (12.5 cm) in diameter created a market
for previously non-commercial wood resources. In addition, the
decade-long attempt by New Mexico Timber, Inc., to develop
a market for aspen logs began to enjoy success. Within this
changing economic, social, and political environment, Gallagher
intensiied his logging, including the use of clear-cutting practices based on chain and boom tree harvesting technologies, to
maximize his logging proits. In combination, competing land
use values among logging, ranching, and environmental interests fueled the most concentrated cycle of destructive land use
activity in the Valles Caldera’s history (chapter 7).
Dunigan and Gallagher engaged in a protracted cycle of
lawsuits over the validity of the 99-year timber lease and the
damages inlicted on the environment during logging. They
resolved their conlict in 1970 when Dunigan’s business, Baca
Land and Cattle Company, bought the Baca Location’s timber
rights from New Mexico Timber, Inc., in 1972, just two days
before the parties were scheduled to return to court for a
renewed round of litigation (chapter 7). Following this transaction, Dunigan and his estate allowed only limited logging
activity.
The hope of striking gold and silver was a motive in the
Spanish colonization of New Mexico. Although the prospectors did not ind great mineral wealth in the Jémez Mountains,
they located suficient quantities of sulphur that caused
Maríano Sabine Otero to launch short-lived sulphur mining
operations at the beginning of the 1900s. In addition, interest
in geothermal development in the VCNP is now more than
four decades old. With some of the VCNP geothermal rights
still remaining in private ownership and the federal mandate
for the VCNP to become a economically self-sustaining
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enterprise, geothermal development continues to represent a
potential land use activity.
The occupation of the Valles Caldera by Native American
and local Hispanic groups for small-scale hunting, gathering,
and mineral collecting, as well as for ritual purposes, is underrepresented in the documentary record (chapters 5 and 9). For
example, ethnographic resources demonstrate that Pueblo
communities have clearly sustained cultural and historical
afiliations with the Valles Caldera throughout the Historic
period and into the present. These communities include neighboring settlements (e.g., the Pueblos of Jémez, Santa Clara,
and Zía), as well as villages located at great distances (e.g., the
Pueblo of Zuni in west-central New Mexico) (chapters 1 and
9). Just as with the Pueblos, available documentary evidence
indicates that Apache, Navajo, Ute, and Hispanic groups made
periodic visits to the Valles Caldera.
Historical and ethnohistorical documentary records often
overlook the occupation of the Valles Caldera by traditional,
land-based Native American and Hispanic communities
because it places comparatively low value on commonplace,
subsistence level economic activity. Ethnographic accounts,
however, reveal that the region’s Native American and
Hispanic communities used the Valles Caldera for food, medicines, and other economic or recreational purposes. In the
process of their interactions, traditional communities have
developed a comprehensive knowledge of this tract’s environment and the resources that it offers. For instance, this study
inds that of the more than 500 native plant species identiied
in the VCNP, 350 taxa were used, or are likely to have been
used, by Native American and Hispanic communities that
maintain associations with this place for secular and ceremonial purposes (chapter 5).
Available ethnographic information, which has recorded
valuable insights into aspects of the oral traditions and histories
maintained by Native American and Hispanic communities,
also indicates that many culturally diverse peoples hold the
Valles Caldera in regard for important social and cultural
reasons that transcend economic concerns. These groups have
interacted with this tract, not as wilderness, but as an essential
part of their respective community’s landscapes (chapters 5
and 9). Their visits to the Valles Caldera were not undertaken
just to satisfy some material need, nor was this locality merely
a convenient stopover during long journeys across the Jémez
Mountains. The mountains, water, caves, volcanoes, calderas,
lava rock, shrines, trails, plants, and minerals encompassed by
the VCNP boundaries have helped organize and give meaning
to the land use activities of communities traditionally associated with this location.
When viewed in combination through an anthropological
perspective, available historical, ethnohistorical, and ethnographic evidence pertaining to the Valles Caldera’s land use
history reveals that this locale is a multi-layered landscape.
Today, diverse Native American, Hispanic, and AngloAmerican communities maintain meaningful relationships
with the Valles Caldera for their own purposes (chapter 9; see
also appendices II and III).
Although seldom visible to casual observers who visit the
VCNP today primarily to experience the location’s majesty
165
irst-hand, the Valles Caldera land use history is part of a
dynamic cultural process. Subtle social and ideational contexts,
which do not attract much public attention, underlie how each
community has interacted historically with the Valles Caldera
and used its many resources. A signiicant challenge for the
management of the VCNP is the recognition, acceptance, and
valuation of the cultural diversity inherent in living land use
traditions that contribute to the Valles Caldera being much
more than just a scenic mountain landscape
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appendix I.
Annotated Bibliography
Kurt F. Anschuetz and Thomas Merlan
Aberle, Sophie D.
1948 The Pueblo Indians of New Mexico: Their Land, Economy, and Civil Organization.
Memoirs 70. Menasha, WI: American Anthropological Association.
In the introduction, Aberle emphasizes the importance of the relationship between the
Pueblos and their ethnographic landscapes:
Land being the basis of Pueblo economy, to understand the Indian’s relation to his
soil is vital. The years of contention over boundaries, titles to grants, and legislation
inluence the Indian’s habit of thought as well as his laws…Land in the eyes of the
Indian is his most precious possession. (p. 5)
Aberle adds that before the Europeans’ introduction of legal concepts for the private
ownership of land, “Land was probably owned communally as is all the range and some
agricultural land today, with small farms controlled by generations of the same family, but
always with the tacit approval of the head man of the tribe” (p. 7).
Adams, Eleanor B., ed.
1954 Bishop Tamarón’s Visitation of New Mexico, 1760. Publications in History, 15. Santa
Fe: Historical Society of New Mexico.
Bishop Tamarón visited New Mexico in 1760. He briely described Jémez Pueblo.
Adams also includes two letters of Bishop Crespo describing his visitation of 1730. Crespo
notes that Jémez is “ive leagues from the Navahos” (p. 98). Nesbit and Parker note the
proximity of Jémez Pueblo to Navajo country in 1851 (see entry for Church n.d.).
Adams, Karen R.
1980 Pollen, Parched Seeds and Prehistory: A Pilot Investigation of Prehistoric Plant
Remains from Salmon Ruin, A Chacoan Pueblo in Northwestern New Mexico.
Contributions in Anthropology, 9. Portales, NM: Eastern New Mexico University Press.
Adams offers a wealth of ethnobotanical information for plants found in archaeological
contexts. Major plant groups from Adam’s study also found in the Valles Caldera National
Preserve (VCNP) today include the amaranth (Amaranthus sp.), cactus (Opuntia sp.),
goosefoot (Chenopodium sp.), sunlower (Artemesia sp. and Helianthus sp.), mustard
(Descurainia sp.), sedge (Scirpus sp.), spurge (Euphorbia sp.), grass (Oryzopsis sp.), rush
(Juncus sp.), buckwheat (Eriogonom sp. and Polygonom sp.), potato (Physalis sp.), and
cattail (Typha sp.) families.
Adovasio, J. M., and J. D. Gunn
1986 The Antelope House Basketry Industry. In Archaeological Investigations at Antelope
House. Don P. Morris, ed. Pp. 306–397. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of the
Interior, National Park Service.
The authors discuss archaeological evidence for the pre-Columbian use of Yucca baccata in
basketry.
Akins, Nancy J.
1993 Traditional Use Areas in New Mexico. Archaeology Notes 141. Santa Fe: Museum of
New Mexico, Ofice of Archaeological Studies.
Relying heavily on materials generated by land claims litigated by the Indian Claims
Commission (ICC), Akins addresses traditional use areas of aboriginal groups in New
Mexico. The author states that given a number of reasons, “The boundaries identiied in the
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167
ICC cases are not always equivalent to an aboriginal or traditional use area” (p. 4). The land
claims were based on exclusive use and occupancy of an area at the time the U.S. assumed
political sovereignty over the Southwest in 1848. Akins implicitly recognizes this and
notes, “No attempt was made to include areas that might be claimed on the basis of remote
ancestry” (p. 9). Given the inherent limitations of information compiled for land claims
cases, Akins considers only shrines and ancestral villages as traditional cultural properties
associated with a community’s aboriginal use areas.
In this overview, Akins discusses traditional (Indian) associations with all regions of
New Mexico. She identiies the Baca Location No. 1 (Baca Location) as entirely within
the aboriginal lands of the Jémez people and lists shrines in and near the Baca Location
important to the Pueblo (including Wa-ve-ma; a.k.a. Cerro Redondo) (pp. 62–69). She
references archeological evidence that suggests the irst arrival of Towa speakers in this
general area dates to ca. A.D. 1300–1325 (see entry for Ford et al. 1972).
Further inspection of Akins’ compiled map information reveals that the following Indian
communities included the Valles Caldera locality within their far-reaching aboriginal
territories: Jicarilla Apache (pp. 70–77), Navajo (pp. 107–113), San Ildefonso Pueblo (pp.
126–131), San Juan Pueblo (pp. 132–138), Santa Ana Pueblo (pp. 139–141), Santa Clara
Pueblo (pp. 145–148), Santo Domingo Pueblo (pp. 150–153), Tesuque Pueblo (pp. 163–
165), Ute (pp. 168–174), and Zía Pueblo (pp. 181–186).
Allen, Craig D.
1989 Changes in the Landscape of the Jemez Mountains, New Mexico. Ph.D. dissertation.
Wildlife Resource Science, University of California, Berkeley.
This dissertation examines the landscape ecology of the Jémez Mountains in and around
Bandelier National Monument. The objectives of the study were to document and explain
current landscape patterns, to identify and explain historic landscape changes and to discuss
the implications of landscape change for local land management, in particular, Bandelier
National Monument.
Allen emphasizes historic human interactions with natural processes. In a short section (pp.
145–149) titled “Anthropogenic Disturbances,” he discusses livestock grazing. He concludes
that (1) the extremely high historic stocking rates have led to gross alterations in the species
composition of local vegetation associations (p. 147), (2) continuous grazing has caused
marked reductions in herbaceous plant and litter ground cover and overgrazing has been seen
as a major cause of soil erosion and arroyo cutting, and (3) overgrazing in the late nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries effectively suppressed previous surface ire regimes throughout
the landscape.
The accompanying references are extensive, and relate mainly to natural history and ecology.
Amsden, Charles Avery
1934 Navajo Weaving: Its Technic and History. Santa Ana, CA: Fine Arts Press, in
cooperation with Southwest Museum.
Amsden follows Matthews (1897) in deining the Navajo landscape:
Each of the four cardinal points has its sacred mountains, the cosmic limit in that
direction. North is marked by a mountain (not surely identiied) in the San Juan range
of southwestern Colorado; South by Mount San Mateo, later called Mount Taylor in
the region of Laguna; East by a peak in the Jemez Mountains, thought by Matthews to
be Pelado; West by the San Francisco Peaks, just north of Flagstaff, Arizona. (p. 123)
Anschuetz, Kurt F.
1998a Genesis of Centers Within a Whole: Considering Community Formation Within
the Tewa Cultural Landscape. Paper presented at Representing Common Destinies:
History and the Social Construction of Community in the Southwest, sponsored by
Center for Southwest Research, University of New Mexico, and the Southwest Center,
University of Arizona General Library, Albuquerque, November 6, 1998.
In this short paper, Anschuetz elaborates on the Tewa concept of center in traditional
community landscape constructions. Centers are formally understood negative spaces,
such as plazas and caves. In the Pueblos’ world view, centers are understood and sustained
through their many-tiered relationships and connectedness to peripheries.
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Anschuetz, Kurt F.
1998b Not Waiting for the Rain: Integrated Systems of Water Management by PreColumbian Pueblo Farmers in North-Central New Mexico. Ph.D. dissertation.
Department of Anthropology, University of Michigan. Ann Arbor, MI: University
Microilms.
This archaeological study deals primarily with the tactics and strategies of agricultural
production by Tewa Pueblo people in upland settings of the Tewa Basin. Anschuetz’s
evaluation of the settlement dynamics observed archaeologically in the Lower Río Chama
Valley—one of the places of intensive Tewa occupation between the late thirteenth and
sixteenth centuries—is germane to the VCNP land use history study because it develops a
landscape framework for considering archaeological traces in terms of what Pueblo people
say about their world.
Anschuetz draws from a variety of Tewa ethnographic literature for ideas about Pueblo
people’s understandings of their cultural landscapes and their senses of place and time across
expansive homelands in the face of ever changing natural, social, and cultural environmental
conditions. This study considers the Tewas’ understandings about movement as an intrinsic
part of all life in their cosmos to be congruent with the people’s material need to shift
residence in response to changing environmental conditions. In doing so, this work provides
a useful review of the Pueblos concepts of center, periphery, process, and connectedness.
Anschuetz, Kurt F.
1998c The View from Atop Tsi Mayoh: Relections on Spanish Colonial History; Refractions
of Pueblo Tradition. Paper presented at Pecos Conference, Pecos National Historical
Park, August 13–16, 1998.
Anschuetz reviews traditional archaeological and historical constructions that characterize
late pre-Columbian Pueblo and early Historic period Pueblo landscape occupation in terms
of the abandonment of major tracts of the communities’ traditional homeland areas. He offers
a landscape approach as an alternative perspective for viewing the archaeological record of
Pueblo history. The paper neither casts static descriptions of Pueblo architecture, features,
and artifacts as suficient measures of culture nor depends on interpretive frameworks that
view the Pueblos continued occupation of their traditional homelands only in terms of
habitation sites.
Anschuetz, Kurt F., and Cherie L. Scheick
1998 Unveiling Archaeological Terra Incognita: Evaluating Time, Place-making and
Tradition through a Cultural Landscape Paradigm. Paper presented at the 63rd
Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, Seattle, March 25–29, 1998.
Anschuetz and Scheick examine how the cultural landscape construct, as deined in
explicitly anthropological terms, provides an umbrella for integrating diverse studies
of human behavior, both past and present. They suggest that this construct provides a
framework for evaluating the ideationally informed grammars that helped structure the
composition and distribution of the material traces making up the archaeological record.
They frame the argument that landscape, as a material construct that communicates
information and serves as a kind of historical text, embodies fundamental organizing
principles that refer to the forms and structures of activities as people interact with the land,
its waters and other resources, as well as one another. They suggest further that the cultural
landscape offers an integrative framework for examining how past communities of people
organized time, space, and activity in their day-to-day interactions with their physical, social,
and ideational environments.
Anschuetz, Kurt F., Richard W. Wilshusen, and Cherie L. Scheick
2001 An Archaeology of Landscapes: Perspectives and Directions. Journal of Archaeological
Research 9:157–211.
The authors, building upon the preliminary framework offered by Anschuetz and
Scheick (1998), contribute further to a comprehensive landscape approach in explicitly
anthropological terms. They trace the development of the landscape idea over its history
in the social sciences and examine the compatibility between this concept and traditional
anthropological practice. They call for practitioners to adopt a common terminology and
methodology to build a construct paradigm that will allow them to use a landscape approach
as a “pattern which connects” human behavior with particular places and times. They suggest
understandings of settlement ecology, ritual landscapes, and ethnic landscapes not only will
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contribute toward the deinition of a construct paradigm but also will facilitate dialogue with
traditional communities.
Anschuetz, Kurt F.
2002a A Healing Place: Río Grande Pueblo Cultural Landscapes and the Petroglyph
National Monument. In “That Place People Talk About”: The Petroglyph National
Monument Ethnographic Landscape Report, by Kurt F. Anschuetz, T. J. Ferguson,
Harris Francis, Klara B. Kelley, and Cherie L. Scheick. Pp. 3.1–3.47. Community
and Cultural Landscape Contribution VIII. Prepared for: National Park Service,
Petroglyph National Monument, Albuquerque, New Mexico, NPS Contract No.
14431CX712098003 (RGF 109B). Santa Fe, NM: Río Grande Foundation for
Communities and Cultural Landscapes.
This discussion provides a review of the ideational and organizational principles of the
traditional landscape constructions generally shared among New Mexico’s 16 Río Grande
Pueblos (i.e., Cochití, Isleta, Jémez, Nambé, Picurís, Pojoaque, Sandia, Santa Ana, San
Felipe, San Ildefonso, San Juan, Santa Clara, Santo Domingo, Taos, Tesuque, and Zía).
The themes of center, breath, emergence, movement, and connectedness are relevant to the
VCNP Land-Use History Project.
Anschuetz provides insights into why the Río Grande Pueblos consider shrines, volcanoes,
caves, trails, plants, and animals to be important landscape features. He also reviews
community concerns about the protection and management of these landscape elements.
Anschuetz, Kurt F.
2002b A Place of Power at the Edge: Apache Cultural Landscapes and the Petroglyph
National Monument. In That Place People Talk About: The Petroglyph National
Monument Ethnographic Landscape Report, by Kurt F. Anschuetz, T. J. Ferguson,
Harris Francis, Klara B. Kelley, and Cherie L. Scheick. Pp. 6.1–6.18. Community
and Cultural Landscape Contribution VIII. Prepared for: National Park Service,
Petroglyph National Monument, Albuquerque, New Mexico, NPS Contract No.
14431CX712098003 (RGF 109B). Santa Fe, NM: Río Grande Foundation for
Communities and Cultural Landscapes.
This essay examines the founding principles of the traditional landscape constructions
sustained by Apache communities. The discussion focuses on how places at the edge of the
Apache landscape, such as the Jémez Mountains, are the source of power for sustaining life
throughout the cosmos.
Anschuetz considers the cultural signiicance of mountains, caves, lava rocks, plants,
animals, and minerals. He reviews community concerns about the protection and
management of these features.
Anschuetz, Kurt F.
2002c Contested Commons: Nuevomexicano and Hispano Cultural Landscapes and the
Petroglyph National Monument. In “That Place People Talk About”: The Petroglyph
National Monument Ethnographic Landscape Report, by Kurt F. Anschuetz, T.
J. Ferguson, Harris Francis, Klara B. Kelley, and Cherie L. Scheick. Pp. 7.1–7.28.
Community and Cultural Landscape Contribution VIII. Prepared for: National Park
Service, Petroglyph National Monument, Albuquerque, New Mexico, NPS Contract
No. 14431CX712098003 (RGF 109B). Santa Fe, NM: Río Grande Foundation for
Communities and Cultural Landscapes.
This chapter addresses the landscape constructions of New Mexico’s traditional Hispanic
communities. It inds that through cultural processes of mestizaje and religious syncretism,
northern New Mexico’s rural Hispanic communities have incorporated the ideas of center,
periphery, and ensoulment found among the region’s cultural diverse aboriginal people into
their own understandings of landscape.
Anschuetz’s review of important Hispanic landscape elements includes many of the kinds
of features found in the VCNP, including shrines, lava rock, plants, animals, minerals, and
vistas. Just as the authors of the other chapters in this volume (see entries for Anschuetz
2002a,b; Ferguson 2002; and Kelley and Francis 2002), he reviews community concerns
about the protection and management of these features.
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Arnon, Nancy S., and W. W. Hill
1979 Santa Clara Pueblo. In Southwest. Alfonso Ortiz, ed. Pp. 296–307. Vol. 9 of Handbook
of North American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed. Washington, DC: Smithsonian
Institution.
This article provides a concise overview of the anthropology and history of Santa Clara
Pueblo.
Ayer, Mrs. Edward E., trans.
1916 The Memorial of Fray Alonso de Benavides. Chicago, IL: Privately printed.
Father Custodian Benavides wrote this report in 1630 and revised it 4 years later, to
induce King Philip IV of Spain to send more missionaries to New Mexico and to build
more churches. Although his population igures for the New Mexico pueblos were grossly
exaggerated, his general and comparative descriptions are valuable because so few preRevolt sources exist. Benavides briely describes Jémez Pueblo (pp. 24–25).
Notes include a background on fray Gerónimo de Zárate Salmerón, who served in New
Mexico between 1618 and 1626, and prepared a report of his observations in or after 1629.
As the resident missionary at Jémez Pueblo, Benavides prepared a catechism in Towa. He
emphasizes the mineral wealth of New Mexico and states that he iled on many mineral
locations in the Jémez Mountains (p. 217).
Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc.
1967 Baca Land and Cattle Company and Dunigan Tool and Supply Company, and George W.
Savage, Trustee Under Liquidating Trust Agreement, v. New Mexico Timber, Inc., and T.
Gallagher and Co., Inc. 384 F.2d 701 (10th Circuit Court of Appeals). 8NN-021-89-022
#5648, Federal Records Center (FRC) #76L0201, boxes 110 and 110A. Denver, CO:
National Archives, Rocky Mountain Region.
Circuit Judges Warren L. Jones and John J. Hickey heard the appeal. Their opinion notes that
the trial court granted summary judgment for the appellees (defendants) on the irst two of
three counts of the complaint. For Count I, the judges established the company’s interest in
a deed and contract conveying timber rights for 99 years to the company’s predecessors in
title. For Count II, they recognized damages for timber cut in violation of the terms of the
“instruments” (that is, the deed of 1918 and the agreement of 1926). The court permitted
an immediate appeal of their decisions for Counts I and II. It also directed that Count III,
seeking damages for wasteful logging practices, be tried by a jury.
The Court of Appeals dismissed the plaintiffs’ appeal because it was not appealable. The
court explained this by saying that plaintiffs had a different legal theory for each count of
their complaint but applied these different theories to the same set of facts. “Therefore,
because each theory of the appellants arises out of the same transaction or occurrence, the
pragmatic approach which all circuits apply directs us to conclude that the trail court’s ruling
is not appealable.”
Bailey, Vernon
1913 Life Zones and Crop Zones of New Mexico. North American Fauna 35. Washington,
DC: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Biological Survey.
Bailey made a reconnaissance in the Valle Grande in 1906. This volume is a part of a series
intended to encourage immigration to New Mexico by disseminating information about areas
suitable for agriculture.
Bailey assigns the Valles Grande, San Antonio, and Santa Rosa to the Transition Life Zone.
Bancroft, Hubert Howe
1889 Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, vol. 17. History of Arizona and New Mexico 1530–
1888. San Francisco, CA: The History Company.
Although Bancroft’s work has been greatly ampliied by later generations of historians, his
histories are still standard references. This volume covers Arizona and New Mexico from the
beginnings of Spanish exploration to the late 1880s.
In his discussion of the last years of colonial administration (pp. 283–309), Bancroft covers
early Anglo-American forays into New Mexico. Anglo-American and French Canadian
trappers who tried to take furs into colonial New Mexico as well as traders who ventured
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into the province were sometimes arrested and their goods coniscated. The Anglos
established trade with an independent Mexico after 1821.
Bandelier, Adolf F.
1892 Final Report of Investigations among the Indians of the Southwestern United States,
Carried on Mainly in the Years from 1880 to 1885, pt. 2. American Series IV. Papers of
the Archaeological Institute of America. Cambridge, MA: John Wilson and Son.
This summary of Bandelier’s early and immensely inluential investigations in Southwestern
archeology, prehistory, and ethnography contains a section on “The Country of the Jemez”
(p. 200 ff.). Bandelier describes the area then as being used mainly for summer grazing, with
only marginal agricultural development, and traditionally related to Jémez Pueblo:
The Valles Mountains separate the northern section of the Queres district from that
claimed by the Jemez tribe. Against the chain of gently sloping summits which forms
the main range from the peak of Abiquiu to the Sierra de la Palisada in the south
abuts in the west an elevated plateau, containing a series of grassy basins to which
the name of “Los Valles” (the valleys) has been applied. Permanent streams water it,
and contribute to make an excellent grazing region of this plateau. But the seasons
are short. For snow ills the passes sometimes till June, and may be expected again as
early as September. During the three months of summer that the Valles enjoy, however,
their appearance is very lovely. Heavy dews fall daily, and rains are common. The
high summits are seldom completely shrouded for more than a few hours at a time,
and as soon as the sun breaks through the mist, the grassy basins shine like sheets
of malachite. Flocks of sheep dot their surface, and on the heights around the deep
blue tops of the regal pines mingle with the white trunks and light verdure of the tall
mountain aspens. It is also the country of the bear and the panther, and the brooks
team with mountain trout.
The descent to the east towards Santa Clara is through a long and rugged gorge, over
a trail which beasts of burden must tread with caution, while towards Cochiti the
paths are still more dificult. On the west a huge mountain mass, the Sierra de la Jara,
interposes itself between the principal valley, that of Toledo, and the Jemez country.
Both north and south of this mountain the heights are much less considerable; still
the clefts by which they are traversed are none the less narrow, and the traveler is
compelled to make long detours in order to reach the Jemez River.
The country inhabited by the Jemez tribe lies west of the Valles… (pp. 200–201)
(See also entries by Akins 1993, and Lange and Riley 1966.)
Barker, Elliott
1970 Western Life and Adventures 1889–1970. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico,
Calvin Horn Collection.
Barker describes the program of predator control instituted by the Forest Service in 1916.
The Forest Service program of hunting and poisoning reduced or eliminated elk, mule deer,
turkey, and prairie dogs in and around the Baca Location. Therefore, gray wolves, mountain
lions, and coyotes increasingly preyed on cattle and sheep.
Basso, Keith H.
1996 Wisdom Sits in Places: Landscape and Language Among the Western Apache.
Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
This deinitive work about Western Apache landscape ideas and relationships serves as a
compelling example of how people interact with their physical and social environments and
how these relationships resonate through the structure and organization of a group’s social
institutions. Basso embraces the premise that “what people think about the environment—
how they perceive it, how they conceptualize it, or…how they ‘actively construct’ it” (p. 67)
with meaning is relevant. Basso adds that people, not their social institutions, make and act
on cultural meanings. He addresses the issue of landscape constructions as the nexus of the
intersection of a group’s senses of place and time.
Baxter, John O.
1987 Las Carneradas: Sheep Trade in New Mexico 1700–1860. Albuquerque: University of
New Mexico Press.
Baxter describes the introduction of sheep into New Mexico in 1598 and the origins and
growth of the sheep trade in the province, through the colonial and Mexican periods and
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into the American (Territorial) period. Although he does not mention the Valles Caldera, his
overview provides valuable background information for understanding sheep raising in our
study area.
During the summer and fall of 1757 New Mexico’s governor, Francisco Antonio
Marín del Valle made an oficial visitation of the area within his jurisdiction. The
inspection team included the region’s most famous eighteenth-century cartographer,
Bernardo Miera y Pacheco. Using information gathered during the tour, don
Bernardo produced a detailed map of New Mexico…On the map’s margins Miera y
Pacheco appended supplementary data…According to his tabulation, 5,170 Spaniards
residing in New Mexico possessed 2,543 horses, 7,832 cattle, and 47,621 ganado
menor (sheep and goats). The Pueblo and Hopi Indians, who numbered almost
9,000, owned 4,813 horses, 8,325 cattle, and 64,561 ganado menor. Obviously, New
Mexico livestock had thrived since the Reconquest and the industry rested on a solid
foundation at mid-century. (p. 42)
As sheep became increasingly acceptable as a means of exchange for imported
consumer goods, a small clique of rancher-merchants began to dominate livestock
marketing within the province and to control other aspects of the local economy.
Another important development for New Mexico comerciantes was the emergence of
Chihuahua as their leading trading point and the consequent decline of Parral. (p. 42)
Bell, Willis H., and Edward F. Castetter
1941 The Utilization of Yucca, Sotol, and Beargrass by the Aborigines in the American
Southwest. Ethnological Studies in the American Southwest 7. University of New
Mexico Bulletin. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico.
The authors discuss the use of yucca in basketry among many ethnographic groups in the
Four Corners region.
Benally, Clyde, with Andrew O. Wiget, John R. Alley, and Garry Blake
1982 Dinéjí Nákéé΄ Nááhane΄: A Utah Navajo History. Monticello, UT: San Juan School
District.
Benally and others relate the creation of the Navajo mountains of cardinal direction in the
creation of the Fourth World. Following his creation of the pairs of Holy People (Diyin
Dine΄é),
First Man took out the inner forms of the sacred mountains, which he had brought
up from the Third World. In the east, he placed the White Mountain (Sis Naajinii).
He covered it with Dawn, Dark Cloud, Male Rain, and Dark Water. He ixed it to the
earth with a bolt of Lightning. He then sent Dawn Boy and Girl there… (p. 8)
This tale establishes the special subjective quality of timelessness in the Navajo
conceptualization of the Holy Mountains. That is, the mountains were created and re-created
through the succession of worlds from the beginning of time to the present.
Benally and others (p. viii) further elaborate on the symbolic associations of the four
principal cardinal mountains in a schematic diagram:
Benally and others follow Haile (1938) rather than Matthews (1897) (see also entry for
Sleight 1950) in associating the Navajo Holy Mountain of the East with Blanca Peak in
southern Colorado rather than with Redondo Peak in the VCNP.
Bernalillo County, New Mexico
1849–1903 Bernalillo County Clerk’s Ofice Records. Accession No. 1974-034. Reels 1–33.
Santa Fe: New Mexico State Records Center and Archives.
Grantor-Grantee and Grantee-Grantor indices on Reels 1–4 show acquisition of interests
within the Baca Location by Maríano Sabine Otero and his son, Frederico J. (F. J.). For
example, the deed for the sale of lands in the Baca Location by Leandro Sanchez and wife
to Maríano Otero on April 7, 1890, indexed in reel 3, is in book 12, p. 509 (reel 20, frames
259–260). Numerous transactions show that the Baca heirs sold their land piecemeal and
the Oteros eventually bought up these interests, inally forming the Valles Land Company in
1899. (Note: The corporate name “Valles Land Company” appears in the Whitney v. Otero
trial record as early as 1894.)
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Blake, Kevin
1999 Sacred and Secular Landscape Symbolism at Mount Taylor. Journal of the Southwest
41:487–509.
Blake examines the symbolic Native American beliefs about mountains. He maintains that
the recognition and understanding of these ideas and values is necessary for the sustained
management of any mountain region (p. 487). In this process, Blake contributes to the
comprehension of landscape Pueblo and Navajo constructions and how these culturally
diverse peoples maintain signiicant associations with mountainous settings within their
traditional homelands. He also offers several useful observations about traditional Hispanic
landscape ideas in framing comparisons that illustrate his argument.
Bloom, Lansing B.
1946 [1922] The West Jemez Culture Area. New Mexico Historical Review 21:120–126.
Originally published in El Palacio 12:19–25.
Bloom offers a cogent description of the Valles Caldera region and recognizes the traditional
use of this locality by Jémez Pueblo:
Cerro Conejo, Cerro Pino, Cerro Pelado, Cerro Redondo, and Cerra Venado, were
all mountains of that early Jemez world which extended from the high mesa east of
Vallecito westward to the Río Puerco, and from the region of the present pueblo of
Jemez to the San Anton. It was a world of mountain and valley, of towering forest and
living streams, of high majestic mesas which tapered into many a commanding potrero
lanked by deep canyons. Even today the Jemez have community rabbit drives in the
valley, and in the sierras they hunt the deer and bear, the wolf and fox, the gallina
de tierra and the eagle of the sky. But gone is the buffalo which (if we may trust the
maps of Miera y Pacheco) formerly ranged the prairie like meadows of the upper
Valles and the San Anton. The streams still teem with trout; the bluebird still lashes
in the sunlight which ilters down through the royal pines; the bluebells and grasses,
mariposa lilies and yellow lowers of countless species still wave waist deep in the sun
drenched glades of the mountains. (p. 121)
Bloom also states that Oñate passed through the Valles Caldera on his way from San Juan
Pueblo to Jémez Pueblo:
He “descended” thro [sic] the Valles to the pueblos in the Vallecito drainage then
working to the west over the high mesa land he “descended” from the potrero to the
“last pueblo” of the province which he associates with the marvelous hot springs.
Guiusewa is the pueblo meant beyond any reasonable doubt, and the trail from the
Vallecito down into Hot Springs is still in daily use. (p. 123)
Bloom, Lansing B., and Lynn B. Mitchell
1938 The Chapter Elections in 1672. New Mexico Historical Review 13:85–119.
This article discusses the establishment of the Jémez missions, events before 1680, the
Pueblo Revolt, and subsequent resettlement of the remnant Jémez population. Bloom and
Mitchell point out that early Spanish colonial contact with the Jémez Pueblos took place in
the Vallecito Viejo and the upper Valles, where at least seven Jémez (Towa) Pueblos existed
(p. 91). (See entry for Schroeder 1979.)
Bohrer, Vorsila L.
1960 Zuni Agriculture. El Palacio 67:181–202.
The author includes discussion of Amaranthus sp. use by the Zuni.
Bohrer, Vorsila L.
1975 The Prehistoric and Historic Role of Cool-Season Grasses in the Southwest. Economic
Botany 29:199–207.
Bohrer reports on the uses of various grasses, which occur in the VCNP, by various preColumbian and Historic Pueblo groups, among others. Examples include bluegrass (Poa sp.)
and needle-and-thread (Stipa sp.).
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Bolton, Herbert Eugene
1930 Spanish Exploration in the Southwest 1542–1706. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons.
This is a standard reference work for early Spanish exploration in the North American
Southwest. Bolton’s history contains the narrative of the Espejo expedition of 1583. Espejo
describes the Jémez Pueblos (the mountain Pueblo not visited may be Giusewa):
Having traveled one day’s journey to the northwest, a distance of about six leagues,
we found a province, with seven pueblos, called the Province of the Emexes, where
there are very many people, apparently about thirty thousand souls. The natives
indicated to us that one of the pueblos was very large and in the mountains, but it
appeared to Fray Bernardino Beltrán and some of the soldiers that our numbers
were too small to go to so large a settlement and so we did not visit it, in order not to
become divided into two parties. It consists of people, like those already passed, with
the same provisions, apparel, and government. They have idols, bows and arrows, and
other arms, as the provinces heretofore mentioned. (p. 182)
Bond and Son
1917 Correspondence. Item 96. Bond, Frank, and Son Records. Albuquerque: Center for
Southwest Research, General Library, University of New Mexico.
This bound volume of copies of correspondence includes a June 28, 1917, letter (p. 216) to
Ed Wetmore of the Redondo Development Company, Warren, Pennsylvania. A messenger
charged $10.00 to contact Mr. Shelton (surveyor); Louis Nohl apologizes for this “exorbitant
charge.”
In a July 20, 1917, letter (p. 557) to Ed Wetmore, Frank Bond says he cannot ind [L. D.
W.] Shelton. He also is concerned that the Indians (evidently Santa Clara Pueblo) have
asserted that the Bond interests have built a fence on their land and they intend to cut it.
Superintendent P. T. Lonergan (Southern Pueblos Agency) states that the only oficial survey
is the (Francis) Joy survey.
Bond and Son
1918–1919 Ledger. Item 103. Bond, Frank, and Son Records. Albuquerque: Center for
Southwest Research, General Library, University of New Mexico.
In this collection are 273 items and cartons. Most documents are numbered single volumes
or ledgers.
Volume 95 includes a letter, dated March 20, 1918, from Frank Bond to Edward Wetmore.
In this correspondence, Bond writes that while he would like to purchase the Baca Location,
his concerns over the ongoing, widespread conlict (World War I) being waged in Europe,
tempered his appetite for making great investments at this time. Although he withdrew his
offer to purchase the tract, Bond concludes, “I still want to own the property some day.”
Volume 170 is speciic to the Baca Location and details the sheep operations for the year
1918. Information in this volume reveals that Frank Bond leased the Baca Location in
1918 for $500 per month. His lease required him to make certain improvements; he spent
$3,054.20 on fencing and other work in 1918.
A note opposite p. 1 explains the item “Baca Location expense $1221.68” in the irst journal
entry as follows. The Bond-Connell Sheep and Wool Company had an interest in the lease
and paid one half of it: $1,527.10. Frank Bond paid the other half, prorated to $305.42 per
year. “At the end of one year the Baca Location was turned over to the Quemado Sheep Co.
and Mr. Bond’s ½ or $1527.10 less one year’s prorate or $305.42 leaving $1221.68 was
assumed by the Quemado Sheep Co.”
Ledger Volume 170 also details sheep operations for 1918. In this year Bond had 73
employees on the Baca Location. All but three were Hispanic and most were sheepherders
(pastores), camp tenders (camperos), or camp suppliers (caporales). The Baca Location had
17 sheep camps and 1 cattle camp in the summer of 1918. The number of sheep per camp
averaged 1,257.
In 1926 Bond bought the Baca Location and a half interest in the mineral rights. The
Redondo Development Company (seller) retained a 99-year lease on the timber.
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Bond and Son
1918–1919 Ledger. Item 103. Bond, Frank, and Son Records. Albuquerque: Center for
Southwest Research, General Library, University of New Mexico.
Ledger Item 103 has entries from November 23, 1918, to September 8, 1919. Some entries
refer to the Baca Location. These entries record individuals grazing small numbers of stock
“35 cows and 8 horses” “6 cows and 1 horse” (p. 1) on the Location, fees paid to Bond
and Nohl Company, and balances due. The base price for a horse or cow was $1.25 for the
summer season.
Bond and Son
1918–1921 Quemado Sheep Company 1918–1921. Carton 181. Bond, Frank, and Son
Records. Albuquerque: Center for Southwest Research, General Library, University of
New Mexico.
Carton 181 contains some correspondence about the Baca Location. Herman Wertheim,
writing for Vicente Armijo from Domingo, New Mexico, on June 19, 1918, encloses a
voucher for $116 in payment for grazing 116 head of cattle taken to the Baca Location on
June 12. Moses Abouselman sends payments of $17 for 17 head of cattle and $65 for 65
head of cattle grazing on the Baca Location. Another letter refers to 14 head.
A letter from Moses Abouselman dated June 14, 1918, is on behalf of José Antonio Pecos
of Jémez, who wants to put his horses on “the grant.” In a previous letter on June 10, 1918,
Abouselman wrote that he understood that he was to pay 50 cents per head of cattle for the
month of May, or $1.25 for the season (i.e., “through the summer”). Some correspondence is
from the Quemado Sheep Company at Peña Blanca.
Bond and Son
ca. 1960 Extracts and Notes from Frank Bond Correspondence. Vol. 76a. Bond, Frank,
and Son Records, Albuquerque: Center for Southwest Research, General Library,
University of New Mexico.
These extensive excerpts illustrate Frank Bond’s style and business methods. The notes
contain material on the partido system, the New Mexico Sheep Sanitary Board, scab
or scabies (mange), and many subjects relating to sheep raising. They discuss the Bond
companies and numerous partnerships.
Frank H. Grubbs excerpted the items of correspondence contained in this ledger as
background for his biography of Frank Bond (see entry for Grubbs 1960–1962).
Bowden, J. J.
1969 Private Land Claims in the Southwest. Masters thesis. Houston, TX: Southern
Methodist University.
Bowden outlines the history of the Luis María Cabeza de Baca Grant and the ive Baca
Locations. Note, however, that Bowden mistakenly places L. M. Baca’s death in 1833. (See
also entries for U.S. Public Law 167 1860; U.S. Congress, House 1860; and U.S. Congress,
Senate 1860.)
Boyd, Dick
1938 Jemez High Country. New Mexico Magazine 16 (9):14–15, 35–39.
Boyd notes the natural and geological features of the region. He mentions that the Civilian
Conservation Corps (CCC) built the road from Los Alamos to Cuba through Valle Grande in
1935. At the time of the article, the CCC camp in Paliza Canyon was active. Boyd describes
Sulphur Springs and notes that Maríano Sabine Otero established a plant for reining sulphur,
but that prevailing prices were so low that the venture was not proitable.
Brandt, Elizabeth A.
1979 Sandia Pueblo. In Handbook of the North American Indians, vol. 9, Southwest. Alfonso
Ortiz, ed. Pp. 343–350. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution.
This article provides a concise overview of the anthropology and history of Sandia Pueblo.
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Brewer, Sallie Pierce
1937 The “Long Walk” to Bosque Redondo, as Told by Peshlakai Etsedi. Museum of
Northern Arizona Museum Notes 9(11):55–62.
Brewer provides testimony offered by Peshlakai Etsedi, who recounts important details of a
post–Bosque Redondo conference held at a new fort at Bear Spring, which Ellis (1974:159)
associates with Fort Lyon and Fort Wingate. At this conference, Nah Zizii, Hosteen Iltsuee
Etsosa (Marriano), Hostin Be Dah Gah, and Becenti (and possibly other unidentiied Navajo
headmen) climbed to the top of a hill south of Fort Lyon. From this summit:
These men decided that the Navajos would have the country between Sisnajinee
[“Black Belt” or Pelado], Zoet Zilth [Mount Taylor], Nahtah Ah Say Ay [“Corn
Stairs” or Mount Thomas], Do Ko-osteed [“Suspended by Yellow Shell” or San
Francisco Peaks], Nahto Zilth [“Tobacco Mountain” or Buckskin Mountain near
Grand Canyon], Nah Ah Tsees Ahn [Navajo Mountain] and Devehn Tsah [“Mountain
Sheep” or San Juan Mountains]. (p. 61; comments in brackets are Brewer’s additions
from endnote 54.)
Brown, Lorin W.
1978 Hispano Folklife of New Mexico: The Lorin W. Brown Federal Writers’ Project
Manuscripts. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico.
Brown details his visit to a pastor (shepherd), Basilico Garduño, at his camp “in the shadow
of El Cerro Redondo (‘Round Peak’), near Jemez Hot Springs” (p. 158). Brown describes
Garduño’s camp, lock, dogs, gear, camp routine, and cooking, and repeats Garduño’s
explanations of how he predicts the weather by the traditional method of las cabañuelas (p.
163).
Garduño tells Brown that he will graze his sheep toward El Rito de San Antonio. Brown
mentions that Garduño works for a patron (a wealthy man who owns much land), who later
visits the camp, but Brown offers no details concerning him.
Garduño talks about his former patrón, don Maríano (Otero):
My father and I both worked for Don Mariano, who irst owned those springs, that is,
the grant on which they are located. He was muy rico, a man of many sheep and much
land. We used to lamb in the grassy valley just above the springs and dip the sheep in
troughs built just below the main sulphur spring. We used nothing else except the very
water from the spring to rid the sheep of scab and ticks. It was much better than this
stuff we have to use nowadays. (p. 166)
Brown describes the shearers who arrive once a year as “itinerants, shearing sheep on a
commission basis all over the state and into Colorado” (p. 171).
Brugge, David M.
1983 Navajo Prehistory and History to 1850. In Southwest. Alfonso Ortiz, ed. Pp. 489–501.
Vol. 10 of Handbook of North American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed. Washington,
DC: Smithsonian Institution.
This article is a good summary of early Navajo history. Brugge’s igure 1, “Approximate
Navajo settlement areas,” shows the Valles Caldera portion of the Jémez Mountains to the
east of the core of the settled Navajo territory. This observation does not necessarily preclude
temporary Navajo use of the VCNP, however (cf. entry for Douglass 1917).
Bryan, Nonabah G., and Stella Young
940 Navajo Native Dyes: Their Preparation and Use. Washington, DC: Ofice of Indian
Affairs.
Bryan and Young’s discussion of Navajo dyes includes mention of the following plant taxa
found in the VCNP: Artemisia sp., Castilleja sp., Eriogonum sp., Hymenoxys sp., Juniperus
sp., Prunus sp., Pterospora sp., and Townsendia sp.
Cabeza de Baca, Fabiola
1994 We Fed Them Cactus. 2nd ed. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
In her history of the renowned Cabeza de Baca family, the author offers a passage about her
grandfather, Don Tomás Dolores Cabeza de Baca (a.k.a. Tomás D. Baca). This recollection,
although lacking desired detail, sheds insight on how Maríano Sabine Otero eventually
gained signiicant interest in the Baca Location, an interest that he shrewdly leveraged
against Joel Parker Whitney who initiated the partition suit that eventually stripped all the
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Luis Maria Cabeza de Baca heirs of any right in the land grant (see entry for Whitney v.
Otero 1893):
My grandfather, Don Tomás Dolores Cabeza de Baca was running ifteen thousand head of
sheep on the Plaza Larga country in 1875. In the Pajarito country, where Newkirk is now, he
ran more than two thousand head of cattle. In those days there were no bonding companies.
My grandfather was one of the bondsmen of the newly-elected San Miguel County sheriffclerk-treasurer, which ofices were held by one man. At the end of his term, the oficer was
short on county funds. Grandfather had to produce $40,000. Ewes were worth one dollar per
head, cows seven dollars. He sold all his livestock and to make up the balance, he mortgaged
100,000 acres of his land grant, El Valle Grande in Sandoval county, to Don José Leandro
Perea [Maríano Otero’s father-in-law] for $10,000. (pp. 72–73)
Cabeza de Baca recalls elsewhere that Tomás D. Baca previously had moved to Las Vegas
from Peña Blanca in 1865. He owned a mercantile business and ran freight wagons on the
Santa Fe Trail (p. 80).
Cajete, Gregory
1994 Look to the Mountain: An Ecology of Indigenous Education. Durango, CO: Kivakí
Press.
Cajete, a Santa Clara Tewa educator, is concerned with sustaining traditional cultural
knowledge as a way for communities to maintain their cultural identity and sense of wellbeing. Cajete explores indigenous education as an attempt “to develop insights into the
community of shared metaphors and understandings that are speciic to Indian cultures, yet
relect the nature of human learning as a whole” (p. 21). Chapter 3, The Spiritual Ecology
of Indigenous Education, and chapter 4, The Environmental Foundation of Indigenous
Education, are especially relevant to understanding the importance of place held by
traditional communities in their ethnographic landscape constructions.
To Cajete, indigenous education is an exploration of spiritual ecology. Traditionally, “the
ultimate goal of Indigenous education was to be fully knowledgeable about one’s innate
spirituality” (p. 42). The medium for attaining this knowledge is the many-layered spiritual
connections Indian people feel with special places in their lands and in their lives. These
connections have roots in mythic times and do not necessarily require material use to sustain
their validity. “By talking about those special places,…[Indian people] connected their spirit
to them through their words, thoughts, and feelings” (p. 43). Cajete explains further,
American Indians believe it is the breath that represents the most tangible expression
of the spirit in all living things. Language is an expression of the spirit because it
contains the power to move people and to express human thought and feeling. It is
also the breath, along with water and thought, that connects all living things in direct
relationship. The interrelation of water, thought (wind), and breath personiies the
elemental relationship emanating from “that place that the Indians talk about,” that
place of the Center where all things are created. (p. 42)
By understanding themselves as part of a natural community and an ecological process,
Indian people express their relationships to the natural world in ways “that only can be called
‘ensoulment’ ” (p. 83). Cajete deines ensoulment as the projection of the human sense of
soul on particular entities, phenomena, and places in their natural environments. Moreover,
by tracing their respective communities’ metaphorical journeys across their landscapes,
whereby people learned about themselves in relation to their natural world, indigenous
groups view the landscape as “a textbook of ecological understanding, interpreted through
the traditional stories and activities of tribes” (p. 91). Disruptions of the intensity and
intimacy of the relationship between the people of traditional Indian communities and their
ethnographic landscapes historically resulted in the disastrous loss of meaning and identity
for individuals, families, and communities as a whole (p. 85).
Cajete, Gregory
1999 “Look to the Mountain”: Relections on Indigenous Ecology. In A People’s Ecology:
Explorations in Sustainable Living. Gregory Cajete, ed. Pp. 1–20. Santa Fe, NM: Clear
Light.
This essay is a condensation of Cajete’s (1994) larger work, Look to the Mountain: An
Ecology of Indigenous Education. He introduces essential principles about the spiritual
ecology of Pueblo people, including the ideas of breath, center, emergence, and movement,
in a clear and cogent manner.
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Callaway, Donald, Joel Janetski, and Omer C. Stewart
1986 Ute. In Great Basin. Warren L. D’azevedo, ed. Pp. 336–367. Vol. 11 of Handbook
of North American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed. Washington, DC: Smithsonian
Institution.
This article provides a concise overview of Ute anthropology and history. The authors
identify the Muache and Capote as the principal Ute bands that traveled seasonally into New
Mexico’s mountains, with the Muache ranging as far south as Santa Fe. Their map showing
the geographic expanse of early nineteenth-century Ute territory, however, does not show the
full extent of the people’s occupation of New Mexico (Figure 1 (p. 337)).
The authors identify Ute uses of the following plants found in the VCNP: Rocky Mountain
juniper (Juniperus scopulorum), chokecherry (Prunus virginiana), Gambel oak (Quercus
gambelii), and elderberries (Sambucus sp.) for food. They also mention that the Ute use
stinging nettle (Urtica sp.) for iber and mountain mahogany (Cercocarpus montanus) for
tools.
Camazine, Scott, and Robert Bye
1980 A Study of the Medical Ethnobotany of the Zuni Indians of New Mexico. Journal of
Ethnopharmacology 2(4):365–388.
The list of Zuni medicinal plants includes the following Valles Caldera native plants, among
others: milkweed (Astragalus sp.), thistle (Cirsium sp.), buckwheat (Eriogonum sp.), spurge
(Euphorbia sp.), southwestern stoneseed (Lithospermum multilorum), Wright’s deervetch
(Lotus wrightii), Bigelow’s tansy-aster (Machaeranthera bigelovii), narrowleaf four-o’clock
(Mirabilis linearis), primrose (Oenothera sp.), scorpionweed (Phacelia sp.), piñon (Pinus
edulis), common plantain (Plantago major), curlyleaf dock (Rumex crispus), and willow
(Salix sp.).
Carmichael, David L.
1994 Places of Power: Mescalero Apache Sacred Sites and Sensitive Areas. In Sacred
Sites, Sacred Places. David L. Carmichael, Jane Hubert, Brian Reeves, and Audhild
Schanche, eds. Pp. 89–98. London: Routledge.
In an insightful overview, Carmichael considers “some of the kinds of sites and places
considered sacred or sensitive in traditional Mescalero thought” (p. 89). He observes,
A fundamental aspect of traditional Mescalero thought is the belief in the sacred
character of speciic geographical places. Some are important because of the roles
they played in the mythic time of Mescalero tribal history. Others are sources of
natural resources required in traditional ceremonies. Most appear to be important
because they are places of power… (p. 89)
Carmichael examines the thesis that the Apache believe the sacred character of speciic
landscape features from which the people draw power is an essential component of Apache
self-identity. He explains the Apache idea of power as “a spiritual energy or life force that
enables an individual to interact with the forces of the natural and supernatural worlds” (p.
91). His observation, “Belief in the sacred character of speciic features of the landscape
is an essential component of Mescalero self-identity” (p. 96), imparts to the reader the gist
of how Apache people ensoul their physical worlds through their acquisition of power in
accord with the structured order communicated through the base metaphor (see Farrer 1991).
Carmichael similarly provides a framework for unpacking key aspects of the ideational
organization of places of power within the landscape that structure how Apache people
obtain the power they need for sustaining balance and harmony.
Carrillo, Charles M., Kurt F. Anschuetz, Richard D. Holmes, and Susan Perlman
1997 Historic Overview of the Project Area. In OLE, vol. 1. Context. John C. Acklen, ed. Pp.
119–138. Albuquerque: Public Service Company of New Mexico.
Of interest to the land use history of the VCNP is the report that Tewa populations in the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries used a trail that started in Santa Clara Canyon to reach
Navajo and Hispanic communities to the west and north. Apparently used exclusively during
the warm season, this upland route allowed travelers to avoid looded areas along the Río
Chama valley (p. 132).
The trail left Santa Clara and traveled up the Cañada de Santa Clara to the
headwaters of the canyon near Tsichoma Peak. From here the western branch of the
route briely headed in a southwestern direction and then down the Río de los Indios
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to the Río San Antonio. The Río San Antonio is located in the Valle de San Antonio
across the northern third of Baca Location Number 1. This creek continues in a
western direction toward the western edge of the Jemez Range. At one point a traveler
can turn off this western branch and head south toward San Diego Canyon at Jemez.
The other branch of the trail continues northward to Río del Oso, passes San Antonio
de los Vallecitos, and swings in a western direction toward Polvadera Creek where it
continues in a northern direction along the creek until it reaches the Piedra Lumbre
Valley. A traveler can branch off the trail at Vallecitos and travel in a northerly
direction. (p. 133)
Chama Valley residents apparently ran sheep across the uplands and crossed into the Valle
San Antonio locality:
During the summer months herdsmen often lived in small tipi-like structures which
they frequently moved as they herded their animals. The structures were built of hides
or canvas (Informant F, personal communication 1991). This seasonal movement of
livestock ensured that fresh grazing land was available and that valuable agricultural
land was undisturbed by livestock. Documentary data and the oral history of villagers
in Abiquiu, Cañones, and Youngsville, indicates that the entire area of the OLE line
was at one time or another used for grazing, with the exception of the steep canyon
walls. (p. 135)
One Chama Valley resident remembers visiting the Valles Caldera to collect native plants:
I recall gathering piñon nuts, broom grass, and other things in the area of the
[proposed OLE] power line, especially the Baca Location. Broom grass was a sacred
plant found in the Baca Location. (p. 137, citing Informant I, personal communication
1991)
Castañeda, Pedro de
1907 Narrative of the Expedition of Coronado. In Spanish Explorers in the Southwestern
United States 1528–1543. Frederick W. Hodge, ed. Pp. 273–387. New York: Charles
Scribner’s Sons.
This is a collection of chronicles of early Spanish exploration. Castañeda describes the visit
of Captain Francisco de Barrionuevo to the Jémez province in the summer of 1542.
Castetter, Edward F.
1935 Uncultivated Native Plants Used as Sources of Food. Ethnobiological Studies in the
American Southwest 1. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico.
Castetter reports on ethnographically documented food uses of many native lora species
that are found in or have close relatives in the Valles Caldera. Examples include the Eastern
Keres’ use of ield mint (Mentha arvensis), sorrel (Rumex sp.), and nightshade (Solanum
sp.). He notes that the Western Keres eat the common plantain (Plantago major). The Zuni
eat products from the ponderosa pine (Pinus ponderosa), while the Navajo consume the
chokecherry (Prunus sp.).
Chamberlin, Ralph V.
1909 Some Plant Names of the Ute Indians. American Anthropologist 11:27–40.
Chamberlin identiies the medicinal uses of several species that grow in the VCNP. These
plants include yarrow (Achillea sp.), buckwheat (Eriogonum sp.), and marsh elder (Iva sp.).
Chinle Curriculum Center
1995 Diné Bikeyahdóó Ch’il Nanise’ Altaas’éí: The Purpose and Uses of Plants of
Navajoland. Chinle, AZ: Chinle Uniied School District.
The authors discuss several plants that grow in the Valles Caldera area. These species include
golden aster (Cicuta maculata), which has medicinal properties. Western bracken (Pteridium
aquilinum) is both a medicine and a iber source.
Church, Peggy Pond
n.d. Peggy Pond Church Correspondence. Los Alamos, NM: Los Alamos Historical
Museum.
Peggy Pond Church was the daughter of Ashley Pond, the founder of the Los Alamos Ranch
School. She was a published author with a special interest in the history of the Los Alamos
area. This collection contains items of her correspondence with friends and researchers.
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In a letter dated March 22, 1979, to “Art,” Church cites a letter, from Richard Boyd,
Albuquerque, to Homer Pickens, that Boyd’s widow showed her. A road “made by the Army
when the Missouri volunteers were stationed at Fort Marcy” ran up Pajarito Canyon to a
point below the Llano Largo, “alongside Water Canyon on the mesa top and on over the
mountain from Water Canyon site.” This road was the route used by the soldiers hauling hay
for draft animals at Fort Marcy. The Army abandoned the road, however, because a fourmule team hauling hay would eat most of the hay on the way to Santa Fe. Then, according to
Boyd, the U.S. Army established a hay camp “west of Water Canyon on the rim about a mile
[1.6 km] from the old Ted Mather cabin. You can still ind evidence of this camp (1964)…”
(LAHM-M1991–31–1–39, box 29, folder 5). Church questions her correspondent about “the
old Ted Mather cabin,” whose location is uncertain.
The Church Papers also include two texts identiied as being in the records of the Adjutant
General (National Archives, Washington, DC). The irst is a letter from Robert Nesbit and
Hiram Parker, dated July 1851, to Colonel Munroe, Commander, 9th Military Detachment.
Nesbit and Parker held the contract to supply hay to the quartermaster. They bought a train
of mule wagons from a Mr. Tully, and were engaged in delivering hay from “from what is
known as the Grande Bioh [sic] some forty miles [64 km] from here.” The “Grande Bioh”
was the only place where natural hay could be obtained, due to the dryness of the season. On
the night of July 2, 1851, a large band of Navajos attacked their “substantial” log house and
corral and stole over 100 horses and mules.
A letter dated July 17, 1851, from B. H. Robertson to 1st Lieutenant L. McLaws states that
11 Jémez Indians pursued the Navajos. The Jémez party killed 2 Navajos on the border of
Navajo country and captured four mules. He describes the ranch [of Nesbit and Parker] as
“built of bottom wood logs…the corral is constructed of large, green cottonwood logs…”
“The entire number of animals stolen was forty-nine…” (LAHM-M1991–31–1–15, box 28,
folder 8).
Church also compiled a set of notes that she labeled “Ramón Vigil Grant—Roads Etc.” In
this she repeats the information derived from the Boyd letter about the hay road and camp
(LAHM-M1991–31–1–16, box 28, folder 6). 3(See also entry for Parkhurst n.d.)
Cleland, Robert Glass
1950 This Reckless Breed of Men: The Trappers and Fur Traders of the Southwest.
Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
In this study of the fur trade in the Southwest, Cleland mentions the death of Luis María
Baca. On June 6, 1827, Governor Manuel Armijo reported that he had coniscated a valuable
collection of furs belonging to Ewing Young. Armijo invoked an 1824 statute that prohibited
citizens of the United States from trapping furs in Mexican territory. According to Armijo,
Luis María Baca had hidden Young’s furs in Baca’s house; Baca shot irst, and was shot and
killed by soldiers of an auxiliary troop (p. 219).
Colton, Harold S.
1974 Hopi Ethnobotany and Archaeological History. New York: Garland Publishing.
Colton reports that Hopi use Mountain mahogany (Cercocarpus montanus), Gambel oak
(Quercus gambelii), and Narrowleaf cottonwood (Populus angustifolia) for making tools.
They eat western walllower (Erysimum capitatum), sunlower (Helianthus sp.), and fouro’clock (Mirabilis sp.). Gilia (Ipomopsis sp.) is a dye. Each of these plants grows in the
VCNP.
Colton, Mary-Russell Ferrell
1965 Hopi Dyes. Flagstaff: Museum of Northern Arizona.
Hopi dye plants found in the VCNP include Mountain mahogany (Cercocarpus montanus)
and piñon (Pinus edulis).
Cook, Sarah Louise
1930 The Ethnobotany of the Jemez Indians. Masters thesis. University of New Mexico,
Albuquerque.
Cook identiies 57 native plants, plus lichen, moss and algae, used by the people of Jémez
Pueblo. She provides cursory information on how the people use each taxon.
Cook’s inventory includes a variety of plants present in the VCNP. Examples include
bearberry (Arctostaphylos uva ursi), ragweed (Hymenopappus sp.), Rocky Mountain juniper
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(Juniperus scopulorum), New Mexico Locust (Robinia neomexicana), and ragwort (Senecio
sp.), which produce edible products. Indian paintbrush (Castilleja sp.) keeps chili seeds from
spoiling. Aster (Machaeranthera sp.) has medicinal properties, while junegrass (Koeleria
macrantha) makes a broom and split geranium epidermis (Geranium sp.) yields a thread for
sewing moccasins.
Coolidge, Dane, and Mary Roberts Coolidge
1930 The Navajo Indians. Boston, MA: Houghton Miflin.
The authors report the appearance (but not the location) of the Navajo Holy Mountain of the
East, as described by Long Mustache of Klagetoh in his account of the separation of the Diné
from their Apache relatives:
In this large country between the Four Holy Mountains the Dineh΄ lived, but the
different branches of the tribe were always quarreling about what territory they
should occupy. At that time, over near Zith-nah-jinni, the Holy Mountain of the East,
there was another called Tramped-Down Mountain because it was lat on top. It was
full of bushes bearing berries and nuts but Zith-nah-jinni was smooth and barrenlooking, being covered with grass. There were horses there, and deer and other
game… (p. 8)
Corlett, Charles H.
1974 Cowboy Pete. Santa Fe, NM: Sunstone Press.
Corlett, a career Army oficer who rose to the rank of Major General, was Frank Bond’s sonin-law and was briely the manager of the Baca Location when Bond leased it from Redondo
Development Company.
Because of the severe winter of 1919 many cattle and sheep died of starvation. Frank
Bond was beside himself with worry and nearly out of his mind. John Davenport,
overworked and somewhat discouraged as a result of the dreary winter, did not object
when Bond made me manager, but became my loyal and valued assistant. I resigned
my commission as lieutenant colonel (temporary) in the Army of the United States
and became a stockman…After about four months at La Jara, the headquarters of the
Baca, Amy and I moved down into the valley and occupied my mother’s house. (pp.
46–47)
Curtis, Edward S.
1926 The North American Indian: Being a Series of Volumes Picturing and Describing the
Indians of the United States, the Dominion of Canada, and Alaska, vol. 17. The Tewa,
the Zuni, Mythology. Norwood, MA: Plimpton Press.
Curtis is often criticized today for staging many of his artistically acclaimed photographs. In
contrast, the ethnographic observations contained in the volumes are often overlooked.
In this volume Curtis provides information that Tewa communities far from Sandia
Mountain, such as San Ildefonso, apparently deine physiographic analogues within their
immediate home territories for purposes of most regular pilgrimages and prayers.
Curtis retells a San Ildefonso story about the Warrior Twins who now live on Sandia
Mountain and protect the communities they watch over. The story, “The War-Gods Destroy
Tsimayó” (p. 172), is of interest to the VCNP Land-Use History project because of its
references to the Warrior Twins, giants, mountains, caves, and volcanism.
The Warrior Twins drove away to Shúma the giant that had been plaguing the people of San
Ildefonso Pueblo. Shúma is the high volcanic mesa south of the village at the beginning of
the Río Grande Gorge.
There they destroyed him, and smoke was belched forth from Shúma, from Tsimayó
[Chimayo mountain northeast of the village], from a large cave in a northern
Mountain, and from the cave in Túnyo. (p. 172)
Curtis adds that all these smoke-belching features are of volcanic origin. He infers that the
tale points to the Tewas’ presence in the region at the time these craters were active.
The story is also useful because it reveals the traditional understanding among the Tewa that
lava rock was once a liquid that lowed from the earth. According to Curtis’ informants, the
Warrior Twins lived directly among the people. Giants terrorized the people, who sought
the Warrior Twins’ assistance. The warriors chased the giants and fought them. When they
inally killed the evil beings, the people saw nearby volcanic peaks and their caves belch
smoke, if not also lava and ire, which hardened the earth.
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Cushing, Frank Hamilton
1896 Outlines of Zuni Creation Myths. In Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of
Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. Pp. 321–447. Washington,
DC: U.S. Government Printing Ofice.
In this classic ethnography, Cushing provides Zuni Pueblo understandings of volcanism
through the following poetic account:
That the earth be made safer for men, and more stable,
Let us shelter the land where our children be resting,
Yea! The depths and the valleys shall be sheltered
By the shade of our cloud-shield! Let us lay to its circle
Our irebolts of thunder, aimed to all the four regions,
Then smite with our arrows of lightning from under
Lo! Fire shall belch outward and burn the world over,
And loods of hot water shall seethe swift before it!
Lo! Smoke of earth—stenches shall blacken the daylight
And deaden the senses of them else escaping
And lesson the number of ierce preying monsters!
That the earth be made safer for men, and more stable. (p. 389)
Cushing continues the account in narrative:
Dread was the din and stir. The heights staggered and the mountains reeled, the plains
boomed and cracked under the loods and ires, and the high hollow places, hugged
of men and the creatures, were black and awful, so that these grew crazed with panic
and strove alike to escape or to hide more deeply. But ere-while they grew deafened
and deadened, forgetful and asleep! A tree lighted of lightning burns not long!
Presently thick rain fell, quenching the ires; and waters washed the face of the world,
cutting deep trails from the heights downward, and scattering abroad the wrecks and
corpses of stricken things and beings, or burying them deeply. Lo! they are seen in the
mountains to this day; and in the trails of those ierce waters cool rivers now run, and
where monsters perished lime of their bones (áluwe—calcareous nodules in malpais
or volcanic tuff) we ind, and use in food stuff! Gigantic were they, for their forms
little and great were often burned or shriveled and contorted into stone. See are these,
also, along the depths of the world. Where they huddled together and were blasted
thus, their blood gushed forth and lowed deeply, here in rivers, there in loods; but it
was charred and blistered and blackened by the ires, into the black rocks of the lower
mesas (ápkwina, lava or malpais). There were vast plains of dust, ashes and cinders,
reddened as is the mud of a hearth-place. There were great banks of clay and soil
burned to hardness—as clay is when baked in the kiln-mound,—blackened, bleached,
or stained yellow, gray, red, or white, streaked and banded, bended or twisted. Worn
and broken by the heavings of the under-world and by the waters and breaths of the
ages, they are the mountain-terraces of the Earth-mother, “dividing country from
country.” Yet many were the places behind and between these—dark canyons, deep
valleys, sunken plains—unharmed by the ires, where they swerved or rolled higher—
as, close to the trace of a forest-ire, green grow trees and grasses, and even lowers
continue to bloom. Therein, and in the land sheltered by the shield, tarried the people,
awakened, as from fearful dreams. Dry and more stable was the world now, less
fearsome its long places; since, changed to rock were so many monsters of prey (some
shriveled to the size of insects; made precious as amulets for the hunter and warrior,
as told in other talks of our ancient speech). (pp. 389–390)
Cushing, Frank Hamilton
1920 Zuni Breadstuff. Indian Notes and Monographs Vol. 8. New York: Museum of the
American Indian.
Cushing presents a perspective on Zuni concepts of volcanism that restate the information
in his “Outlines of Zuni Creation Myths” (see entry for Cushing 1896) in this classic
monograph of Zuni ethnobotany:
Then said the twin brothers: “Men, our children are poorer than the beasts, their
enemies; for each creature has a special gift of strength or sagacity, while to men has
been given only the power of guessing. Nor would we that our children be webfooted
like the beings that live over the waters and damp places.”
Therefore, they sent all men and harmless beings to a place of security; then laid
their water-shield on the ground. Upon it they placed four thunderbolts, one pointing
north, another west, another south, and the other eastward. When all was ready they
let ly the thunderbolts. Instantly the world was covered with lurid ire and shaken
with rolling thunders, as is a forest today burned and blasted where the lightning
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has fallen. Thus as the clay of vessels is burned to rock, and the mud of the hearth
crackled and reddened by ire, so the earth was mottled and crackled and hardened
where now we see mountains and masses of rock. Many of the great monsters and
prey-beings were changed in a twinkling to enduring rock or shriveled into twisted
idols which the hunter and priest-warrior know best how to prize. Behold! their forms
along every mountainside and ravine and in the far western valleys and plains still
endure the tracks of the fathers of men and beings, the children of earth. Yet some of
the beings of prey were spared, that the world might not become over-illed with life
and starvation follow, and that men might breathe of their spirits and be inspired with
the hearts of warriors and hunters. (pp. 32–33)
Dondanville, R. F.
1971 The Hydrothermal Geology of the Valles Caldera, Jemez Mountains, New Mexico.
Open ile consultant report. Santa Rosa, CA: Union Oil Co.
This 36-page report describes the irst geothermal well drilled in the Valles Caldera (1960).
Intended as an oil test well, the Westates-Bond 1 struck superheated water (about 392 ºF [200
ºC]) at shallow depths. This discovery led to a testing program that was inally abandoned in
1982 when the thermal capacity proved smaller than expected.
Douglass, William Boone
1917 Notes on the Shrines of the Tewa and Other Pueblo Indians of New Mexico. In
Proceedings of the Nineteenth International Congress of Americanists. Frederick W.
Hodge, ed. Pp. 344–378. Washington, DC: International Congress of Americanists.
Douglass identiies the following locations in his summary map (Plate I): 91—Río Jémez,
105—Rito de las Indias, 107—Río San Antonio, 106—Shrine of La Sierra de la Bola (a.k.a.
Cerro Redondo), 108—Sulphur Creek and Hot Springs, 207—Rito Jaramillo, 208—La Jara
Creek, and 209—Old Fort. He provides a comprehensive description (pp. 357–362), two
sketch maps (igs. 7 and 8), and two photographs of La Sierra de la Bola shrine (igs. 9 and
10).
Douglass reports that people from the pueblos of Jémez, Zía, Santo Domingo, Sandia,
Cochití, San Ildefonso, Santa Clara, and San Juan are known to visit the shrine “every year
during August” (p. 358). He describes inding a broken metate at the shrine during his visit
and tells of a local Hispanic resident who found a heavy cast silver ornament (ig. 6), which
apparently resembles styles made at the end of the seventeenth century, buried within the
feature.
Douglass also provides comprehensive description and illustration of the shrine (igs. 1–5)
located on the top of Tsikumu (a.k.a. Cerro Chicoma), which is just outside the northeast
corner of the Baca Location (pp. 344–357). Douglass states that the directional orientation
of the six trails (awu-mu-waya [“rain-roads”]) radiating from northeast to south from
the shrine’s center, suggest pilgrimages by the Pueblos of Taos, San Juan, Santa Clara,
San Ildefonso, Jémez, and Cochití. The inal opening, which leaves the shrine from the
northwest, relates to Navajo visits to this holy place.
Douglass, William Boone, and Hugh M. Neighbour
n.d. Restorative Survey of the Baca Location No. 1. Microiche on ile: Santa Fe, NM: State
Ofice, Bureau of Land Management.
U.S. Surveyor William Boone Douglass and transitman Hugh M. Neighbour conducted
an examination survey of the Baca Location between September 7 and October 10, 1911,
and then carried out a restorative survey between July 29 and October 10, 1912. Although
their assignment was to ind and reestablish the original surveyors’ monuments (see entry
for Sawyer and McBroom 1876), they determined that the Location contained 90,426 acres
(36,593 ha)–8,844 acres (3,579 ha) less than found by the original survey. They could not
ind many of the original corners; they also noted that the irst surveyors had marked many
of the grant boundary lines by blazing trees.
Douglass’ concluding “General Description” states:
The Baca Location No. 1 lies in the heart of the Jemez Mountains. In the main, it
comprises three intermountain valleys, namely: Valle Grande, Valle Santa Rosa and
Valle San Antonio. The mountain ridges towering above the valleys, from one to two
thousand feet [305–915 m], wall in a quadrangle approximately twelve miles square
[31 sq km], and roughly deine the boundaries of the grant. The interspace is by no
means level, but broken by lesser hills, is impassable for wagons, except along the
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favored routes shown on the plat. Four important streams rise in this area. The Río
Jemez drains the Valle Grande. The Río San Antonio with its tributaries, La Jara and
Indian Creeks drain the other two valleys. At the South East corner of the grant, rises
the Rito de los Frijoles; near the NE. Cor. Rises the Santa Clara Creek. All streams
are tributaries of the Río Grande.
The soil of the valleys is a rich black loam, which may be classed as irst rate. At
many points in the higher lands the soil is almost as good. This coupled with a
copious supply of moisture, produces a heavy growth of grass, making the grant ideal
for grazing purposes. The lands, perhaps, have other agricultural values, especially
that in the lower valleys, but the high altitude, a mean of about 9,000 ft. [2,744 m]
above sea level, tends to prevent the maturing of crops.
The ridges, densely timbered with ir and spruce, and considerable pine, give good
timber values.
The mineral values of the grant are unknown, with the exception of valuable mineral
springs of sulphur, magnesia, alum and iron on the west boundary of the grant. Just
west of the line is a mineral resort, known as Sulphur Springs. The outcropping stone
indicated that gold, silver and copper may be found in these hills.
The grant is without permanent habitation. During the summer months, the owners
maintain a cattle ranch, and near the SE. Cor. is a dairy ranch. The members of both
ranches leave before winter sets in. In the valleys to the south and West without the
bounds of the grant, permanent settlements are found, where the lands appear to be
cultivated with a proit.
The grant may be reached from the following railway points: Buckman and Espanola
on the D. and R. G. Ry., and Domingo and Bernalillo on the A. T. and S. F. Ry. The
Espanola and Bernalillo routes are the most feasible for a wagon. (p. 83)
Dozier, Edward P.
1970 Pueblo Indians of North America. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc.
Dozier, a Santa Clara Pueblo native and trained anthropologist, provides an invaluable
overview of Pueblo society, social organization, religion, history, and subsistence. Because
he explains the historical record from the Pueblo point of view, his account makes it possible
to understand the Pueblo reaction to and accommodation of the Spanish colonial invasion
that began in the sixteenth century and led to the creation of contemporary New Mexican
society.
Dozier discusses contact, the seventeenth century in New Mexico, the Pueblo Revolt, and its
aftermath.
Dunmire, William W., and Gail D. Tierney
1995 Wild Plants of the Pueblo Province: Exploring Ancient and Enduring Uses. Santa Fe:
Museum of New Mexico Press.
This volume is an invaluable summary of the ethnobotany of the 19 Pueblos (Ácoma,
Cochití, Isleta, Jémez, Laguna, Nambé, Picurís, Pojoaque, San Felipe, Sandia, San Ildefonso,
San Juan, Santa Ana, Santa Clara, Santo Domingo, Taos, Tesuque, Zía, and Zuni) of New
Mexico. This study is an essential resource for evaluating the cultural signiicance of native
plants in the VCNP.
The authors provide accessible discussions of the region’s natural environmental diversity,
the Pueblos’ history and culture from pre-Columbian to contemporary times, the recognition
of native lora as living cultural artifacts, and informative ethnobotanical overviews of
commonly used tree, shrub, grass, grasslike, and herbaceous plant species.
Dunmire, William W., and Gail D. Tierney
1997 Wild Plants and Native Peoples of the Four Corners. Santa Fe: Museum of New
Mexico Press.
As a complementary volume to their study, Wild Plants of the Pueblo Province: Exploring
Ancient and Enduring Uses (see entry for Dunmire and Tierney 1995), the authors provide
excellent introductions to the ethnobotany of the pre-Columbian Pueblo, and the Historic
period Hopi, Navajo, Ute Mountain Ute, and Jicarilla peoples of the Four Corners region.
They again provide readable, informative discussions of the region’s natural environment,
the Pueblos’ pre-Columbian history, the recognition of native lora as living cultural
artifacts, and informative ethnobotanical overviews of commonly used tree, shrub, grass, and
herbaceous plant species.
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Dutton, Bertha P.
1938 The Jemez Mountain Region. El Palacio 44:141–142.
In this travel guide, Dutton describes a trip from Coronado State Monument on Highway 44
to San Ysidro, then on Highway 12 through Jémez Pueblo and north and east into the Valle
Grande. Boyd’s Ranch is just outside the southeastern rim of the caldera. Dutton describes
the caldera, formed by volcanic eruptions, as eighteen miles [29 km] long and twelve miles
[19 km] across. She says that several permanent watercourses originate in the valley, and
notes that “during the past century, when the U.S. Army had its headquarters in Santa Fe,
they maintained a wagon road to El Valle Grande and there cut the hay necessary for their
animal consumption” (p. 142).
Dutton, Bertha P.
1952 Highlights of the Jemez Region…With Notes on What To See and What To Do There...
El Palacio 59:131–156.
This entry updates Dutton’s (1938) article. Dutton now names the Triple H Ranch just
outside the southeastern rim of the caldera. She also states that “hundreds of sheep and cattle
are grazed” in the Valle Grande. Otherwise the entry has not changed from that of 1938.
Dutton describes the Valle Grande:
Past the Triple H Ranch a short distance, one skirts the southeastern rim of El
Valle Grande, also spoken of as the great Jémez Crater, where, according to some
geologists, late Tertiary volcanic lows and tuffs were belched forth from the earth
to extend down the slopes in every direction, in places thousands of feet thick. The
eruption, or eruptions, caused a great basin or caldera to be formed, eighteen miles
[29 km] in length and twelve miles [19 km] across. Several small streams derive their
source from the waters which accumulate there. Stately trees outline the rim, and tall,
luxuriant grasses grow in the basin, where hundreds of sheep and cattle are grazed.
During the past century the U.S. Army, when it had its headquarters in Santa Fe,
maintained a wagon road to El Valle Grande, and there cut the hay necessary for their
animal consumption. (pp. 154–155; emphasis in the original]
Elsewhere, Dutton describes the summits that bound the Valle Grande. Notably, she
mistakenly identiies Pelado and Redondo as separate peaks. (Dutton seems to follow
Harrington [1916:125] and Ellis [1974:166] in equating Pelado with Tsikumu [a.k.a. Cerro
Chicoma], the Tewa Mountain of the West.)
Conspicuous are the rounded domes of Pelado, Redondo, and other high peaks of the
Jémez Mountains, ranging from 10,000 to 11,266 feet [3,049–3,435 m] in elevation.
They are bald on the south sides and timbered on the north. (p. 154; emphasis in the
original)
Edleman, Sandra A.
1979 San Ildefonso Pueblo. In Southwest. Alfonso Ortiz, ed. Pp. 278–295. Vol. 9 of
Handbook of North American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed. Washington, DC:
Smithsonian Institution.
This article provides a concise overview of the anthropology and history of San Ildefonso
Pueblo.
Edleman, Sandra A., and Alfonso Ortiz
1979 Tesuque Pueblo. In Southwest. Alfonso Ortiz, ed. Pp. 330–335. Vol. 9 of Handbook
of North American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed. Washington, DC: Smithsonian
Institution.
This article provides a concise overview of the anthropology and history of Tesuque Pueblo.
Ellis, Florence Hawley
1956 Anthropological Evidence Supporting the Land Claim of the Pueblos of Zia, Santa
Ana, and Jemez. Santa Fe: Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico.
Unpublished MS.
Ellis provides cultural-historical evidence that the Pueblos of Zía, Santa Ana, and Jémez
traditionally occupied geographic territories that far exceeded their present-day land
holdings. With respect to the Valles Caldera locality, Ellis writes,
The area around Mt. Pelado [a.k.a. Cerro Redondo], for example, formerly was a
headquarters district for herding; there are evidences of old camps and corrals with
potsherds. The area likewise was considered sacred for some distance around
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Mt. Pelado because on the peak was one of their most sacred shrines. The Baca
location, nearby, was a shrine, a center of eagle and big game hunting, and later an
area for herding horses. (p. 56)
More generally, Ellis adds,
There were speciic places, miles from the present pueblos, from which to collect paint
materials, red, blue, black, and yellow, as well as petriied wood, obsidian, basalt,
sandstone, volcanic tuff, and the many types of stone and minerals used in making
implements and pottery. There were springs, water holes, washes dammed with lines
of stone to produce garden patch areas. And inally there were the many sacred spots,
shrines to which groups must go for ceremonies especially pertinent to them, or where
certain persons must go periodically to deposit prayer offerings. Many of these were
springs, because water is especially sacred to these people. Some were caves, some
prominent mesa-hills. (pp. 56–57)
Deer were hunted in the high country north and west of the pueblos; antelope were
hunted in the plains east of Mesa Prieta; shrines involved with the ceremonies
necessary for such activities were caves and springs within the areas. On such hunts
the three pueblos customarily went together, each taking its turn at directing the
hunting and conducting the requisite ceremonies in a cave in that area still marked
with an eagle on its ceiling…When the Pueblos acquired locks and herds, their
oficers exercised similar care in directing where they should be pastured, so that the
grass would not be eaten down too far in any one spot. Their big hunting and grazing
areas bear witness to this former land use in that large and small geographic features
were given names, which people know still, so that districts within them might be
designated by the war captains as hunting or herding spots for speciic periods.
(pp. 57–58)
Ellis, Florence Hawley
1964 A Reconstruction of the Basic Jemez Pattern of Social Organization, with Comparisons
to Other Tanoan Social Structures. Publications in Anthropology 11. Albuquerque:
University of New Mexico Press.
Ellis’ study is concerned with what the social structure of the modern Pueblos can contribute
to the problem of evaluating the relation between the archaeologically visible settlements
in pre-Columbian culture areas and the contemporary communities. In her review of the
organization of Jémez Pueblo societies and cults, she provides several useful observations
for assessing the ethnographic signiicance of the Valles Caldera landscape.
The Underworld Chiefs Society, consisting ideally of 12 members, is a highly secretive
organization that relies heavily on seclusion.
Their name refers to their relationships with the underworld. They use underground
chambers, such as hidden caves beneath waterfalls or high in the mountains, for
initiations, and shrines, although their meetings are held in the home of their chief in
the village. Springs or lagoons, the home of their patron, the plumed serpent, also are
used as places of initiation, for the society members are supposed to associate with
the supernaturals of the underworld in springs and caves and to prophesy the future
for the pueblo, on the basis of what they have seen below the water or on the walls or
loors of caves, or of what they have heard in such underground contacts. (p. 32)
Ellis, Florence Hawley
1974 Navajo Indians I: An Anthropological Study of the Navajo Indians. New York:
Garland Publishing.
In her discussion of Navajo holy places and shrines, Ellis states, “Mt. Pelado, highest peak
in the Jemez range, is visited by Zia, Jemez, Santa Ana, San Felipe, Santo Domingo, Cochiti,
and the Tewa Pueblos north of Santa Fe; all leave offerings here” (p. 157). She adds that
some of the Pueblos’ corpus mountains of cardinal direction, such as Mount Pelado,
claim one or the other of these mountains as boundary markers, and in some cases
it is apparent that such a high peak, like any other outstanding natural feature,
could well serve as a marker between two tribal territories or even as a corner
indicating where more than two came together. But it is also apparent that all the
tribes which deposit offerings on the top of such a mountain cannot possibly claim
the entire mountain. A tribe might own the side closest to the rest of its own domain,
or it might not lay claim to any more of the physical body of the mountain but only
to a recognized right to deposit offerings upon it, that right presumably having come
into being through permission of other users of the peak or simply through lack of
prohibition of such use by other users. (pp. 157–158; emphasis in the original)
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The Navajo claim that Mount Pelado, as well as Mount Taylor and the San Francisco
Mountains, is holy to their people. Ellis observes that this belief apparently is not native to
Navajo belief; rather, she states, “It deinitely is a Pueblo concept and the presence of the
concept among the Navajo and Jicarilla Apache presumably is the result of borrowing from
the pueblos” (p. 158).
Ellis, Florence Hawley
1994 Pueblo Religious Patterns, Especially Types of Shrines and Areas for Collecting
Herbs and Other Religious Necessities. Andrea Hawley Ellis, ed. In Artifacts, Shrines,
and Pueblos: Papers in Honor of Gordon Page. Meliha S. Duran and David T.
Kirkpatrick, eds. Pp. 101–112. Archaeological Society of New Mexico 20. Albuquerque:
Archaeological Society of New Mexico.
This paper is a reiteration of a classiied document bearing the same title that Florence
Hawley Ellis and Andrea Ellis Dodge submitted at court on behalf of the Public Service
Company and the Bureau of Indian Affairs. The published essay is a modiied version of
the introduction to a court document concerning speciic areas identiied by the Pueblos of
San Juan, San Ildefonso, and Santa Clara that should be avoided during the construction of
a proposed high-voltage power line across the Jémez Mountains. This work is important
because it provides a variety of contextual information for understanding Pueblo statements
regarding the sanctity of places on their ethnographic landscapes that community members
identify as possessing special, fragile qualities.
The article is useful for its review of the topic of religious privacy. Ellis identiies the general
Pueblo belief “that, if their religious concepts and rituals are divulged to outsiders, those
facets lose power” (p. 101). In her discussion of the basic tenets of Pueblo religion, Ellis
further explains the dificult situation posed when persons from outside a cultural community
ask for explanations of religious belief and faith:
the old Pueblo concept contends that if one freely “gives away his religion” (lets it be
known) to outsiders, it no longer holds as much strength. They recognize that, as any
secret ceases to hold its mystery, it also becomes emasculated, losing its power, and
thus becomes useless. (p. 103)
In her discussion of shrines and other special power points on the Pueblos’ ethnographic
landscapes, Ellis offers several other observations that contribute greatly to the article’s
usefulness:
Shrines clearly are central to the practice of Pueblo religion, whether located within
the village or at a distance. (p. 104)
Communication with Earth Mothers and other types of…[supernatural beings]…is
primarily through shrines. They are locations where the spirits are believed to be at
hand, or possibly live, thus a shrine area may be small like a sipapu in a kiva or quite
large. (p. 103)
Shrines that have fallen out of present use remain sacred and revered, since each
shrine is like a telephone receiver, whose line communicates with the supernatural
switchboard even when rarely employed. Each shrine contains a sacred power to be
respected and never desecrated. (p. 104)
Ellis notes that desecration of shrines and other places of great cultural signiicance to
Pueblo communities can occur even when a proposed land-altering activity is underlain by
the best intentions. Modiications to improve a locality, such as the cementing of a spring to
enhance the low of water, might represent a profane contamination of a sacred locality that
renders a place—and its resources—”entirely unusable in a ritual context” (p. 110).
Importantly, Ellis adds that within the Pueblos’ views of their worlds, the physical visitation
of places held with reverence on their ethnographic landscapes is not a precondition for
maintaining the special, reverent quality of a place. She reports that shrines “may be directly
addressed from afar by reverently placing ones [sic] thoughts in the location of the distant
shrine or by visiting its…substitute” (p. 105) located closer to home or in a less public
location. Moreover, buffer areas that are “necessarily and consistently” (p. 110) free from
trespass are required to maintain the sanctity of power points on the Pueblos’ ethnographic
landscapes.
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Elmore, Francis H.
1944 Ethnobotany of the Navajo. Monographs 8. Santa Fe, NM: School of American
Research.
Elmore documents several plants found in the Valles Caldera area that have economic,
social or cultural value to the Navajo. Examples include sorrel (Rumex sp.) and willow
(Salix sp.) as foods, blue lag (Iris missouriensis) as a dye, piñon (Pinus edulis) and quaking
aspen (Populus tremuloides) as fuelwoods, and woods rose (Rosa woodsii) and nightshade
(Solanum ptycanthum) as medicines.
Farrer, Claire R.
1991 Living Life’s Circle: Mescalero Apache Cosmovision. Albuquerque: University of New
Mexico Press.
This volume gives the reader a remarkable and highly useful discussion of Mescalero
Apache cosmology. Farrer shows how a seemingly simple metaphor—a quartered circle—
represents the richly textured and multilayered idea of life in balance (pp. 26–32, 60–61).
Farrer maintains that the base metaphor provides “an ever and predictable order that in its
very existence speaks eloquently of the harmonious universe of Creation” (p. 69). Four
fundamental themes—the number four, the complementarity inherent in the relationship
between sound and silence, the dialectical correlation intrinsic in directionality, and the ideal
of maintaining balance and harmony throughout the cosmos—help explicate the structure
of Apache world view and the organization of people’s behavior in their day-to-day lives.
Farrer suggests further that to understand the genesis of the base metaphor in Mescalero
Apache ideation, and the consequent value that the people place on this idea, illuminates
aspects of highly patterned behavior among Athapaskan groups generally.
Farrer also includes an informative summary of Mescalero Apache history in an appendix.
Farrer, Claire R.
1992 “…By You They Will Know the Directions to Guide Them”: Stars and Mescalero
Apaches. In Earth and Sky: Visions of the Cosmos in Native American Folklore. Ray
A. Williamson and Claire R. Farrer, eds. Pp. 67–74. Albuquerque: University of New
Mexico Press.
Farrer uses this short, poetic article on Mescalero Apache ethnoastronomy to examine some
of the potent ways in which the earth and sky are linked and how the people perceive and
assign meanings in the patterns of the stars to structure their daily thought and to organize
their activities. In so doing, Farrer provides the reader with additional examples of the power
of the base metaphor (a seemingly simple quartered circle motif) in understanding key
aspects of Apache cultural patterning.
Ferguson, T. J.
2002 Western Pueblos and the Petroglyph National Monument: A Preliminary Assessment
of the Cultural Landscapes of Ácoma, Laguna, Zuni, and Hopi. In “That Place People
Talk About”: The Petroglyph National Monument Ethnographic Landscape Report,
by Kurt F. Anschuetz, T. J. Ferguson, Harris Francis, Klara B. Kelley, and Cherie
L. Scheick. Pp. 4.1–4.24. Community and Cultural Landscape Contribution VIII.
Prepared for: National Park Service, Petroglyph National Monument, Albuquerque,
New Mexico, NPS Contract No. 14431CX712098003 (RGF 109B). Santa Fe, NM: Río
Grande Foundation for Communities and Cultural Landscapes.
Ferguson reviews some of the landscape features important to the Ácoma, Hopi, Laguna,
and Zuni. He offers valuable discussion about the cultural context and importance of shrines,
volcanoes and lava, trails, plants, animals, and vistas. He also addresses community concerns
about the protection and management of these features.
Ferguson, T. J., and E. Richard Hart
1985 A Zuni Atlas. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
Ferguson and Hart compiled this atlas from anthropological and historical research
undertaken for litigation of Zuni land claims. The atlas documents 234 land use sites,
including shrines, ancestral villages, and resource collection areas. Most but not all
occur within the Zuni claim area, which extends from Mount Taylor in the east to the
San Francisco Peaks in the west, and from the Río Puerco of the East in the north to the
Mogollon uplands in the south.
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Three maps show four Zuni sites within or near the Valles Caldera. These are Map 15—
Traditional Zuni Hunting Area (Site 31), Map 16—Traditional Zuni Plant Collection Area
(Sites 31 and 93), and Map 18—Traditional Zuni Religious Use Area (sites 31, 48, 93, and
94). (Note: Additional Zuni cultural sites are on the east side of the Jémez Mountains where
they are in proximity to the Río Grande Valley.
Site 31 (He:mushina Yala:we) is in the Jémez Mountains at the southwest margin of the
Valles Caldera. The Zuni gathered medicinal herbs, collected white powder medicine,
hunted, and obtained materials used in kiva initiations at this location. In addition,
He:mushina Yala:we is a place name mentioned in medicine prayers (p. 127).
Site 48 (K’ya:k’yałna’ K’ya:kwayinna) is near the southwest rim of the Valles Caldera. The
Zuni traditionally collected mud and silt at this place, which also serves as a shrine area (p.
127).
Site 93 (Dahna K’ohanna) is near San Ysidro and represents a location where the Zuni
harvested Apache plume and mountain mahogany and collected sand and clays. The Zuni
also associate Dahna K’ohanna with the Nadir Kiva, with the Longhorn visiting this place
annually (p. 129).
Site 94 (Ts’iya’a:wa) is along the southern edge of the Jémez Mountain range. The people
visit this location as a ritual area for prayer offerings (p. 129).
Fewkes, J. Walter
1896 A Contribution to Ethnobotany. American Anthropologist 9:14–21.
Fewkes states that the Hopi eat several genera of milkweed (Asclepias sp. and Astragalus
sp.), horsetail (Equisetum sp.), and currant (Ribes cereum) found growing in the VCNP. In
addition, he notes that the Navajo use Androsace sp. for medicine.
Ford, Karen Cowan
1975 Las Yerbas de la Gente: A Study of Hispano-American Medicinal Plants.
Anthropological Papers 50. Ann Arbor, MI: Museum of Anthropology, University of
Michigan.
This exhaustive compendium of 862 plants provides a baseline inventory of Hispanic
medicinal folklore. Included are 62 genera that grow in the VCNP.
Ford, Richard I.
1992 An Ecological Analysis Involving the Population of San Juan Pueblo. New York:
Garland Publishing.
This classic study in Pueblo ethnobotany examines the web of interrelationships that the
San Juan Tewa maintain with the broad suite of domestic cultigens and native plants that
they recognize as possessing economic, social, and cultural value. Plants growing in the
VCNP that the San Juan use exclusively for food include parsley (Cymopterus sp.), peavine
(Lathyrus sp.), mallow (Malva sp.), and penstemon (Penstemon sp.). The inventory of
plants with varied food and medicinal uses include native onion (Allium sp.), bearberry
(Arctostaphylos uva), milkweed (Asclepias sp.), and goosefoot (Chenopodium sp.). Other
plants with medicinal properties include thistle (Cirsium sp.), buckweat (Eriogonum sp.),
many-lowered stickseed (Hackelia loribunda), native mint (Mentha sp.), ponderosa pine
(Pinus ponderosa), Gambel oak (Quercus gambelii), native rose (Rosa sp.), and several dock
and sorrel species (Rumex sp.). Ford also reports the San Juan Tewa use of New Mexico
locust (Robinia neomexicana) for making wood tools and use of quaking aspen (Populus
tremuloides) for construction and fuel.
Ford, Richard I., Albert H. Schroeder, and Stewart L. Peckham
1972 Three Perspectives on Puebloan Prehistory. In New Perspectives on the Pueblos.
Alfonso Ortiz, ed. Pp. 19–39. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
The authors use archaeological evidence to argue that Towa peoples ancestral to Jémez
Pueblo irst “moved into the mountainous Jemez country” (p. 25) from the Gallina region
by a.d. 1250. They state, “Jemez B/W pottery is a direct descendant of the carbon painted
Gallina B/W pottery, and where lithic artifacts and similarities in burial practice further
support the connection” (p. 25).
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Fowler, Catherine S.
1986 Subsistence. In Great Basin. Warren L. D’azevedo, ed. Pp. 64–97. Vol. 11 of Handbook
of North American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed. Washington, DC: Smithsonian
Institution.
Fowler reports that the Ute use Woods rose (Rosa woodsii), which grows in the VCNP, as a
medicine.
Friedlander, Eva, and Pamela J. Pinyan
1980 Indian Use of the Santa Fe National Forest: A Determination From Ethnographic
Sources. Ethnohistorical Report Series 1. Albuquerque, NM: Center for
Anthropological Studies.
This small publication provides an introductory overview of documentary sources discussing
the use of the Santa Fe National Forest by the culturally diverse Indian communities of the
region. In their introduction, the authors note, “In addition to a general reluctance on the part
of the Indians to reveal information considered private, including often sacred and secret
place names, ethnographic research for the most part does not necessarily concern itself with
the exact location of hunting, ishing, and gathering spots or ritual sites” (p. 2).
Friedlander and Pinyan identify two Pueblo uses of the Valles Caldera in igure 9 (“Known
use areas of major resources in the study area”); they identify Redondo Peak as a “Religious
Use Area” and identify a San Ildefonso Pueblo pigment resource area at the northeast margin
of the Valles. Without citing any source, they state, “One of the most important shrines of the
Jemez Indians is located on the Peak of Mount Pelado [a.k.a. Cerro Redondo]. The mountain
and its surrounding area are considered highly sacred. At one time this used to be a favorite
area for herding” (p. 28). Friedlander and Pinyan (pp. 20, 23) cite Guthe’s (1925) study of
San Ildefonso pottery as their source for their identiication of a site for the procurement of
a “rare yellow stone” (p. 23) used for making blackware paint. They do not mention Guthe’s
statement that San Ildefonso potters also obtained an orange-red slip from the same Valles
Caldera vicinity.
Although they do not speciically mention the Valles Caldera and its mountain peaks,
Friedlander and Pinyan offer valuable insights into how the Jémez and Zía pueblos
incorporated the nearby high-altitude settings into their ceremonial lives.
Retreats into the mountains are an important part of ritual life here as well. In 1930,
initiation into one of the societies required the shamans from several pueblos to go
into the mountains and gather soapweed (yucca) whips, different kinds of grass, and
oak for use in the ceremony. For their summer retreats the societies go to collect
decorative material for the ceremonial chamber: spruce or pinon tree boughs, willow
branches for prayersticks, oak for kicksticks, if a race is involved, and waterworn
pebbles to be placed on sand paintings. (White 1962:172, 232)
Water is especially sacred and many of the shrines are springs where groups go for
ceremonies or where individuals visit periodically to deposit prayer offerings. Other
shrines are caves or mesa hills. Although most of these are off reservation territory,
they are visited secretly and people lament having lost them. (p. 28)
Lastly, Friedlander and Pinyan make the important observation that the locations of shrines
and gathering areas among the Zía, Jémez, and Santa Ana Pueblos often overlapped and that
the people of these communities together conducted many activities, such as hunting (p. 28;
see entry for Ellis 1956).
Fry, Gary F., and H. Johnson Hall
1986 Human Coprolites. In Archaeological Investigations at Antelope House. Don P. Morris,
ed. Pp. 165–188. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park
Service.
Fry and Hall offer archaeological evidence of the pre-Columbian Pueblo use of broadleaf
yucca (Yucca baccata), a species that grows in the VCNP, for food.
Gill, Sam D.
1983 Navajo Views of Their Origin. In Southwest. Alfonso Ortiz, ed. Pp. 502–505. Vol. 10
of Handbook of North American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed. Washington, DC:
Smithsonian Institution.
Gill provides a useful general summary of Navajo origin mythology. He argues that while
there are numerous, widely varying stories of cosmic creation and the origin of the Navajo,
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the accounts in his article are central to understanding the world view of the people. “The
order and character of the world and of the place of human beings in that world, including
their relationships with one another and with all other living things, is deined in these
stories” (p. 505). By extension, these stories also establish the principles by which the
Navajo deine their relationship with the physical geography, including the VCNP, of the
world in which they live.
Gill provides an illustration of the Navajo Holy Mountain of the East. Rendered by
Harrison Begay, a Navajo artist, the work, titled “East Mountain,” is one of a set of four
paintings, each of which represents a cardinal mountain of direction. Drawing on traditional
mythologies similar to those recorded by Matthews (1897:78–79), Begay depicts the male
and female inner forms of the mountain (p. 503). These supernatural beings are sprinkling
pollen on the two pigeon eggs placed on the peak’s summit by First Man and First Woman.
White shells, corn, and lightning decorate the mountain. A bolt of lightning, represented by a
black band motif common in sandpaintings, fastens the peak to the earth.
Glasock, Michael D., Raymond Kunselman, and Daniel Wolfman
1999 Intrasource Chemical Differentiation of Obsidian in the Jemez Mountains and Taos
Plateau, New Mexico. Journal of Archaeological Science 26:861–868.
This study reports the indings of instrumental neutron activation and X-ray luorescence
analyses for sourcing obsidian from northern New Mexico, including the Valles Caldera of
the Jémez Mountains. The authors undertook this study because of the long recognition that
northern New Mexican obsidian was “one of the most important sources of lithic resources
for the prehistoric [and possibly also the early historic] peoples of the American Southwest
and the Southern Great Plains” (p. 861). The article provides some references for discussions
of pre-Columbian trade networks.
Goddard, Pliny Earle
1933 Navajo Texts. Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History
34(1):1–179. New York: American Museum of Natural History.
Goddard, in his retelling of the Navajo story The Emergence, identiies “sisnadjinne,” the
Holy Mountain of the East, as Pelado Peak (p. 11). He translates this name as “Blackbelt.”
Goff, Fraser
2002 Geothermal Potential of Valles Caldera, New Mexico. Geo-Heat Center Bulletin
23(4):7-12. Klamath Falls: Oregon Institute of Technology.
After years of work and expense, investigators have proven only 20 Mwe of geothermal
reservoir capacity in the Valles Caldera. Estimates of undeveloped capacity range as high
as 1,000 Mwe, but these approximations remain unsubstantiated. The shallow heat with the
Valles rocks is vast; however, extraction of large quantities of hot luids from these rocks has
proven dificult (p. 10).
Goff, Fraser E., and Stephen L. Bolivar
1983 Field Trip Guide to the Valles Caldera and Its Geothermal Systems. Tech. Rep. LA9963-OBES. Los Alamos, NM: Los Alamos National Laboratory.
This guide is based on ield trips led by the authors. The original guide was created to
accompany a workshop held in Los Alamos in 1982 for the Continental Scientiic Drilling
Program. The guide describes a one-way trip of about 90 miles (144 km).
The guide discusses the volcanic geology of the Valles Caldera. A few notes on recent
historic events include the drilling of some 20 geothermal wells in the Redondo Creek area
in the period 1970–1982 (p. 30), the destruction of the Sulphur Springs resort by ire “several
years ago” (p. 32), and the Fenton Hill Hot Dry Rock demonstration project designed and
built by Los Alamos National Laboratory (p. 39).
The report notes heavy logging on Cerro Santa Rosa, Cerro del Abrigo, and Cerro del Medio
(p. 22).
Goff, Fraser, and Jamie N. Gardner
1988 Valles Caldera Region, New Mexico, and the Emerging Continental Scientiic Drilling
Program. Journal of Geophysical Research 93(B6):5997–5999.
This article briely summarizes early research activities.
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John Wesley Powell irst described the rocks of the Jémez Mountains region during
reconnaissance work performed in the 1880s (see entry for Powell 1961 below). The region
was known at the time as the Tewan Plateau. Powell recognized it as an extensive volcanic
ield that had erupted many types of volcanic rocks, including voluminous deposits of ash.
Iddings (1890) presented petrographic and chemical data for some of Powell’s samples
including Bandelier Tuff and some quartz-bearing basalts.
Gold claims were irst staked in the Cochití Mining District in the southeast Jémez
Mountains in 1893. The two largest mines, the Lone Star and Albemarle, produced ore from
quartz veins in altered volcanic rocks primarily from 1897 to 1903 and from 1914 to 1916
(see entry for L. C. Graton 1910). About 185,000 tons (187,968,678 kg) of ore grading about
0.2 ounce per ton (6 mg/kg) gold and 4 ounces per ton (124 mg/kg) silver have been mined
from the district, “but only recently have workers realized that the deposit was formed in an
earlier hydrothermal system of the Jemez Mountains volcanic ield” (p. 5997).
C. S. Ross of the U.S. Geological Survey irst began surveys in the Jémez Mountains in the
1920s (p. 5997; see entry for Ross 1931).
In the mid-1940s, Ross returned to the area to continue geologic mapping and volcanic
studies with R. L. Smith, and again in 1954 with R. A. Bailey (p. 5997). These investigations
resulted in a series of papers on ash low tuffs, eruption mechanisms, ring dikes, resurgent
cauldrons, and ash low magmatism (see also entries by Ross and Smith 1961; Smith et al.
1961; Smith and Bailey 1966, 1968; and Smith 1979).
The irst geothermal well to be drilled in the Valles Caldera (in 1960) was not intended
as such; it was an oil test on the west lank of the resurgent dome. The Westates–Bond 1
well struck superheated water (about 392 °F or 200 °C) at shallow depths (see entry for
Dondanville 1971). Three more wells were drilled in the 1960s in the same general area.
Unocal drilled its irst well (Baca 4) in the resurgent dome in 1970. Twenty more wells were
drilled before the project ended in 1984. Because the Department of Energy (DOE) provided
funding to the project, its results are public, forming “one of the most extensive, publicly
available data bases of any drilled caldera system in the world” (p. 5997).
The irst hot dry rock (HDR) geothermal experiments were performed on the west margin of
the Valles Caldera (see also entry for Goff and Janik 2002:300). Four deep wells were drilled
to depths as great as 7.2 miles (4.5 km) to determine whether electricity could be generated
commercially from a built reservoir. High development costs and continuing low prices for
fossil fuels inally ended this project in 1998 (see also entry for Goff and Janik 2002:300).
In the 1980s the Valles Caldera became a locus of investigations of processes in magmatism,
hydrothermal systems, and ore deposit mechanisms. The DOE’s Ofice of Basic Energy
Sciences sponsored investigations that led to papers describing the hydrothermal system; the
collapse, resurgence, and location of calderas; the evolution of volcanism and tectonics; and
the geophysical structure of the caldera (pp. 5997–5998).
Goff, Fraser, and Cathy J. Janik
2002 Gas Geochemistry of the Valles Caldera Region, New Mexico and Comparisons
with Gases at Yellowstone, Long Valley and Other Geothermal Systems. Journal of
Volcanology and Geothermal Research 116:299–323.
Approximately 40 deep exploration and research wells were drilled in the Valles Caldera in
the period 1959–1983, deining a small, but hot (572 °F [300 °C]), neutral-chloride, liquiddominated geothermal system (p. 300). “The system proved to be too small in volume for
economic development” (p. 301).
The irst hot dry rock (HDR) geothermal experiments were performed on the west margin of
the Valles Caldera (p. 300). Four deep wells were drilled to depths as great as 7.2 miles
(4.5 km) to determine whether electricity could be generated commercially from a built
reservoir. High development costs and continuing low prices for fossil fuels inally ended
this project in 1998 (p. 300).
“The HDR concept was developed and tested in Precambrian crystalline rocks beneath the
west margin of the caldera from 1972 to 1998” (p. 302). Cold water was pumped down an
injection well, forced through artiicially fractured reservoir rocks, and extracted from a
nearby production well. The cold water dissolved minerals lining the fractured rocks and
absorbed CO2 and other gases while reaching thermal equilibrium between –256 and 320 °F
(±160 °C). Depth of circulation was greater than 8,200 feet (2.5 km) (pp. 304–305).
Acid-sulfate springs, mud pots, and fumaroles at Sulphur Springs issue from the west side of
the central resurgent dome of Valles Caldera (p. 301).
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Goff, Fraser, Lisa Shevenell, Jamie N. Gardner, Francois-D. Vuataz, and Charles O. Grigsby
1988 The Hydrothermal Outlow Plume of Valles Caldera, New Mexico, and a Comparison
with Other Outlow Plumes. Journal of Geophysical Research 93 (B6):6041–6058.
Two reservoirs have been drilled in the Valles hydrothermal system: the Redondo Creek
reservoir and the Sulphur Springs reservoir. The deep reservoir luids are described as
neutral-chloride; they contain about 16 to 58 ounces per ton (500–1,800 mg/kg) total
dissolved solids (TDS). About 6.3 miles (10 km) from the Valles Caldera, two sets of
neutral-chloride hot springs discharge along the pre-caldera Jémez fault zone at Soda Dam
and Jémez Springs. These springs have strong chemical similarities to the deep luids within
the caldera. The conclusion generally drawn from this is that a hydrothermal outlow plume
travels out of the caldera in the subsurface along the Jémez fault zone and within adjacent
sedimentary rocks toward the springs (p. 6041).
Gregg, Josiah
1954 [1844] Commerce of the Prairies 2 vols. Max L. Moorhead ed. Norman: University of
Oklahoma Press. (Originally published Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott).
Based on Gregg’s travels on the Great Plains, this is the best known of the hundreds of
eyewitness descriptions of the Santa Fe Trail. Between 1831 and 1840 Gregg traveled from
Missouri to New Mexico and back four times, and also visited the Mexican interior states.
Gregg pioneered the shorter Santa Fe Trail route on the Canadian River in 1839.
Gregg offers this description of the original Luis María Baca Grant as he saw it in 1832:
At Gallinas creek, we found a large lock of sheep grazing upon the adjacent plain;
while a little hovel at the foot of a cliff showed it to be a rancho. A swarthy ranchero
soon made his appearance, from whom we procured a treat of goat’s milk, with some
dirty ewe’s milk ‘curdle cheese’ to supply the place of bread. (pp. 76–77)
The ranchero was a Baca, possibly Tomás, Luis María’s son. This ranch is on the Río
Gallinas 20 miles (32 km) from Mora Creek. Moorhead notes that the house described here
was the irst structure in what became Las Vegas (Old Town).
Grubbs, Frank H.
1960–1962 Frank Bond: Gentleman Sheepherder of Northern New Mexico. New Mexico
Historical Review 35:168–99; 35:293–309; 36:128–58, 230–243, 274–345; 37:43–71.
Grubbs describes the 1906 organization of the G. W. Bond and Brothers Mercantile
Company and the Bond and Nohl Company, both of which operated out of Española. Their
highest proits in wool and sheep were achieved in 1909 and 1912. G. W. Bond and Brothers
Company established partido arrangements throughout the region. They sustained heavy
losses of sheep in the severe winter of 1914–1915.
Guthe, Carl E.
1925 Pueblo Pottery Making: A Study at the Village of San Ildefonso. Papers of the Phillips
Academy Southwestern Expedition 2. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Guthe identiies the Valles Caldera as a source for orange-red slip and black ware paint made
at San Ildefonso. He identiies the location, procurement, and use of these resources:
Orange Red Slip
This substance is a yellow clayey earth, in texture somewhat like the two white slips.
It occurs in the “Valle” to the west, beyond the irst Jemez range, near Ojo Caliente.
It was dug with a stick…and is carried home in shawls and bags. Before being stored
it is put out into the sun to dry thoroughly, then placed in ollas and kept until needed.
Like the other slips, it is prepared for use by being mixed with water. A saturated
solution is made, but the consistency remains that of water.
This material, which in solution is a brilliant yellow, is used for two purposes—as a
slip to color the bases of bowls and ollas, and as a paint to supply the red elements
of polychrome designs. After being ired it assumes an orange-red or burnt-sienna
color…
Black Ware Paint
This is a paint used for making matte designs on polished black ware, a new departure
in decorative technique irst used by Maria and Julian Martinez of San Ildefonso, in
June, 1921. The substance is a hard yellow stone, said to occur in the “Valle,” west of
the Jemez range, near Ojo Caliente, in the same district as the orange-red paint.
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The irst step in preparing the paint for use is to scrape the stone with a knife. The
resulting powder is mixed with water, and there is then added about one-fourth as
much dissolved “guaco”…as there is paint. It is said that the purpose of the guaco
is to make the paint “stick” to the polished surface. This paint, when ready for use,
is kept in a small earthenware or china dish. The consistency of the mixture, like the
other paints, is that of water. (pp. 24–25)
Gutiérrez, Ramón A.
1991 When Jesus Came, the Corn Mothers Went Away: Marriage, Sexuality and Power in
New Mexico 1500–1846. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
This social history of New Mexico between 1500 and 1846 analyzes marriage as a means to
a more general understanding of social relations. The discussion of social, legal, and ethnic
relations in the colonial and Mexican periods has general interest.
Gutiérrez’ discussion of economic reform in the period of the Bourbon Reforms (1770s–
1790s) describes the expansion of livestock raising and the livestock trade (Gutiérrez
1991:319–320).
Haile, Father Berard
1938 Origin Legend of the Navajo Enemy Way: Text and Translation. Yale University
Publications in Anthropology 1. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Haile, a renowned student of Navajo ceremonialism and language, deines “sisna·žiní” as
“Horizontal black belt” and states that this translation “is apparently more in harmony with
the true appearance of this mountain, than ‘vertical or downward black belt’” (p. 66). Haile
contends that Blanca Peak of Colorado is the Navajo Holy Mountain of the East, which
normally would place his study outside the geographic scope of interest for the VCNP. In
Sleight’s critical review of the controversy surrounding the identiication of the Navajo Holy
Mountain of the East, Sleight (1950) rebuffs this claim, in part, by using Haile’s own careful
translation of the Navajo name for the Holy Mountain of the East.
On September 8, 1912, Haile visited Blanca Peak, accompanied by his Navajo collaborators,
Slim Curly and River Junction Curly, both of whom were singers from the Leupp, Arizona
area, and his translator, Albert Sandoval. The singers spent the entire day exploring the
peak and gathered soils, various herbs, and stones for later use in ceremonies in the Navajo
homeland. This observation suggests that Navajos making pilgrimages to Redondo Peak
would have gathered similar materials for rituals back home.
Haile, Father Berard
1947 Prayer Stick Cutting in a Five Night Navajo Ceremonial of the Male Branch of
Shootingway. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Haile reports that toward the end of the third day of the Shootingway ceremonial, the singer
recites a prayer for each of the eight sticks that he makes. He recounts the basic prayer and
provides a synoptic summary of additions, including mention of the Jémez Mountains:
Additions to this prayer are concerned with place names of Shootingway and holy
young man: may good conditions come to me from jarring mountain; from rock
extending to the skies…from trees extending up the mountain side…from loating
feather, Jemez range and other Shootingway localities. (p. 170)
Haile, Father Berard
1950 Part One: Legend of the Ghostway Ritual in the Male Branch of Shootingway. Saint
Michaels, AZ: St. Michaels Press.
Haile continues to identify “sisna·žiní” with Blanca Peak in his retelling of the Ghostway
ritual (pp. 112, 114).
Halmo, David B., Richard W. Stofle, and Michael J. Evans
Paitu Nanasuagaindu Pahonupi (Three Sacred Valleys): Cultural Signiicance of Gosiute,
Paiute, and Ute Plants. Human Organization 52(2):142–150.
Halmo and others provide information about the cultural signiicance of six plant taxa
traditionally used by the Ute. These species are Juniperus osteosperma (juniper/cedar),
Opuntia erinacea (Mojave prickly pear), Chrysothamnus nauseosus (rabbitbrush), Artemisia
nova (sagebrush), Ephedra nevadensis (Indian tea), and Artemisia spinescens (budsage).
This discussion provides a basis for building a critical evaluation of the cultural signiicance
that Ute peoples assign to native plants growing within the VCNP.
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Harper, Blanche Wurdack
1929 Notes on Documentary History, the Language, and the Rituals and Customs of the
Jemez Pueblo. Masters Thesis. University of New Mexico, Albuquerque.
This unpublished Masters thesis includes a section on the documentary history of Jémez
Pueblo, a fairly extensive Towa vocabulary, and notes on rituals and customs.
The history section (Section 1) does not mention the Baca Location. Harper states that the
Navajo and Ute, among others, waged “ceaseless war” (Section 1, p. 5) on Jémez Pueblo
after the Pueblo Revolt of 1680.
Harper notes that Jémez Pueblo recognizes holy waters and mountains of direction, but the
people do not have an inventory of cardinal shells, trees, birds, snakes, or Corn Maidens
(Section 2, p. 9). She gives Jémez Pueblo’s Holy North Mountain as Wä΄ v ā mä, which
she translates as “Father of All North Mountains” (Section 2, p. 30). Dā΄ lā shĭng, “Chicken
Mountain,” is just to the north (section 2, p. 31).
The vocabulary includes a name for Vallecito Creek (Wä lǎ tō pǎ wä) and the entry:
The ‘Sulphurs’ 10 miles [16 km] above Jemez Springs: Pă gē ā shō lū nūng (“Place of
the boiling water.” Pǎ: water, Gē ō shō lū: boiling, nūng: place). [Section 2, p. 33)
The Jémez term for “spring” is Pä΄ tē ā shē ō la nūng. (Section 2, p. 39)
Harrington, John Peabody.
1916 The Ethnogeography of the Tewa Indians. In Twenty-Ninth Annual Report of the
Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution,
1907–1908. W. H. Holmes, ed. Pp. 29–636. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing
Ofice.
This volume remains the quintessential work about how Tewa people construct and assign
meaning to their ethnographic landscapes. Because Harrington’s study is a general review
of Tewa ethnogeography, the reader needs to be careful not to apply his indings uncritically
among the different Pueblo linguistic communities; Pueblo landscape constructions are not
uniform cross-culturally. In fact, some contemporary Tewas believe Harrington obscures
important variability in place-name terminology and meaning still exhibited among the six
contemporary Tewa communities.
Yet Harrington’s work gives many valuable insights into the cosmological and cognitive
grammars that organize the Tewas’ view of their natural world and helps structure how they
assign meaning to places in the physical environments contained within their traditional
homelands. This framework, in turn, is useful in evaluating how non-Tewa communities
construct their ethnographic landscapes.
When considered in terms of Tewa cosmography (see pp. 41–52) and meteorology (see
pp. 53–60), Harrington’s study illustrates a highly sophisticated system of interconnected
metaphorical references about the movement of water between the supernatural and natural
worlds of the Tewas’ cosmos. Powerful lessons underlying Harrington’s work include the
ideas that Tewa landscape constructions (1) do not represent disparate spaces that can be
understood in isolation of one another and (2) places are not deined easily by metrical metes
and bounds.
Within this expansive discussion, Harrington documents the Tewa people’s inclusion of the
Valles Caldera within their cultural geographies and landscapes. He reports that the Tewa
gloss the four principal valles, which are known generally to area populations by the Spanish
names of Valle de los Posos [16:45 (p. 264)], Valle de Santa Rosa [16:45 (pp. 264–265)],
Valle Grande [16:131 (p. 276)], and Valle de San Antonio [27:6 (p. 391)], using the terms
(in English translation) “beyond the mountains,” “beyond the western mountains,” and “the
Jemez Mountains.”
Harrington provides some additional detail in his presentation of place names for the Jémez
Region (map 27). Of interest are eight places within the Valles Caldera known to the Tewa:
Wavema [27:4 ], a very large mountain north of the Valle de San Antonio (p. 391)
Valle de Santa Rosa [27:5] (p. 391)
Valle de San Antonio [27:6], a high grassy meadow (p. 391)
Valle Grande [27:7], the principal grassy meadow (p. 391)
Sulphur Springs [27:8], which is known by both the Tewa and the Jémez as the “place of
the boiling water” (p. 391)
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A peak north of Cerro Redondo known by its Jémez name of “chicken hawk mountain”
[27:9] (p. 391)
Cerro Redondo (a.k.a., Cerro Pelado) [27:10], whose Jémez and Cochití names are
variants of “butterly mountain”) (pp. 391–392)
San Antonio Creek [27:11) (pp. 392–393)
Hewett, Edgar J., and Bertha P. Dutton, eds.
1945 The Pueblo Indian World: Studies on the Natural History of the Río Grande Valley in
Relation to Pueblo Indian Culture. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico and School
of American Research.
This useful study discusses the various Pueblo communities’ conceptualizations of the
earth, sky, and world (pp. 20–51). Hewett and Dutton consider the features of Pueblo life
common among all the groups, as well as selected understandings unique to one group. This
accessible work offers much ethnographic detail about how Pueblo communities perceive
and maintain afiliations with their traditional landscapes.
Hill, W. W.
1940
Some Aspects of Navajo Political Structure. Plateau 13(1):23–28.
Hill discusses ritual actions associated with the induction of a headman into ofice during the
Chief Blessingway:
According to Slim Gambler, it was customary for the newly elected man to journey
to the four sacred mountains and plant corn at each one. White corn was planted at
Pelado Peak (Blanco Peak) in the east, yellow corn at Mt. Taylor in the south, blue
corn at the San Francisco Peaks in the west, and variegated corn at the San Juan
Mountains (La Plata Mountains) in the north. (p. 27)
Hill implies that some headman initiates from Navajo communities, which recognized
Redondo Peak as the Holy Mountain of the East, might have ritually planted corn in the
VCNP.
Hill, W. W.
1982 An Ethnology of Santa Clara Pueblo, New Mexico. Charles H. Lange, ed.
Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
Hill reports that three plants growing in the VCNP have use to the Tewa of Santa Clara
Pueblo: Native parsley (Cymopterus sp.) is a medicine, mock-orange (Philadelphus
microphyllus) provides dye, and piñon (Pinus edulis) has medicinal uses.
Hillstrom, Laurie Collier
1998 Ute. In The Gale Encyclopedia of Native American Tribes, vol. 2. Sharon Malinowski
and Anna Sheets, eds. Pp. 38–43. Detroit, IL: Gale.
This article is a brief summary of Ute culture and history. Hillstrom includes a Ute oral
tradition story titled “Smoking Waters” that provides valuable insights into Ute cosmology
and the origins of hot springs.
A long time ago, the people of the mountains lived in peace. The forests and streams
fed them so that they never slept hungry. They were content with their brothers and
sisters. They were safe in the shelter of the mountains.
In time, a restless young man named Many Feathers became chief and things began
to change. Many Feathers ished the streams he had ished before and wished for new
ones. He looked at the sheltering mountain slopes and felt imprisoned. Then when the
old ones told tales of people beyond the mountains, Many Feathers dreamed he wore
the robe of a great chief, a leader of many warriors.
“Our elders say the people beyond the mountains have more horses than they have
children,” Many Feathers exclaimed one day. “If we ight them, their horses can be
ours.”
Some listened.
“Great battles make great heroes. A brave warrior walks in honor on every path,” he
said.
And others listened.
So Many Feathers called a council in the shadow of the mountains and told the old
ones to teach them the war dances of their ancestors. One of the old ones, a medicine
man named Smoking Waters, refused.
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“We are happy here,” said the old man, and his arm swept for-ward, tracing the circle
of surrounding mountains. “The birds of the sky and creatures of the land are our
brothers here,” he said. “We have what we need. We need nothing more.”
“You are afraid, old man!” laughed Many Feathers, mocking him. “Stay in the lodge
with the women and children.”
“My brother speaks with the voice of the North Wind,” responded Smoking Waters
gravely. “As the North Wind brings snow and winter’s death, so you will bring sorrow
and death to our people.”
“I will bring power to our people!” shouted Many Feathers.
Then Many Feathers turned to face his people. “This old man is like the timid rabbit
who runs before he looks,” he cried. “Beat the drums! Dance the war dances! We
shall make ourselves heroes!”
Many Feathers’ words made the hearts of his people proud. They cheered and beat
the drums. When they left the council, the people laughed at the old medicine man and
drove him from the tribe.
The people danced the forgotten war dances. They tightened their bows. They painted
their faces and dressed their hair with feathers, bone, and thongs of hide. Then the
fathers, sons, and brothers marched beyond the mountains to war.
Many of them died.
Later, deep in the mountains, where his lonely campire burned on the bank of a
stream, Smoking Waters saw his people in a vision. But where were the hunters, he
wondered. Where had the fathers gone? Children were crying for food. The women
were thin and bent with sickness. Drums beat out the death chants. The people of the
mountains no longer sang their joyful songs.
As Smoking Waters wept for his people, his tears mingled with the waters of the
mountain stream. He cried for the ones who had died and for those who suffered. He
grieved until the sadness was bigger than life, and then the old medicine man died.
But Smoking Waters’ love for his people lived on in the ire he had built. It burned
on without dying through the nights and the years. It burns even today, warming
the waters of the streams that low within the mountains. Now, as it was then, the
mountain hot springs soothe the sick and the weary and heal the wounded. They are
Smoking Waters’ gift of love and peace to all the people. (pp. 39–41)
Hoebel, E. Adamson
1979 Zia Pueblo. In Southwest. Alfonso Ortiz, ed. Pp. 407–417. Vol. 9 of Handbook of North
American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution.
This article provides a concise overview of the anthropology and history of Zía Pueblo.
Hucko, Bruce
1996 Where There Is No Name for Art: The Art of Tewa Pueblo Children. Santa Fe, NM:
School of American Research.
Hucko, a self-described “art coach,” introduces the reader to some of the Tewa students he
worked with at the Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, San Juan, Pojoaque, and Nambé Pueblo day
schools. The children, who were involved in every step of the book’s publishing process,
talk about their histories, families, and communities, share insights into their culture and
heritage, and discuss the process of making art. In talking about petroglyphs and about their
communities’ cultural landscapes, the children show that the meaningfulness referred to by
their elders transcends the generations.
Hudspeth, William B.
1997 Environmental Setting. In OLE, vol. 1. Context. John C. Acklen, ed. Pp. 9–42.
Albuquerque: Public Service Company of New Mexico.
In table 2.1 Hudspeth identiies the edible parts, seasonality and distribution of more than
125 plant species that grow in the VCNP.
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Huning, Franz
1973 Trader on the Santa Fe Trail: Memoirs of Franz Huning, with Notes by His
Granddaughter, Lina Fergusson Browne. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico,
Calvin Horne Collection.
Huning notes (pp. 63–64) that when he was at Jémez Springs for about three weeks in 1856,
he saw Manuel Abrego, whom he already knew. Abrego’s ranch at Sulphur Springs may
have been the irst Anglo-European settlement near Redondo Creek.
Iddings, J. P.
1890 On a Group of Rocks from the Tewan Mountains, New Mexico, and on the Occurrence
of Primary Quartz in Certain Basalts. U.S. Geological Survey Bulletin 66.
In this article Iddings presents petrographic and chemical data for some of the samples taken
by J. W. Powell (see entry for Powell 1961 [1885]). The samples included Bandelier Tuff
and some quartz-bearing basalts.
Indian Claims Commission
1974 Commission Findings on the Pueblo Indians. New York: Garland Publishing.
This volume contains the Findings of Fact and Opinions pertaining to Pueblo land claims
decided by the Indian Claims Commission (ICC). Since no Pueblo community claimed
exclusive use of the Valles Caldera, this book contains little information pertinent to the
VCNP. The ICC heard claims only for land exclusively used and occupied as of February 2,
1848, the date of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. Claims for areas used in earlier periods
and for areas used by more than one tribe were not allowed. The ICC also determined that
all valid Spanish and Mexican land grants were private property and not part of the United
States public domain. This decision meant that any Pueblo uses of areas within Spanish and
Mexican land grants were not subject to claims litigation “even though the particular tribe
may have used and occupied parts of them from aboriginal time” (17 ICC 615, p. 618). The
Commission found that some land use activities (e.g., hunting) took place “at great distance
to points outside the claimed area” (p. 629).
Jefferson, James, Robert W. Delaney, and Gregory C. Thompson
1972 The Southern Utes: A Tribal History. Floyd A. O’Neil, ed. Ignacio, CO: Southern Ute
Tribe.
This scholarly summary of Ute history provides documentary information about Ute material
culture during the early Historic period (e.g., see p. 2).
Of relevance to the VCNP is an unlabeled igure (p. xi) illustrating the Ute’s aboriginal
domain. This diagram shows the Ute’s hunting territories extending farther into northern
New Mexico than many maps accompanying Ute historical reviews (e.g., see entry for
Callaway et al. 1986). This common-place omission of the Utes traveling into New Mexico
as far as Santa Fe is surprising given that documentary sources commonly cite these seasonal
rounds into the Jémez Mountains and the Chama Valley.
Johnson, George
1996 Fire in the Mind: Science, Faith, and the Search for Order. New York: Vintage Books.
In this provocative essay, Johnson juxtaposes systems of traditional community belief and
understandings obtained through science to explore the question of where religion ends
and science begins. Johnson compares recent contributions by New Mexican scientists in
quantum physics, information science, and complexity with the traditional cosmologies
of the region’s Tewa Pueblo people and Nuevomexicano Catholic Penitentes. More
immediately relevant to the VCNP Land-Use History project, Johnson conirms that the Río
Grande Pueblo people, just as their Western Pueblo counterparts, traditionally conceptualized
lowing lava as “hot water” (p. 300).
Jones, Volney H.
1931 The Ethnobotany of the Isleta Indians. Masters thesis. University of New Mexico,
Albuquerque.
Jones identiies the Isleta Pueblo consumption of mock-orange (Philadelphus microphyllus)
for food.
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Jones, Volney H., and Robert E. Fonner
1954 Plant Materials from Sites in the Durango and La Plata Areas, Colorado. In
Basketmaker Sites near Durango, Colorado, by Earl H. Morris and Robert F. Burgh.
Pp. 93–115. Publication 604. Washington, DC: Carnegie Institute.
Jones and Fonner identify the pre-Columbian uses of several plant species found in the
VCNP. Examples include bur-reed (Sparganium sp.), which is a food, and American vetch
(Vicia americana), which has medicinal value.
Jordan, Terry G.
1993 North American Cattle Ranching Frontiers: Origins, Diffusion and Differentiation.
Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
Jordan discusses Old World cattle ranching in Europe and Africa, and how its patterns and
practices explain ranching in the New World. He notes that ranching is not speciic to open
grasslands:
Cattle ranching...thrived in a great variety of New World physical environments, from
tropical savannas to subtropical pine barrens and midlatitude prairies, from fertile
lowland plains to rugged mountain ranges, from rainy districts to semideserts. (p. 9)
By the time of the discovery of America, range cattle raising occupied a broken belt
of land on the Atlantic rim from Scandinavia and the British Isles down to Angola in
Africa.
Range cattle raising was to be found in highlands, islands, marshes, moors, savannas
and semideserts, having been forced to the edges of two continents by more intensive
farming practices. Ranching would similarly become established in a wide variety of
coastal, marsh, plains and highland environments in the New World.
Permanent Hispanic settlement began in New Mexico in 1598 with the colonizer
Juan de Oñate, but Hispanic New Mexico never became a center of cattle ranching.
Perhaps the single greatest retarding factor was the presence of a substantial
established population of Pueblo Indian irrigation farmers. (p. 146)
Jordan contends the mission fathers blocked development of a large-scale cattle industry in
order to protect the Indians’ ields and crops. Oñate introduced breeder locks of sheep, which
dominated even after the 1690s Reconquest of New Mexico. For example, Diego Padilla south
of Albuquerque owned 1,700 sheep but only 141 cattle in 1740.
By 1757 all the Hispanics of the province combined owned fewer than 8,000 cattle and fewer
than 2,500 horses. In 1832, 240,000 sheep were in the department but only 5,000 cattle and 850
horses. Sheep became “the economic hallmark of the regional Euroamerican culture” (p. 147)
and also were adopted by the Navajos and Utes.
Although the book is about cattle, not sheep, and does not mention the Valles Caldera, it
provides valuable background for the VCNP Land-Use study.
Keleher, William A.
1982 [1952] Turmoil in New Mexico, 1846–1868. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico
Press.
The author mentions the Valles Caldera in a discussion of actions taken by the U.S. Army
to deter Navajo and Apache movement through the locality during the inal Navajo Wars of
1863. Under orders from General James A. Carleton Lieutenant Erastus W. Wood, 5 noncommissioned oficers, and 31 privates from Company A, 1st Infantry, California Volunteers,
manned the Old Fort encampment, which Nesbit and Parker had occupied a decade earlier
as a hay camp (see entry for Church n.d.; and McNitt 1972). General Carleton’s instructed
Lieutenant Wood and his men:
. . . to lie in wait for thirty days to kill every Navajo or Apache Indian who attempts
to go through that noted thoroughfare. No women and children will be harmed; these
will be captured. (quoted on p. 314).
Keleher notes that on September 27, 1863, ive weeks after General Carleton’s orders to
Lieutenant Wood to set up a month-long post at Old Fort in the Valles Caldera, Lieutenant P.
A. J. Russell led four mounted men and a group of Pueblo warriors from the Valle Grande.
They rode in pursuit of a band of Navajo raiders who had stolen livestock from nearby Río
Grande Pueblo villages. This contingent surprised the raiders at Jémez Springs, killing 8
men, capturing 20 women and children, and recovering 125 sheep and 2 horses (Keleher
1982:314).
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Kelley, Klara Bonsack, and Harris Francis
Navajo Sacred Places. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Although Kelley and Francis do not speciically discuss places important to the Navajo
within the VCNP, their study offers important background information and perspectives for
examining and comprehending the signiicance of the people’s cultural landscapes through
careful consideration of selected examples. For example, Kelley and Francis (p. 125) state
that volcanic calderas “are important in the songs, prayers, and stories of many ceremonial
repertoires that involve the power of thunder and lightning (which seeks depressions and
lava rock) and wind” (p. 125).
Kelley, Klara Bonsack, and Harris Francis
2002 Chézhin Sinil (Rock-That-Defends): Navajo Cultural Landscapes and the Petroglyph
National Monument. In “That Place People Talk About”: The Petroglyph National
Monument Ethnographic Landscape Report, by Kurt F. Anschuetz, T. J. Ferguson,
Harris Francis, Klara B. Kelley, and Cherie L. Scheick. Pp. 5.1–5.30. Community
and Cultural Landscape Contribution VIII. Prepared for: National Park Service,
Petroglyph National Monument, Albuquerque, New Mexico, NPS Contract No.
14431CX712098003 (RGF 109B). Santa Fe: Río Grande Foundation for Communities
and Cultural Landscapes.
Kelley and Francis use published accounts of Navajo oral tradition to establish principles
and themes concerning the importance of the landscape in sustaining community heritage
and identity. The authors demonstrate how oral traditions, in combination with contemporary
ethnographic study, can be used effectively to establish the existence of essential community
relationships with places and provide informed contexts for the responsible management of
culturally sensitive landscape features and other kinds of traditional cultural properties.
Kelley and Francis address several kinds of landscape features found within the VCNP,
including shrines, lava rocks, plants, animals, minerals, and vistas. They include Navajo
community concerns about the management of these landscape features as cultural resources.
Kelly, Daniel T., and Beatrice Chauvenet
1972 The Buffalo Head: A Century of Mercantile Pioneering in the Southwest. Santa Fe,
NM: Vergara Publishing.
The author was the son of Harry Kelly, cofounder of Gross, Kelly and Company, a major
New Mexico corporation dealing mainly in sheep and wool and, as Kelly explains, a direct
competitor of the Bond brothers.
Although Kelly does not deal with the Baca Location, his discussion of the Bonds (pp.
96–97) and his explanation of partido (pp. 190–191) are useful in understanding how the
Location entered into a regional and national mercantile system.
Kent, Kate Peck
1983 Prehistoric Textiles of the Southwest. Santa Fe: School of American Research, and
Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
Kent notes that pre-Columbian peoples used milkweed (Asclepias sp.), which grows in the
Valles Caldera area, for making dye.
Keur, Dorothy Louise
1941 Big Bead Mesa: An Archaeological Study of Navajo Acculturation, 1745–1812.
Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology, 1. Menasha, WI. (Reprinted
Millwood, NY: Kraus Publishing Company, 1974).
Keur follows Matthews (1897) in retelling the Navajo story of emergence. In her discussion
of the Navajo Holy Mountains of Direction, she states, “The name for the sacred mountain to
the east probably means Dark Horizontal Belt, and it is situated somewhere near the Pueblo
of Jemez, in Bernalillo county, New Mexico; probably Pelado Peak, twenty miles [32 km]
north-northeast of the pueblo” (p. 8).
Kirk, Donald R.
1970 Wild Edible Plants of the Western United States. Heraldsburg, CA: Naturegraph.
Kirk provides information on the preparation and uses, habitat and distribution, and physical
appearance of many different edible plants found throughout the West. His sample includes
89 plant families found in the VCNP.
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Klah, Hasteen
1942 Navajo Creation Myth: The Story of the Emergence. Recorded by Mary C.
Wheelwright. Navajo Religion Series, Vol. 1. Santa Fe: Museum of Navajo Ceremonial
Art.
Klah refers to Nehochee-otso, a large hollow place on the top of the Jémez Mountains where
Tseh-nagi (Rolling Rock) lived. This monster was “a great striped rock which could roll
very quickly in any direction, and killed people by rolling on them” (p. 71). The story of
the destruction of Rolling Rock establishes that the Navajo view the Jémez Mountains as a
portal between the natural and supernatural worlds of the cosmos:
Nayenezgani, the Hero Twin Monster Slayer, traveled to the Jemez Mountains to kill
Tseh-nagi in his quest to rid the world of the monsters that plagued the people. When
Nayenezgani tried to approach Tseh-nagi, the Rock began to roll towards him and he
shot his lightning arrow at the Rock from the east, but could not hit it, and the Rock
then rolled back to its den. Then Nayenezgani shot at it from the south and managed
to knock a little splinter from it while the Rock pursued him. He then approached the
Rock from the west and the same thing happened, and also from the north, and at the
end he only managed to knock off a few pieces and could not injure it, and meanwhile
it kept chasing him while he was barely able to avoid it.
At his home at Huefano the magic kehtahn began to burn very brightly, which showed
that Nayenezgani was in great danger. So they [other immortals] sent hail, big rain,
and cyclones to attack the Rock. And the water soaked it, and Hashjeshjin [the Fire
God] burnt it with his ire, and then hit it with a stone knife, and large pieces were
broken off it. The Rock tried to escape them, but they chased it into a mountain from
which it burst out as though from a volcano, and inally they chased the Rock four
times around the earth, while it grew smaller and smaller, until at last it fell into the
Grand Canyon, where it is now. (pp. 93–94)
In his telling of the Navajo Story of the Emergence, we learn that Begochiddy, “the great
creating God, fair-haired and blue-eyed” (p. 212), lives on Síss-nah-jíni, the Holy Mountain
of the East (p. 228). Moreover, in the succession of four worlds in the Navajo creation story,
Begochiddy took earth from the previous world and created the mountains of the east, south,
west, and north, as well as the plants that grew on and between these summits and the clouds
that gathered over them (cf. pp. 29, 41, 43, 62).
Krenetsky, John C.
1964 Phytosociological Study of the Picuris Grant and Ethnobotanical Study of the Picuris
Indians. Masters thesis. University of New Mexico, Albuquerque.
In his study of Picurís Pueblo ethnobotany, Krenetsky reports on the uses of several plants
that grow also in the VCNP. Foods include Yarrow (Achillea sp.), Milkweed (Asclepias
sp.), and Aster (Aster sp.). Medicine plants include white ire (Abies concolor), buckwheat
(Eriogonum sp.), geranium (Geranium sp.), sneezeweed (Hymenoxys sp.), common plantain
(Plantago major), native rose (Rosa sp.), and prairie conelower (Ratibida columnifera).
Lambert, Marjorie
1979 Pojoaque Pueblo. In Southwest. Alfonso Ortiz, ed. Pp. 324–329. Vol. 9 of Handbook
of North American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed. Washington, DC: Smithsonian
Institution.
This article provides a concise overview of the anthropology and history of Pojoaque Pueblo.
Lang, Richard W.
1986 Artifacts of Woody Materials from Arroyo Hondo Pueblo. In Food, Diet, and
Population at Prehistoric Arroyo Hondo Pueblo. Wilma Wetterstrom, ed. Arroyo
Hondo Archaeological Series, 6. Pp. 251–276. Santa Fe, NM: School of American
Research Press.
Lang presents the archaeological use of narrow-leaf cattail (Typha angustifolia) in basketry
at this major village outside Santa Fe.
Lange, Charles H.
1959 Cochiti: A New Mexico Pueblo, Past and Present. Austin: University of Texas Press.
Lange documents the varied ethnographic uses of six plant families at Cochití Pueblo that
grow also in the VCNP: grama grass (Bouteloua sp.), throughwort (Eupatorium sp.), spurge
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(Euphorbia sp.), piñon (Pinus edulis sp.), narrowleaf cottonwood (Populus angustifolia), and
nightshade (Solanum sp.).
Lange, Charles H.
1978 The Spanish-Mexican Presence in the Cochiti-Bandelier Area, New Mexico. In Across
the Chichimec Sea. Carroll L. Riley and Basil C. Hedrick, eds. Pp. 34–52. Carbondale:
Southern Illinois University Press.
Lange summarizes contacts between the Coronado (1540–1542), Chamuscado-Rodríguez
(1581–1582), Espejo (1582), and Castaño de Sosa (1590) expeditions and the Río Grande
Pueblos. He describes the entrada of Juan de Oñate and his colonists. Lange notes that the
missionary friars were assigned to their respective pueblos on September 9, 1598, and that
Father Juan de Rozas was sent to the Keresans. “Thus, it appears likely that the summer
and autumn of 1598 marked the irst sustained and substantial [Hispanic] inluence on the
Cochiti-Bandelier area” (p. 43). Lange reviews the events of the Pueblo Revolt and the
Reconquest.
Lange notes a “virtually unique” characteristic of Cochití Pueblo: “As indicated in the 1765
census notes of Father Mori and continuing into the present time, Cochiti has had a resident
Spanish population” (p. 48).
Lange, Charles H.
1979a Cochiti Pueblo. In Southwest. Alfonso Ortiz, ed. Pp. 366–378. Vol. 9 of Handbook
of North American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed. Washington, DC: Smithsonian
Institution.
This article provides a concise overview of the anthropology and history of Cochití Pueblo.
Lange, Charles H.
1979b Santo Domingo Pueblo. In Southwest. Alfonso Ortiz, ed. Pp. 379–389. Vol. 9 of
Handbook of North American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed. Washington, DC:
Smithsonian Institution.
This article provides a concise overview of the anthropology and history of Santo Domingo
Pueblo.
Lange, Charles H., and Carroll L. Riley, eds.
1966 The Southwestern Journals of Adolph F. Bandelier 1880–1882. Albuquerque:
University of New Mexico Press.
Bandelier notes that there are otters (known locally as “perritos de agua”) in the Valle
Grande (p. 214).
Lange, Charles H., and Carroll L. Riley, eds.
1984 The Southwestern Journals of Adolph F. Bandelier 1889–1892. Albuquerque:
University of New Mexico Press.
Bandelier notes that on June 5, 1890, “several ires” were burning in the Valle Grande (p
108). The editors note, “The Valle Grande is a distinctive landmark and, once located,
the several peaks surrounding it can be easily sighted from Santa Fe and much of the
surrounding area” (p. 413, 474n).
Lange, Charles H., Carroll L. Riley, and Elizabeth M. Lange, eds.
1975 The Southwestern Journals of Adolph F. Bandelier 1885–1888. Albuquerque:
University of New Mexico Press.
Bandelier describes a trip to the Valle Grande on July 19–20, 1888 (pp. 270–271). He
reached it from Espanola, passing the ruin of Shu-inne, through the Santa Clara Canyon,
to the source of the Río de la Jara, the Valle Grande (which he also calls Valle de Toledo),
across the Valle de Santa Rosa and the Valle San Antonio, to the Ojos de San Antonio. He
spent a day at the Ojos de San Antonio, then walked down to Jémez Springs.
“The sheep herds are out of the Valles and grazing in the adjacent timbered slopes” (p. 271;
see also his sketch map that accompanies this excerpt).
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Laughlin Papers
1907 Unsigned letter to L. W. Dennis, Chicago, Illinois, August 14, 1907. Napoleon B.
Laughlin Papers, Accession No. 1959–131, Box 10, Folder 145. Santa Fe, NM: State
Records Center and Archives.
L. D. W. Shelton, a land surveyor also referred to in the Bond, Frank, and Son records
(see entry for Bond and Son 1917), might have written this unsigned letter. It is part of the
voluminous correspondence sent, received, and collected by New Mexico Judge Napoleon
B. Laughlin on issues relating to land grants.
This letter, postmarked Santa Fe, responds to an inquiry from L. W. Dennis of Chicago. Most
of the letter consists of quotations attributed to two different “cruisers on the property,” also
referred to as “cruisers who were sent upon the ground…by prospective purchasers.” The
writer states, “I am not advised as to the name of either of these men.” The second informant
repeats some mining data supplied to him by “Mr. Woodward of Bland, N.M.”
The timber on the Baca Location is estimated by one of the cruisers at 425 million board
feet of white pine and from 15 to 25 million board feet of spruce. The writer says there are
also “telegraph poles, ties, piling, mine props and stulls in large quantities,” on the Baca
Location. The other informant estimates 403 million board feet of merchantable timber on
the property.
The title is described as “perfect” because it rests on a government deed “to the present
owners in exchange for one of the Spanish Land Grants.”
One cruiser says the valley and agricultural land are “excellent meadow…there is not a
stump and very few stones. One valley is about eight miles [12.8 km] long and from two to
three miles [3.2–4.8 km] wide, and contains about ten thousand (10,000) acres [4,047 ha],
with a stream with a good low of water running through it.” The writer or writers describe
“many ine springs” and “grazing…of the best to be found.”
Liljeblad, Sven
1986 Oral Tradition: Content and Style of Verbal Arts. In Great Basin. Warren L.
D’azevedo, ed. Pp. 641–659. Vol. 11 of Handbook of North American Indians, William
Sturtevant, ed. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution.
Liljeblad presents additional insights that complement and illustrate Goth’s commentary
(see entry for Wright 2000) about how the Ute construct their landscape traditions through
language.
Lindgren, Waldemar, Louis C. Graton, and Charles H. Gordon
1910 The Ore Deposits of New Mexico. Professional Paper 68. U.S. Department of the
Interior, Geological Survey.
This reference work describes all metal mines developed up to ca. 1905 in New Mexico. The
description of the “Cochiti or Bland District” explains,
The opposition of Mexicans, who claimed possession of the region under private
grant, impeded development, and it was not till 1889 that prospecting began in
earnest. In 1893 much activity was manifested in the district and many claims were
located. Early in 1894 the Albemarle group was located. This proved to be the most
important group in the district. In 1896 a mill, known as the Woodbury mill, was
built in the valley about 7 miles [11 km] below Bland, for the purpose of treating the
ores of the Iron King mine, but it was never a success. Late in 1899 the Albemarle
cyanide mill was completed. This was closed in the spring of 1902 and was later
dismantled. In the eleven years from the opening of 1894, when production began, to
the close of 1904 the district had produced slightly over a million dollars. The greatest
production in any one year was $359,135, in 1900. No production was reported in
1905. At present very little mining is being done in the district, and the prospects for
resumption of work in the immediate future are not bright. (p. 150)
The Albemarle, Washington, Lone Star, Iron King, and Crown Point mines had been
developed in the Cochití District by 1905 (the year in which the authors did their ieldwork
in the district). Lindgren, Graton, and Gordon describe these enterprises.
The authors did not visit the Washington mine. It was on the slope just west of Bland
and was not active in 1905, the year of their survey. The authors estimated production
up to that time at about $75,000.
The Albemarle mine, situated on South Fork of Cholla Canyon, is owned by the
Navajo Gold Mining Company, of Boston. Ore is said to have been discovered on this
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property early in 1894 as a result of prospecting along the prominent outcrop. The
mine, which was sometimes called the Altoona, passed into the hands of the Cochiti
Gold Mining Company, which afterward became the Navajo Company. From the
time of its discovery the mine was conceded to be the most important in the district,
and from 1899, when its mill was put into operation, till the closing of the mill in the
spring of 1902, it is said to have produced $667,500. Since the latter date the property
has not produced. (p. 158)
The Lone Star mine is situated a little north of the Washington, on the southeast slope
of a side gulch which joins Pino Canyon just above Bland. It is on the same vein as
and lies just south of the Iron King, the irst discovery in the district. The present
owner is the Navajo Gold Mining Company. A considerable amount of ore was
shipped in the early history of the mine. Not very much ore has been taken out since
the last sale of the property. Actual igures of production were not obtainable, but it is
probable that between $50,000 and $100,000 has been taken out. (p. 159)
The Iron King, the irst mine discovered in the district, lies just north of the Lone Star,
close to Pino Canyon. It is reported that the ore extracted amounted to $50,000. The
development includes a small shaft and a short adit from which a winze was sunk, the
greatest depth attained being 136 feet [41.5 m]. An amalgamation mill was built in
1896, 7 miles [11 km] below Bland. In 1902 it was replaced by a 10-stamp mill, with
ten cyanide tanks, but this was operated only a short time. The vein is the continuation
of the Lone Star vein. (p. 160)
The Crown Point mine is situated on the northeast side of Pino Canyon, about threequarters of a mile [1.2 km] above Bland. It is one of the early locations in the district
and is commonly credited with the production of about $50,000, being said to have
sent out 1,500 tons of shipping ore. The workings are on a vein which strikes N. 10º W.
and dips 70º W. but steepens in the bottom. The vein has been regarded as the same as
the Lone Star vein, or at least a spur from it. (p. 161)
Lindgren, Graton, and Gordon also describe several smaller mines and claims: the Tip Top
mine, the Laura S. claim, and the Little Casino claim; the Black Girl, Hopewell, Good Hope,
Allerton, Posey, Union and others on the southwest side of Pino Canyon; and the Little
Mollie and Puzzle claims. Many others that never produced paying quantities of ore are not
named. They mention a copper prospect “at the junction of Medio Dia and Cochiti canyons”
where “some work was being done” (p. 162).
Linford, Laurance D.
2000 Navajo Places: History, Legend, Landscape: A Narrative of Important Places on and
near the Navajo Reservation, with Notes on Their Signiicance to Navajo Culture and
History. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press.
This compendium is an essential resource for beginning studies of Navajo cultural geography
within particular localities. It provides annotated entries for several areas in and around the
VCNP, including the Jémez Mountains (pp. 221–222), Pelado Peak (pp. 242–243), and the
Valle Grande (p. 278).
Los Alamos [NM] Monitor
1970 Baca Location to Change. Los Alamos Monitor, December 17:1.
This article reports on the cumulative impacts that New Mexico Timber, Inc.’s cable logging
operations had already had in the Valles Caldera and the prospect that major damage would
continue over the next seven years. The article opens with the statement that New Mexico
Timber, Inc., was “cutting trees on the property at a ferocious rate, 24 million board feet
of lumber per year” (p. 1). Elsewhere, it reports that the company employed 175 men and
operated 2 mills to achieve these production levels.
At the present rates of timber harvesting, the Los Alamos Monitor offers the grim assessment
that:
Virtually every tree on the ranch that can be sawed into two by fours will have been
cut down. And it will take nature 40 to 50 years to restore in main the appearance of
the ranch. (p. 1)
Worse for environmentalists and recreationalists still, the newspaper noted in a sidebar
accompanying this article that the harvesting of the Baca Location’s timber stands could be
completed “within three years by going to two or three shifts a day at New Mexico Timber’s
mills” (p. 1).
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The article is valuable because it provides an interview with Sam Bailey, who was New
Mexico Timber, Inc.’s forester. In response to questions about the severity of the damage
that cable-logging and clear-cutting were causing to the scenic values of the Valles Caldera,
Bailey reported that New Mexico Timber, Inc., had harvested the majority of the Baca
Location’s original 68,000 wooded acres (27,200 ha) since 1935. Nevertheless, Bailey
maintained that only half of the harvested acreage had “been subjected to the present ‘clear
cutting’ techniques” (p. 1). He acknowledged further,
That a freshly clear cut area looks pretty bad, but he claimed that time, even a few
years, quickly heals the scars…He said that the slash, which is obviously ugly in the
newly logged regions, is soon covered by secondary growth if it is left alone. He said
that an attempt to gather and haul off the limbs and tops would be wholly impractical.
“There just aren’t enough trucks.” Burning the slash, Bailey noted, would simply kill
the secondary growth. (p. 1)
As a consequence of these damages, the Los Alamos Monitor notes that the State of New
Mexico had begun considering
a new set of regulations, apparently aimed at logging, on the Baca. These regulations
would cause drastic changes in the handling of slash and formalize a requirement for
seeding and water barring roads. (p. 1)
The article also provides a summary of Dunigan’s legal suit against New Mexico Timber,
Inc. It also reports in the sidebar that the Los Alamos Boy Scouts cut thousands of trees each
holiday season for sale primarily to residents of Los Alamos in the late 1960s (p. 1).
Los Alamos [NM] Monitor
1972 Baca Location Timber Is Sold to Ranch Owner. Los Alamos Monitor, June 30:1.
This brief article reports the sale of the Baca Location’s timber rights by New Mexico
Timber, Inc., to the Baca Land and Cattle Company. In a joint statement announcing the sale
of the timber rights and the cessation of logging, James Patrick Dunigan and T. P. Gallagher,
Jr., stated, “The transaction settles all litigation between the parties” (p. 1). A representative
for New Mexico Timber, Inc., notes further that half of the company’s 300 employees might
be laid off, although some crews would be kept active “hauling already cut logs from the
area, reseeding the logging roads and cleaning up the slash” (p. 1).
Clear-cutting operations had focused on the slopes bordering the Valle San Antonio and the
Valle Toledo. Timbering had moved into the Valle Grande during 1971.
Magers, Pamela C.
1986a Miscellaneous Wooden and Vegetal Artifacts. In Archaeological Investigations at
Antelope House. Don P. Morris, ed. Pp. 277–305. U.S. Department of the Interior,
National Park Service.
Plants found in the VCNP include alder (Alnus sp.), sagebrush (Artemisia sp.), birch (Betula
sp.), sunlower (Helianthus sp.), and dropseed (Sporobolus sp.).
Magers, Pamela C.
1986b Weaving at Antelope House. In Archaeological Investigations at Antelope House. Don
P. Morris, ed. Pp. 224–276. U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service.
Plant species in Mager’s sample that grow in the VCNP include goosefoot (Chenopodium
sp.), Rocky Mountain juniper (Juniperus scopulorum), Gambel oak (Quercus gambelii), and
ragwort (Senecio sp.).
Marsh, Charles S.
1982 People of the Shining Mountains: The Utes of Colorado. Boulder, CO: Pruett
Publishing.
This volume provides an overview of Ute history and culture from time immemorial.
While Marsh does not speciically mention the use of the Valles Caldera by Ute bands, he
states, “Ute lands extended from Shoshone country on the north along the Green River in
Wyoming, southward across all of Colorado, and well into northern New Mexico. There was
a time when Utes were commonly seen at Santa Fe” (p. 3).
In discussing the Ute Bands, Marsh notes, “The Mouache band of southern Utes lived in
south central Colorado and northern New Mexico. They had very early contact with the
Spanish near Taos and Santa Fe, along with the Capote Ute band who lived close by” (p. 19).
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The map that follows of the geographic expanse of Ute aboriginal lands (p. 20) encompasses
the VCNP, as well as the northern part of the Jémez Mountain range.
Marsh includes a discussion of selected aspects of Ute cosmology (e.g., see pp. 129–132).
These ideas underlie the people’s essential landscape constructions (see also entry for Wright
2000).
Martin, Craig
2003 Valle Grande: A History of the Baca Location No. 1. Los Alamos, NM: All Seasons
Publishing.
This well-written, informative, and entertaining volume is an indispensable resource for all
individuals interested in the history of the Baca Location and the VCNP. In its 11 chapters,
Martin traces this locality from its early volcanic history through the 2.5 years of the VCNP
as a working ranch owned by the people of the United States. The author provides many
useful illustrations, maps, and photographs that help make this account an enjoyable read.
While Martin’s volume and the present land-use history of the VCNP share much common
ground, the two works have contrasting foci and voices. Martin’s account is exceptional and
invaluable for its emphasis on the social history of the individuals, including Luis María
Cabeza de Baca, his grandsons Francisco Tomás and Tomás Dolores Baca, and entrepreneurs
Maríano Sabine Otero, James Greenwood Whitney, Joel Parker Whitney, Frank Bond, and
Patrick Dunigan. Each of these individuals played a key role in shaping the ownership and/or
development of the Baca Location during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. By sharing
information about who these people were, what they valued, and how they interacted with
their contemporaries, Martin helps put a living face on the land grant’s history.
Matthews, Meridith H.
1992 Macrobotanical Analysis. In Bandelier Archeological Excavation Project: Summer
Excavations at Burnt Mesa Pueblo and Casa del Río. Timothy A. Kohler and Matthew
J. Root, eds. Reports of Investigations 64. Pullman: Washington State University.
Matthews identiies the Eastern Keres’ medicinal use of Apache plume (Fallugia paradoxa),
a plant found in the VCNP.
Matthews, Washington
1887 The Mountain Chant: A Navajo Ceremony. Fifth Annual Report, Bureau of American
Ethnology. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution.
Matthews describes prayer sticks used as offerings in the Navajo Mountain Chant (and
various other ceremonies):
The sacriices made to the gods during these ceremonies…consist of nothing more
than a few sticks and feathers, with the occasional addition of strings and beads—a
form of sacriicial offering common among various tribes of the Southwest, including
the sedentary pueblos. (p. 451)
Matthews includes an illustration (ig. 58) of a prayer stick (kethàwn or keçàn {Matthews
used these terms interchangeably, with the former representing an Anglicized version of
the latter) “belonging, not to the Mountain Chant, but to klèdji-qaçàl, or chant of the night.
It is sacred to the Youth and the Maiden of the Rock Crystal, divine beings who dwell in
Tsisnàtcini, a great mountain north of the Pueblo of Jemez” (p. 452). The igure 58 caption
explains:
The original is in the National Museum at Washington. It consists of two sticks coated
with white earth and joined by a cotton string a yard long, which is tied to each stick
by a clove hitch. A black bead is in the center of the string; a turkey feather and eagle
feather are secured with the clove hitch to one of the strings. (p. 452)
Matthews, Washington
1897 Navajo Legends. Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society 5. Menasha, WI:
American Folk-Lore Society.
Matthews introduces the creation of the Navajo Holy Mountains of Direction:
190. …First Man and First Woman, Black Body and Blue Body, set out to build the
seven sacred mountains of the present Navajo land. They made them all of earth
which they had brought from similar mountains in the fourth world. The mountains
they made were Tsĭsnadzĭ΄ni in the east, Tsotsĭl (Taylor, San Mateo) in the south,
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Dokoslíd (San Francisco) in the west, Depĕ΄ntsa (San Juan) in the north, with
Dsĭlnáotĭl, Tsolíhi, and Akĭdanastáni (Hosta Butte) in the middle of the land.
191. Through Tsĭsnadzĭ΄ni, in the east, they ran a bolt of lightning to fasten it to the
earth. They decorated it with white shells, white lightning, white corn, white clouds,
and he-rain. They set a big dish or bowl of shell on its summit, and in it they put two
eggs of the Pigeon to make feathers for the mountain. The eggs they covered with a
sacred buckskin to make them hatch (there are many wild pigeons in this mountain
now). All these things they covered with a sheet of daylight, and they put Rock Crystal
Boy and Rock Crystal Girl into the mountain to dwell. (pp. 78–79)
Matthews recounts more fully the story of the making of the sacred mountains in note 51.
Soon after the arrival of the people in the ifth world…, some one said: “It would be
well if we had in this world such mountains as we had in the world below.” “I have
brought them with me,” said First Man. He did not mean to say he had brought the
whole of the mountains with him, but only a little earth from each, with which to start
new mountains here. The people laid down four sacred buckskins and two sacred
baskets for him to make his mountains on, for there were six sacred mountains in
the lower world, just as there are six in this, and they were named the same there as
they now are here. The mountain in the east, Tsĭsnadzĭ΄ni, he made of clay from the
mountain of the east below, mixed with white shell. The mountain of the south, Tsotsĭl,
he made of earth below mixed with turquoise. The mountain of the west he made of
earth mixed with haliotis or abalone shell. The mountain of the north he made of earth
mixed with cannel coal. Dsĭlnáotĭl he made of earth from the similar mountain in the
lower world, mixed with goods of all kinds…Tsolíhi he made of earth below, mixed
with shells and precious stones of all kinds…While they were still on the buckskins
and baskets, ten songs were sung which now belong to the rites of hozóni hatál…
When the people came up from the lower world they were under twelve chiefs, but
only six of them joined in the singing of these songs, and to-day six men sing them.
When the mountains were made, the god of each of the four quarters of the world
carried one away and placed it where it now stands. The other two were left in the
middle of the world and are there still. A pair of gods were then put to live in each
mountain, as follows: East, Dawn Boy and Dawn Girl, called also White Shell Boy
and White Shell Girl; south, Turquoise Boy and Turquoise Girl; west, Twilight Boy
and Haliotis Girl; north, Darkness (or Cannel Coal) Boy and Darkness Girl; at
Dsĭlnáotĭl, All-goods…Boy and All-goods Girl; at Tsolíhi, All-jewels …Boy and Alljewels Girl. (pp. 220–221)
Matthews, following his two principal Navajo collaborators, Tall Singer and Laughing
Doctor, tentatively identiies the Navajo Holy Mountain of the East as Pelado Peak.
Tsĭsnadzĭ΄ni is the name of the sacred mountain which the Navahoes regard as
bounding their country on the east. It probably means Dark Horizontal Belt. The
mountain is somewhere near the pueblo of Jemez, in Bernalillo County, New Mexico.
It is probably Pelado Peak, 11,260 feet [3,433 m] high, 20 miles [32 km] N.E. of the
pueblo. White shell and various other objects of white—the color of the east—belong
to the mountain. (p. 221n52)
Mayes, Vernon O., and Barbara Bayless Lacy
1989 Nanise’: A Navajo Herbal. Tsaile, AZ: Navajo Community College Press.
Mayes and Lacy mention three plant species found in the VCNP that Navajos use as
medicines (rush [Juncus sp.] and common mallow [Malva neglecta]) or for use in making
curing implements (ponderosa pine [Pinus ponderosa]).
McNitt, Frank
1972 Navajo Wars: Military Campaigns, Slave Raids, and Reprisals. Albuquerque:
University of New Mexico Press.
McNitt summarizes Navajo hostilities with other tribes, Hispanics, and Anglos in historic
times. Of interest to the VCNP is his comprehensive account of Governor José Antonio
Vizcarra’s 1823 punitive expedition against Navajo raiders, who at that time clearly held
the upper hand in their ongoing war with the Mexican colony. At the end of Vizcarra’s
expedition in the Four Corners region, he passed through the Valle Grande on his return to
Santa Fe.
On August 24, after negotiating the pass through the Chuska Mountains and
reaching the valley below, Vizcarra discharged two regiments of militia to make their
separate ways home to Río Arriba and Río Abajo. With the balance of the command
he proceeded directly eastward for ifteen leagues until meeting the Chaco Wash at
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Fajada Butte. For the next two days he followed his outward route, resting briely at
Pueblo Pintado before continuing past the Chacra Mesa and down Torreon Wash.
Below the present town of Cuba the command turned east on a trail leading across
the Jemez Mountains by way of the Valle Grande. At sunset on August 31, after an
absence of seventy-four days, the troops arrived in Santa Fe. The expedition was over.
(p. 65)
Vizcarra’s action did not resolve the colony’s troubles with Navajo raiders. For example,
between 1826 and 1829, during Governor Antonio Narbona’s administration,
Navajos raided along the Río Grande, striking repeatedly at Jemez but ranging from
Abiquiu and the Valle Grande southward to Belen. Thousands of sheep and other
livestock were run off; some of the pastors were carried away as slaves and others
were killed. A token force of ifteen soldiers was sent in March 1829 to patrol the
frontier at Jemez. (p. 70)
McNitt reports that a party of Utes arrived at Jémez Pueblo in early 1835 to trade (p. 73).
After their departure, a delegation of Navajo traders arrived. When they left, the Navajo
traders drove off 50 of the Pueblo’s herd animals. The Pueblo pursued them, recovered 18
head of livestock, and killed 1 member of the Navajo party.
Blas de Hinojos led another punitive expedition into Navajo country following this raid.
McNitt implies that Vizcarra’s route of 1823, which crossed the Valle Grande, might have
become a familiar military road to Casafuerte in the Four Corners region (p. 73).
A ight between U.S. Army contractors, under the leadership of Robert Nesbit and Hiram
R. Parker, and Navajo raiders occurred in the Valles Caldera during the summer of 1851
(pp. 184–186). The Nesbit-Parker party was cutting hay for the U.S. Army quartermaster
stationed in Santa Fe. Although McNitt does not identify the hay camp by name, this station
later became known as Old Fort. Given its many useful details, McNitt’s summary of this
episode deserves retelling in its entirety.
A scarcity of spring rain had left the ground cover of the lower valleys short and
brown; for lush grass the partners had been forced to a higher elevation in the Jemez
Mountains. At the Valle Grande, an emerald swatch surrounded by tall timber some
forty miles [64 km] from Santa Fe, a blockhouse of green cottonwood logs had been
built. Connected to it at the rear was a corral of the same logs laid one on top of the
other to a height of four or ive feet [1.2–1.5 m]. Here with a train of mule wagons
purchased from Henry Dodge’s associate, Pinckney Tully, the Nesbit-Parker outit had
been cutting a rich harvest.
A soaking rain fell on the mountain meadows through the afternoon of July 2, turning
to a steady drizzle after nightfall. Because of rain and darkness, Nesbit said later, a
man posted on guard at the coral failed to detect any sign of danger until a Navajo’s
arrow pierced his neck. Almost at the same instant the guard pressed the trigger of
his gun, the shot being enough to rouse the men asleep in the house. For two hours,
Nesbit and Parker said, they and their beleaguered men “kept up a continued ight…
on three sides of the house, while another portion of the Indians were endeavoring to
pull down the corral to get the animals out, which they succeeded in doing after three
o’clock—when they drove off all the animals, consisting of over one hundred in all.”
Navajos in the attacking party, they informed Colonel Munroe, numbered between
250 and 300 warriors. Afidavits were to be furnished, and in the circumstances they
would request Munroe to inform them how to recover their animals or, failing that,
apply for cash indemniication, as the loss was so great that it might ruin them.
Another version of the incident was related shortly afterward by a party of eleven
Pueblos of Jemez who by mere chance encountered a detachment of dragoons
patrolling southward through the mountains from Abiquiu. They had been herding
cattle in the vicinity the night of the attack, the Pueblos said. As the Navajos had
withdrawn with the stolen horses and mules the Jemez had followed quietly, keeping
themselves hidden. Finally, at a place where the Navajos had to descend a steep
hill that left them exposed and at a disadvantage, the Jemez killed two of them and
captured ive mules. Two of the mules had been left on the road back to the Valle
Grande; the other three had been restored to Nesbit and Parker. Lieutenant Beverly
H. Robertson felt the matter worth investigating and persuaded one of the Pueblos to
accompany his detachment back to the hay camp.
He reported later that he found the blockhouse situated on a hill of gentle declivity,
within ifty yards of a piece of woodland, the corral, which joined the house, being on
that side. He spoke with the guard who had been wounded at the start of the attack,
examined a part of the corral that the Navajos had torn down, and was shown where
forty to ifty arrows had been ired at the blockhouse door to discourage an effort
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by the men inside to break out. There were no loopholes in the house, Robertson
observed thoughtfully, and the only opening toward the corral (through which Parker
had ired two shots from his revolver) was so high in the wall that one ball struck the
topmost log on the opposite side of the corral.
“There were no guns ired at the Indians, except by the sentinel on Post,” Robertson
reported. “The sentinel said it was impossible from the darkness of the night, to tell
their exact number, but he believed there could not have been less than forty.”
The guard’s story, Robertson believed, itted rather well with what the Jemez had told
him—that the Navajos numbered perhaps thirty or forty warriors. Men employed by
Nesbit and Parker at the hay camp also conirmed the Pueblo’s accounting for stolen
livestock: the Navajos had driven off six horses and forty-three mules, of which ive
had been recovered. (pp. 184–185)
In a separate note, McNitt reports that Colonel Munroe stated that Nesbit and Parker never
submitted afidavits in support of their claimed losses because of the raid (p. 185n4).
Lastly, McNitt (p. 278) mentions a raid by four Navajos on Peña Blanca in 1856. New
Mexican militiamen pursued the raiders and engaged them in the Valle Grande, killing two
of the Navajo.
Miera y Pacheco, Bernardo
1779 Plano de la Provincia Interna de Nuebo Mexico que hizo por mandado de el Tnte.
Coronel de Caballeria, Gobernador y Comte. General de dha Prov.a Don Juan Bap.ta
de Ansa. On ile. Santa Fe: Map Room, Angélico Chávez History Library, Palace of the
Governors, Museum of New Mexico.
As the title indicates, cartographer Bernardo Miera y Pacheco (who originally came to Santa
Fe from El Paso ca. 1759 at the behest of his cousin, then Governor Marín del Valle), who
identiies himself as “exempt soldier of the royal presidio of Santa Fe,” drew this map at the
request of Governor Juan Bautista de Anza. The Valle Grande is labeled “Valle de los Bacas
(Valley of the Cows).” The map is not to scale, and the valley appears many times its actual
size. This fact suggests that, although travelers and herders had admired the Valle Grande’s
majesty, no one had ever measured it.
Minnis, Paul E., and Richard I. Ford
1977 Appendix C: Analysis of Plant Remains from Chimney Rock Mesa, 1970–1972. In
Archaeological Investigations at Chimney Rock Mesa, 1970–1972. Frank W. Eddy,
ed. Pp. 81–91. Memoirs of the Colorado Archaeological Society. Boulder: Colorado
Archaeological Society.
Minnis and Ford identify the food use of snowberry (Symphoricarpos sp.), a plant that grows
in the VCNP, in the pre-Columbian Pueblo archaeological record of Chimney Rock.
Moore, Michael, compiler
1977 Los Remedios de la Gente: A Compilation of Traditional New Mexican Herbal
Medicines and Their Use: 134 Different Leaves, Flowers, Roots, Barks & Gums in
Spanish, English & Latin. Santa Fe, NM: Herbs Etcetera.
Of the 134 Hispanic medicinal species reported by Moore, 57 genera grow in the Valles
Caldera area. Of these, three Arnica (Arnica sp.), native hops (Humulus lupulus), and
creeping barberry (Mahonia repens) are unique to Moore’s compilation.
Morley, Sylvanus
1938 Appendix II: The Rito de los Frijoles in the Spanish Archives. In Pajarito Plateau and
Its Ancient People. Edgar L. Hewett, ed. Pp. 149–154. Albuquerque: University of New
Mexico Press.
In this article, Morley states that Hispanics irst occupied the Rito de los Frijoles in 1780,
when Governor Juan Bautista de Anza received a petition from Andres Montoya having to
do with a grant made to Montoya by former Governor Tomás Velles Cachupin. Montoya
had never occupied the tract. He asked Governor Anza to make it over to his son-in-law,
Juan Antonio Lujan. This being done “said Lujan commenced to work said farm in which he
labored very much in clearing it off, it being virgin land” (p. 150).
The Court of Private Land Claims dismissed a petition for conirmation of the Rito de los
Frijoles Grant. By this decision, the boundary of the Ramón Vigil Grant was extended south
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to the northern edge of the Rito de los Frijoles Canyon and the Cochití Pueblo Grant was
extended north to the southern boundary of the Ramón Vigil Grant.
Naranjo, Tessie
1995 Thoughts on Migration by Santa Clara Pueblo. Journal of Anthropological
Archaeology 14:247–250.
A sociologist from Santa Clara Pueblo, Naranjo helps explain the primacy of the concept
of movement in Pueblo cosmology and landscape-making. Movement of people across the
land, just as movement of life force through all the realms of the Pueblos’ cosmos, means
transformation and renewal. The European idea of abandonment is neither applicable nor
appropriate.
In terms of movement speciically, Naranjo explains,
Movement is one of the big ideological concepts of Pueblo thought because it is
necessary for the perpetuation of life. Movement, clouds, wind and rain are one.
Movement must be emulated by the people. (p. 248)
She adds, “The idea was to have boundaries to create a place—to ix a place—temporarily
within the larger idea of movement” (p. 249).
Naranjo, Tito, and Rina Swentzell
1989 Healing Spaces in the Pueblo World. American Indian Culture and Research Journal
13(3–4):257–265.
Naranjo and Swentzell, both members of the Santa Clara Pueblo and educators, consider
the Pueblos’ concepts of center, periphery, movement, process, and connectedness in their
understandings of landscape, place, time, and tradition. In their consideration of healing
places, which are where a state of balance is maintained between human and natural
environments (p. 257), they examine the importance of negative spaces, whether formally
constructed (as in village plazas) or naturally occurring (as in caves), through which the
energy of all life forces moves to unite all parts of the Pueblos’ cosmos.
The symbolic openings are found in the plaza area, within the kiva, and in the
enclosing hills as well as in the far mountains. These openings represent, again, an
effort to connect this level of existence with that below. Each of the openings (nansipu and shrines) is a special healing space. Each is the primary point of energy low
between the simultaneous levels of the Pueblo world—it is where the movement of
the universe is most intense. Those points were centering places of the Pueblo world,
and human life can be in the connective low of the universe. They are, however,
inconspicuous points in the low of the universe. (p. 262)
Nichols, Robert F.
n.d. Wetherill Mesa Excavations: Step House, Mesa Verde National Park, Colorado.
Manuscript on ile: Mesa Verde, CO: U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park
Service.
Nichols reports the use of wood from the common chokecherry (Prunus virginiana),
the currant (Ribes sp.), and the elderberry (Sambucus sp.) in pre-Columbian Pueblo tool
manufacture at Mesa Verde. All three of these plants occur in the VCNP.
O’Bryan, Aileen
1956 The Dîné: Origin Myths of the Navaho Indians. Bureau of American Ethnology
Bulletin 163. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution.
In igure 3 O’Bryan provides an illustration of a Navajo sandpainting that represents the
earth (p. 23). Sisnádjini, the Holy Mountain of the East, appears as a circle below the igure’s
left shoulder.
O’Bryan’s retelling of the creation of the Holy Mountains in the present world largely
follows that provided by Matthews (1897). In her account, O’Bryan relates that First Man
and First Woman ask the Holy Beings, White Bead Boy and Rock Crystal Girl, to go inside
the Mountain of the East. First Man and First Woman
then fastened Sis na΄ jin to the earth with a bolt of lightning. They covered the
mountain with a blanket of daylight, and they decorated it with white shells, white
lightning, black clouds, and male rain. They placed the white shell basket on the
summit; and in this basket two eggs of the…pigeon. They said that the pigeons were
to be the mountain’s feather; and that is why there are many wild pigeons in this
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mountain today. And lastly they sent the bear to guard the doorway of the White Bead
Boy in the East. (p. 24)
O’Bryan continues the story by recounting that First Man and First Woman told the people:
. . . that they were to use the six sacred mountains indicated as their chief mountains.
The place of emergence from the lower worlds was where it is now. The people could
always see their great mountains above the lower mesa lands. When everything was
inished a smoke was prepared for the mountains and the chants were sung. (p. 26)
O’Bryan notes further:
All the mountains have their prayers and chants which are called Dressing the
Mountains. All the corner posts have their prayers and chants, as have the stars and
markings in the sky and on the earth. It is their custom to keep the sky and the earth
and the day and the night beautiful. The belief is that if this is done, living among the
people of the earth will be good. (p. 24)
O’Bryan provides several of the Mountain chants (pp. 25, 27–30). In this ceremonial
repertoire, the songs “tell of the mountain people: the bear, the deer, the squirrel, and of all
the others” (p. 26). They also reinforce the many-tiered relationships among the people and
the mountains that crosscut the dimensions of space and time.
Olson, Gilbert V.
1973 Field Notes of the Dependent Resurvey of a Portion of the North Boundary of the Baca
Location No. 1 Grant, Portions of the East Boundary and Subdivisional Lines with the
Subdivision of Certain Sections Township 18 North, Range 3 East. Microiche. Santa
Fe, NM: State Ofice, Bureau of Land Management.
This survey was carried out between October 15, 1970, and September 23, 1971, by
Cadastral Surveyor Gilbert V. Olson, and was approved by the Chief, Division of Cadastral
Survey, Bureau of Land Management, on November 21, 1973.
Olson tabulates earlier surveys including Sawyer and McBroom in 1876 (see entry for
Sawyer and McBroom 1876); a survey of parts of the north, east and south boundaries by
Albert F. Easley in 1883; Douglass and Neighbour in 1912 (see entry for Douglass and
Neighbour n.d.); Osterhoudt, Hall and, Devendorf in 1920–1921; and a survey of some
subdivision lines by Oscar B. Walsh in 1927.
This is a reestablishment of the survey performed by Easley in 1883 and of the resurvey
performed by Osterhoudt, Hall and Devendorf in 1920-1921.
Opler, Morris E.
1936 A Summary of Jicarilla Apache Culture. American Anthropologist 38(2):202–223.
The author describes the Jicarilla use of the common chokecherry (Prunus virginiana) and
acorns (Quercus sp.) for food. Both species occur in the VCNP.
Opler, Morris E.
1983a The Apachean Culture Pattern and Its Origins. In Southwest. Alfonso Ortiz, ed. Pp.
368–392. Vol. 10 of Handbook of North American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed.
Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution.
In this informative article, Opler provides practical general discussion of central tendencies
and variations in the early culture-history of Apachean cultures.
Opler, Morris E.
1983b Mescalero Apache. In Southwest. Alfonso Ortiz, ed. Pp. 419–439. Vol. 10 of Handbook
of North American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed. Washington, DC: Smithsonian
Institution.
This article provides a concise overview of the anthropology and history of the Mescalero
Apache Tribe.
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Ortiz, Alfonso
1969 The Tewa World: Space, Time, Being, and Becoming in a Pueblo Society. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.
This now-classic ethnographic monograph provides a comprehensive symbolic analysis
of Tewa culture, with the fundamental principles that structure the Tewa people’s
understandings of their cosmos. While this work offers no information directly related to the
VCNP, Ortiz’s study is an essential reference because it helps explain signiicant aspects of
the conceptual Tewa world.
This book, like all of Ortiz’s work, must be considered with care and respect. Now deceased,
Ortiz was of mixed Tewa and Nuevomexicano descent, but he identiied himself mainly with
San Juan Pueblo. He became a source of controversy within San Juan Pueblo society because
he divulged information about San Juan Tewa society and culture that some community
members felt should not be shared with outsiders.
Ortiz offers a general understanding of the Tewa ethnographic landscape. He examines
the relationships and meanings between the natural and supernatural worlds of the Tewas’
cosmos to permit a cogent deinition of Tewa ethnographic landscape structure and
boundaries. He speciically considers questions concerning how the Tewa simultaneously
divide and unite their world through a system of social and symbolic dualism, with the whole
greater than the sum of its parts. As Fred Eggan notes in the book’s forward:
. . . dualism is only part of the Tewa picture, though a fundamental part; the way in
which the dual organization ties the human categories together into a larger structure
is an important part of the author’s contribution. (p. xii)
Ortiz’s analysis suggests that places on the Tewa’s ethnographic landscape cannot be
understood in isolation or as having discrete, impermeable spatial or temporal boundaries.
His discussion of mountains in Tewa cultural geography is important in this regard:
The mountains are understood by the Tewa to be endowed with sacredness in several
ways. First, a lake or pond is associated with each, and within this body of water
live the “Dry Food Who Never Did Become,” of the appropriate directional color.
Secondly, there is a nan sipu or earth navel on top of each mountain, and within these
live the Towa é who stand watch over the Tewa world. The color classiication is
again replicated. (p. 19; emphasis added)
The identiication of Sandia Mountain as the cardinal south summit with water, directional
color association, a nan sipu, and the Towa é embodies many-layered and interrelated
metaphorical referents. Used in conjunction with other Tewa ethnographical accounts,
Ortiz’s analysis provides guidelines for considering aspects of relationships among (1)
mountains; (2) volcanoes and caves; and (3) the centers of the Tewa communities.
Ortiz, Alfonso
1972 Ritual Drama and the Pueblo World View. In New Perspectives on the Pueblos. Alfonso
Ortiz, ed. Pp. 135–161. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
Ortiz distinguishes world view from religion:
A world view provides a people with a structure of reality; it deines, classiies, and
orders the “really real” in the universe, in their world, and in their society….If world
view provides an intellectually satisfying picture of reality, religion provides both
an intellectually and emotionally satisfying picture of, and orientation toward, that
reality. (p. 136; emphasis added]
Ortiz adds:
A world view, then, is paramount in a cultural system in the sense that it denotes a
system of symbols by means of which a people impose meaning and order on their
world. This being so, the initial and most important question to ask of a people or a
body of data is: What are the symbolic resources in terms of which they think and act?
(p. 137)
This essay documents the precision among Pueblo people in bringing their deinitions of
community space and time into line with their cosmologies. These constructions all are
based on the premises that (1) all space is sacred, (2) sacred space is inexhaustible, and (3)
everything—animate and inanimate—has its place in the cosmos.
Ortiz traces the relationship between boundary and center. Boundaries demarcate things
between the living world and the underworld (i.e., a vertical dimension), while centers, such
as a village plaza, occupy the middle of the world (i.e., a horizontal dimension). Ortiz notes
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that in their attempt to reconcile their understandings of vertical and horizontal space in
reference to the supernatural beings, the Pueblos characteristically place these beings just at,
or just outside, their constructions of the living world. He argues:
One of the greater challenges in the study of the Pueblo world view is still that of
determining the boundaries of particular Pueblo worlds, then working backward toward the
center and illing them in. With their markedly centripetal point of view, this is the way the
Pueblos think, too. (p. 154)
Ortiz, Alfonso
1979 San Juan Pueblo. In Southwest. Alfonso Ortiz, ed. Pp. 278–295. Vol. 9 of Handbook
of North American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed. Washington, DC: Smithsonian
Institution.
This article provides a concise overview of the anthropology and history of San Juan Pueblo.
Ortiz, Alfonso
1991 Through Tewa Eyes: Origins. National Geographic 180(4):6–13.
In this short article written for a general audience, Ortiz uses birth, naming, and death rituals
to trace Tewa history from time immemorial. Ortiz outlines key principles of temporal and
spatial relationship among the many places that make up the Tewas’ ethnographic landscape
and sustain the framework of community tradition. An illustration (pp. 12–13) conveys many
aspects of the complex system of symbols that Ortiz evaluates comprehensively in his formal
ethnographic study (1969).
Ortiz, Simon J.
1992 Woven Stone. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
In this collection of poetic work derived from three previous volumes—Going for the Rain,
A Good Journey, and Fight Back: For the Sake of the People, For the Sake of the Land—
Ortiz, who is from Ácoma Pueblo, shares many insightful thoughts and stories about his
life experiences and his views of the world in which he lives. Two poems, “That’s the Place
Indians Talk About” (pp. 321–324) and “We Have Been Told Many Things but We Know
This To Be True” (pp. 324–325), richly illustrate the discussion Cajete (1994 [see entry
above]) develops for Native American people’s relationships with land and place.
Ortiz provides a thoughtful biographical essay as this volume’s introduction. He offers a
compelling observation about the many dificulties of expressing Pueblo ideas, which derive
from his Keresan birth language, into English. This commentary deserves consideration
when cultural resources planners, managers, and consultants confer with Pueblo people
about their landscape constructions and meanings, which similarly derive from languages
other than English.
[W]hen I learned English well and began to use it luently, at least technically and
intellectually, I found myself “objectifying” my native language, that is, in translation. And
it felt awkward, almost like I was doing something I was forbidden but doing it anyway.
I’ve posed myself the frequent question: Is it possible to translate from the Acoma language
to another? Yes, I’ve insisted, but I’m not sure I am convinced of it or how complete the
translation is. Since we’re all human with the same human feelings and responses to feelings,
we understand and share hurt, love, anger, joy, sadness, elation, a gamut of emotions.
However, human languages are different from each other, and unique, and we have different
and unique languages; it is not easy to translate from one language to another though we
egotistically believe and think we can. And that is when I found myself objectifying my
Acoma language and at emotional odds with myself. (p. 6; emphasis added]
Osterhoudt, L. A., W. V. Hall, and Charles W. Devendorf
1921 Independent Resurvey of the Baca Location No. 1. Microiche. Santa Fe, NM: State
Ofice, Bureau of Land Management.
U.S. Cadastral Engineers Osterhoudt, Hall, and Devendorf resurveyed the Baca Location
between June 30, 1920, and August 24, 1921. This survey determined that the Location
contained 99,289.37 acres (40,180.23 ha)—less than half an acre’s (.2 ha) variance from the
original 1876 survey by Sawyer and McBroom (see entry).
214
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The “General Description” by Devendorf states:
This grant lies on the highest portion of the Jemez Range of mountains. The second
highest mountain of the range, Pelado, about 11,700 ft. [3,567 m], is in the SW.
corner of the grant. The highest mountain, Santa Clara Peak is in the section rendered
fractional by the NE. cor. of the grant. Nearly all the grant is drained by the Jemez
River, the 2 forks of which unite about a mile [1.6 km] SW. of the SW. cor. of the grant.
The divide bet. the N. and S. drainage of the range lies just outside the grant at the
NW. and NE. cors. And inside for a few miles near the middle of the N. side. The
divide bet. the E. and SE. drainage lies entirely inside the grant but never far from
the bdy. I estimate Santa Clara Peak to be about 12,600 ft. [3,841 m] high. There
are numerous springs and swamps, giving rise to many streams on the grant. In the
western portion, many of these springs contain sulphur or other mineral and many
are warm to moderately hot. Sulphur Springs, a small but noted health resort is inside
the W. body. of the grant, several sulphur springs being hot as desired for baths, and
several springs of other kinds occurring in the same small tract.
There are large open valleys and benches inside the grant, making about ¼ of the total area.
This land and part of the mountain slopes is covered with a dense growth of grass, which
reaches in many places any where from knee high to the height of the shoulders. A large
proportion of these open places is swampy, but not too wet for grass. The remainder of the
grant is covered with timber, the bulk of which is spruce, ir and aspen. Some of the lower
elevations and southerly slopes, contain considerable valuable pine timber. Oak undergrowth
occurs most in the higher pine levels.
The soil is generally a very rich black loam, but in some of the valleys it is a gravelly brown
loam, and in much of the mountain country is more or less thin and stony. In the rougher
mountainous portions the soil is largely bare, broken lava rock and huge boulders.
At this high elevation, 8,000 to 12,000 ft. [2,439–3,659 m], the rainfall is very heavy, also
the snow fall. During the summer in the higher, rainier portion, I estimate that it rains at least
one-fourth of the time, possibly one-half of the time. The rainfall along the lower S. side is
considerably less than in the North and West portions, while it decreases rapidly in the to the
S., E. and N., after leaving the grant. There is land with good soil and abundant rainfall N. of
the grant. In the spring of 1921 the period between spring and autumn frosts at my camp was
about 60 days. It is probably shorter on the higher mountains. (pp. 97–99)
Devendorf discusses the survey itself, noting that the chaining of the boundaries “is not
as good as that of the center lines” (p. 99). He notes that the unoficial survey by L. D. W.
Shelton was the basis for the grant line fences and that none of these is entirely on the true
boundary but that the south fence “practically agrees” with the true boundary. He also notes
that the grant conlicts with several homestead entries and cuts off certain lands surveyed for
Santa Clara Pueblo.
Otero, Miguel Antonio
1935 My Life on the Frontier. Albuquerque, NM: Press of the Pioneers.
In 1881 Maríano Sabine Otero owned the Sulphur Springs, just outside the west boundary
of the Baca Location as deined by the 1876 survey, and he and his uncle, Miguel Antonio
Otero, jointly owned the Jémez Springs. Otero describes the creation of a commercial spring
and bathhouses at Jémez Springs in 1882 (pp. 237–238; 241–277). The 1911 resurvey (see
entry for USDA, Forest Service, 1915) established that Sulphur Springs is within the Baca
Location boundary.
Page, Suzanne, and Jake Page
1982 Hopi. New York: Abradale Press.
The Pages portray many aspects of Hopi life rarely conveyed in academic ethnological
monographs. One passage in particular captures the Hopis’ conceptualization of their
bipartite world and helps outsiders grasp the signiicance that Pueblo people attach to places,
especially caves that connect the complementary parts of their world, on their ethnographic
landscapes.
The Hopi land, the Hopi world, is completely peopled with spirits as real as—in fact, part
of—the rocks. The sun rises from its house to the east and sets in its house to the west.
Then from west to east it travels at night, making it day in the Underworld. The two worlds
alternate but are not really separate: they are a continuum. (p. 187)
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215
Parkhurst, T. Harmon
1920–1951 Photographs on ile: Los Alamos, NM: Los Alamos Historical Museum.
T. Harmon Parkhurst (1883–1952), a native of upstate New York, came to Santa Fe about
1910 to participate in an archaeological reconnaissance in Frijoles Canyon. He then worked
at the new Museum of New Mexico from 1910 to 1915 as museum photographer under
the supervision of Jesse L. Nusbaum. Parkhurst opened a studio in Santa Fe about 1915,
doing extensive regional photography on glass plate negatives. From 1920 through 1945
he worked with a 7- by 11-inch camera. Parkhurst was the oficial photographer of the Los
Alamos Ranch School for most of its history. He retired in 1951 and lived his last years in
Los Angeles.
Photographs on ile at the Los Alamos Historical Museum include the following:
Fishing in the Valle Grande 1939 (LAHM-P1993-053–5520, box 3)
Ranch School students camping in Valle Grande (LAHM-P1977–323–1–4239, box 3)
Los Alamos Ranch School students at camp kitchen in Valle Grande (LAHM-P1981–
585–1–4198, box 3)
Los Alamos Ranch School students at campsite in Valle de los Posos (LAHM-P–1981–
585–1–4197, box 3)
Los Alamos Ranch School students at campsite in Valle Grande (LAHM-P–1981–585–1–
4194, box 3)
Parsons, Elsie Clews
1925 The Pueblo of Jemez. Papers of the Phillips Academy Southwestern Expedition 3. New
Haven, CT: Published for the Phillips Academy by Yale University Press.
Considered an essential and classic ethnographic study, this work is controversial because
Parsons disclosed much traditional cultural knowledge held as sensitive by the people of
Jémez Pueblo. As such, use of this work should be approached with care.
Parsons offers some information about the traditional associations that the Jémez maintain
with the VCNP. For example, she reports that the Underworld Chief’s Society makes a
pilgrimage to Redondo Peak every summer (p. 63) and that community members go into
the Jémez Mountains (presumably including the Valles Caldera) to harvest aspen trunks for
making drums and wati grass from around springs for use in preparing prayer sticks (p. 104).
Parsons lists the mountains of cardinal directions as follows: “Yellow-Flint Mountain” to the
east, “Blue-Flint Mountain” (i.e., Wavema [a.k.a. Redondo Peak]) to the north, “Red-Flint
Mountain” to the west, and “Black-Flint Mountain” to the south (p. 137). She adds that the
Jémez Mountains generally and Redondo Peak speciically recall the origins and ends of
natural life and the eternity of all spiritual life. The Jémez Mountains represent “the place
from which the people came and whence the newborn still come” (p. 125).
Parsons, Elsie Clews
1996 [1939] Pueblo Indian Religion. 2 vols. Lincoln: University of Nebraska. (Originally
published Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.)
This monumental work is renowned both for its contributions to comparative Pueblo
ethnography and the controversy that arises from their disclosure of substantive, secretive
detail about Pueblo ceremonial practice and religious belief. Parsons was fully aware that
she trespassed, both physically into areas where she did not have ritual empowerment and as
an anthropologist interviewing people. She also was aware that she placed her consultants in
personal and social risk through use of an unethical “secretive method” to record sensitive
information (Strong, in Parsons 1996:x–xi). To many traditional people, Parsons’ work
was sacrilegious, desecrated the special qualities of places and personal relationships, and
threatened to undermine the power of what she reported.
The information allows the reader to grasp certain elements of meaning embedded in
statements by community scholars about the Pueblos’ ethnographic landscapes in general
and by community representatives about their village’s traditional associations with the
monument in particular. More importantly, Parson’s work permits the identiication of
a coherent, layered system of belief and referent that guides how Pueblo communities
construct and occupy their landscapes.
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Peckham, Stewart
1990 From this Earth: The Ancient Art of Pueblo Pottery. Santa Fe: Museum of New
Mexico Press.
In his introductory essay, Peckham (pp. 1–5) deines the concept of tradition in a manner that
is both comprehensive and accessible to the layperson. In casting traditions as media through
which people explain how “they became who they are” (p. 2), Peckham helps the reader
understand how traditions are part of a living cultural and historical process that links the
past with the present and provides continuity for preparing for the future. Peckham uses the
following major points to organize his thoughtful discussion:
Traditions are persistent.
Traditions help to maintain order.
Traditions have continuity.
Traditions change through time.
Traditions occupy deinable space.
Individuals may alter traditions.
Similar traditions rarely are identical.
Extinct traditions never really are revived.
A tradition is a thing of value.
Peckham also discusses the pre-Columbian Pueblo use of tansy mustard (Descurainia
pinnata) in making paint for decorating pottery. This plant grows in the Valles Caldera area.
Photo Archives, Palace of the Governors
ca. 1935 Selected Photographs of the Valles Grandes by T. Harmon Parkhurst and
Unattributed Photographs of Ranching Activity on the Baca Location No. 1. Santa Fe:
Museum of New Mexico.
The photo collection includes views of the Valle Grande by T. Harmon Parkhurst ca. 1935.
Negative numbers 50805–50808, 51455, 51459, 51461, 51462, 68912–68914, 57974, 57975,
88854, and 127488 are images of the Valles Caldera. An enclosed note refers to the Valles
Grande, San Antonio, Telledo [sic], Rincon, Poso, Jaramillo, Seco and San Luis, but the
photos themselves are not labeled by valley.
Several unattributed photographs are: a lock of sheep, a shepherd, and a dog (NN 5454); a
lock of sheep and a Hispanic boy (NN 51461); a lock of sheep, a shepherd and a dog (NN
22701); a photo of several cattle grazing in the Valle Grande (NN 51455); and a lock of
sheep grazing (NN 51457).
Powell, J. W.
1961 [1885] The Exploration of the Colorado River and Its Canyons. New York: Dover
Publications. (Originally published as Exploration of the Colorado River of the West
and Its Tributaries: Explored in 1869, 1870, 1871, and 1872, Under the Direction of the
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing
Ofice.)
The rocks of the Jémez Mountains region were irst described by J. W. Powell during his
1880s reconnaissance work. The region was known then as the Tewan Plateau. Powell
recognized it as an extensive volcanic ield of many types of volcanic rocks and voluminous
ash deposits.
Redondo Development Company
1915 Deed of Trust, Redondo Development Company to Warren Savings Bank, April
1, 1915. Sandoval County, New Mexico, Records, Deed Record No. 2 (1911–1922).
Accession No. 1959-042. Santa Fe, NM: State Records Center and Archives.
The Redondo Development Company (with its principal ofice in Albuquerque, New
Mexico) executed this mortgage to the Warren Savings Bank of Pennsylvania. The Redondo
Development Company authorized the issuance of bonds in the value of $175,000, securing
the payment of principal and interest (at 6 %) by this mortgage to Warren Savings Bank. The
bonds were to mature on April 1, 1925. This mortgage is on “all that certain tract of land
cummunly [sic] known as Baca Location No. One, situated in the counties of Sandoval and
Río Arriba in the Territory of Mexico [sic], the same being one of the tracts of land located
by the heirs of Luis Maria C. de Baca under the authority conffered [sic] by section 8 of an
act of congress of the United States, approved June 21, 1860…” The Redondo Development
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217
Company had the right to sell the timber on the lands, provided such sale or sales were not
made for a price less than $175,000.
The mortgage instrument was signed by E. D. Wetmore, President, Redondo Development
Company, and A. J. Haseltine, President, Warren Savings Bank.
Reichard, Gladys Amanda
1963 Navajo Religion: A Study of Symbolism. Bollingen Series 18. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press.
Reichard’s insightful discussion of the Navajo’s conceptualization of mountains warrants full
reiteration:
Mountains, though places, are so personalized that I have classiied them as deities.
They may be included in lists of Holy People mentioned in formula and prayer;
they have an “inner form,” “something which lies inside”…, and stabilizes them,
doubtless a counterpart of the Agate or Turquoise Man which makes a man invincible.
When people in the lower worlds were forced by loods to leave, they took special
care to bring tokens of the mountains with them. No Navajo conception of the
world, whether in the past or the future, is conceivable without the contemporary
arrangement of mountains. The mountain symbolism is due no doubt to the belief that
they are homes of the gods, associated with hogans. (p. 452)
Reichard next summarizes the dificulty, if not the outright impossibility, of identifying the
precise geography for the Navajo Holy Mountain of the East. In her evaluation, she describes
the traditional Navajo practices of variously collecting soil and water from these holy
summits for later use in rituals closer to home.
The provenience of the “eastern mountain” is much discussed by Navaho chanters,
but there is no agreement. sisnádjini, “the-particular-one-that-is-black-belted,” is its
name. Matthews [see entry for Matthews 1897] said it was Abiquiu Peak or the one
next to Abiquiu, which might be Pedernal Peak. [In a footnote, Reichard notes that
Matthews and others refer to “Belted Mountain” as Pelado Peak.] Father Berard
accepts for the Navajo the mountain identiied by the Jicarilla Apache as Blanca Peak
in Colorado, and Sapier-Hojier, doubtless following his lead, also translate sisná˙djiní
(their recording) as Blanca Peak. Father Berard’s Navajo authorities, convinced that
it was the Holy Mountain of the east [see entry for Haile 1938], collected soil to be
ritualistically employed later.
On the other hand, when in 1933 the Navaho decided to have the Rain Ceremony
preformed, the Rain Singer conducted a pilgrimage to Wheeler Peak (sisnádjini˙),
where they ceremonially collected waters. They explained, however, that “although
Wheeler Peak is, as we know, pretty far east, it is the right mountain.” From this
and other conlicting remarks, we may well exercise caution in accepting any one
as “the right” mountain. From the Rain Singer’s qualiication I infer that “too far
east” indicates Pedernal or Pelado Peak as the nearest mythical location; Blanca
Peak seems much too far north. Evidence of men who started out on a ritualistic
quest without suggestion of whites is a bit more convincing than that of Navaho
taken on a “scientiic” ield trip. I do not by these remarks mean to imply that anyone
was insincere—I mean merely to demonstrate that mythical places may be easily
rationalized as “scientiically” correct, even though one name be assigned to several.
(pp. 452–453)
In her chart 1, Reichard provides the following symbols that the Navajo associate with the
Holy Mountain of the East:
color:
mountain:
fastened by:
covered by:
jewel:
bird:
vegetation:
sound:
people by:
moved by:
extra gifts:
tutelary:
218
white
sisnádjini˙
lightning
daylight, dawn
whiteshell, whiteshell with belt of dark cloud
pigeon, white thunder
spotted, white corn
thunder in young eagle’s mouth
Rock Crystal Boy, Rock Crystal Girl, Whiteshell Boy, Whiteshell Girl,
Dawn Boy, Dawn Girl
spotted wind
white lightning, dark cloud, male rain, white corn
xa˙ctc΄é΄δγan
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Reiter, Paul
1938 The Jemez Pueblo of Unshagi, New Mexico. University of New Mexico Bulletin 4(1).
Monograph of the University of New Mexico and School of American Research.
Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
This report mainly concerns excavations at the Jémez village of Unshagi carried out by the
University of New Mexico and School of American Research from 1928 to 1934.
Chapter II (“History”) summarizes early history (1540 to the Reconquest and early
eighteenth century). Reiter quotes Bustamante’s description, in his narrative of the 1581
Rodríguez-Chamuscado expedition, of the Jémez pueblos; Espejo’s account of the “province
of the Emexes”; and Juan de Oñate’s visit to the Jémez province in August 1598. He
discusses fray Gerónimo de Zárate Salmerón’s mission to the Jémez province in the period
1621–1626 (Reiter believes that Zárate arrived in New Mexico in 1621 rather than 1617 or
1618 as suggested by other sources) and his prospecting in the Jémez Mountains.
Robbins, W. W., J. P. Harrington, and Barbara Freire-Marreco.
1916 Ethnobotany of the Tewa Indians. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 55.
Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution.
In this essential publication, Robbins and others provide a wealth of information on more
than 100 plants used by the Tewa communities (Nambé, Pojoaque, San Ildefonso, San Juan,
Santa Clara and Tesuque pueblos) of the northern Río Grande. Besides listing economically,
socially, or useful plant taxa, they often provide cogent discussion of how the Tewa and
some of their neighbors, including other Pueblos, the Navajo and the Jicarilla, name and use
these materials. Several dozen of these plants grow in the VCNP. Examples include White ir
(Abies concolor), which has medicinal applications and provides twigs suitable for making
pipe stems. The authors note that one-seed juniper (Juniperus monosperma) provides food;
fuelwood; bark for torches; leaves; twigs and berries for a variety of medicines; and boughs
for making bows. Another all-purpose plant is broad-leaf yucca (Yucca baccata), whose uses
include soap for personal hygiene and washing clothes, iber for cord and rope, edible fruits,
and brushes for painting pottery.
Romeo, Stephanie
1985 Concepts of Nature and Power: Environmental Ethics of the Northern Ute.
Environmental Review 9(2):150–170.
Romeo shares perspectives of traditional Ute ideology about their environment, which, in
turn, inform their landscape constructions. Ute traditionalists discuss community beliefs
about water, land, mountains, plants, and wildlife.
Ross, Clarence S.
1931 The Valles Mountain Volcanic Center of New Mexico. Transactions of the American
Geophysical Union 12:185–186.
Ross, a federal geologist with the U.S. Geological Survey, irst began surveys in the Jémez
Mountains in the 1920s. Although more recent investigations supersede this early discussion
of the history of volcanism in northern New Mexico, it still offers useful insights. For
example, Ross explains that explosive rhyolitic eruptions blasted a great crater out of older
andesite-latite volcanics.
This was 16 to 18 miles [26–29 km] in diameter, over 50 miles [80 km] in
circumference, and 600 to 800 feet [183–244 m] deep. The materials ejected were
almost exclusively tuffs, which were deposited in even beds sloping from an elevation
of about 9,000 feet [2,744 m] at the crater-rim to about 6,000 feet [1,829 m] at 12 to
14 miles [19–46 km] to the east at the Río Grande. This is the largest crater known,
being even larger that the great Ngorongoro crater of Africa. (p. 185)
Ross mistakenly states that the crater is not a caldera because there is no subsidence, a
conclusion corrected in later work (see entry for Smith and Bailey 1968). Ross believed at
this time that the Redondo Dome was made up of older volcanics that had not been blasted
out of the crater; he did not recognize it as a resurgent dome.
Ross, Clarence S.
1938 The Valles Volcano, New Mexico. Washington Academy of Sciences Journal 28:417.
This description of the Valles Caldera is a continuation of Ross’ earlier observations.
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Ross, Clarence S., and Robert L. Smith
1960 Ash-Flow Tuffs: Their Origin, Geologic Relations and Identiication. Professional
Paper 366. Washington, DC: Geological Survey.
This discussion of ash lows, a volcanic phenomenon, is based on ieldwork in the Valles
Mountains of northern New Mexico, as well as observations in Mexico, New Zealand,
and Iceland. The authors observe that ash-low deposits in the Valles Mountains reach a
maximum thickness of nearly 1,000 feet (305 m) and an extent of more than 350 square
miles (890 sq km) (p. 17).
The report includes an illustration of Battleship Rock in Cañon de San Diego. The authors
note that this illustration shows the columnar structure of many characteristic ash-low tuffs,
ash-fall tuffs near the junction of Colle and Peralta Cañones, a welded-tuff scarp in Cañon
Medio Día, an ash-low tuff scarp below the Puye Ruins, the ash-low tuff scarp of Capulin
Canyon, and another ash-low tuff scarp in the Valles Mountains.
Rothman, Hal
1989 Industrial Values and Marginal Land: Cultural and Environmental Change on the
Pajarito Plateau 1880–1910. New Mexico Historical Review 64:185–211.
Rothman discusses environmental change and degradation on and around the Pajarito
Plateau after the coming of the railroad in 1880. He states that American [Anglo] inluence
“telescoped into a few years much more environmental and cultural change than Spanish
practices had produced in nearly three hundred years” (p. 188). The Anglos saw the
commercial grazing and timber potential of the Plateau (p. 198). Rothman’s emphasis is on
the Ramón Vigil Grant, but his general explanation of environmental degradation and the
growth of the cash economy and of creditor-borrower arrangements serves to explain how
the Valles Caldera was incorporated into the national economy.
Rothman notes that the Anglo owners leased the timber rights on the Vigil Grant to H.
S. Buckman, a lumberman from Oregon, in 1898. Buckman began cutting timber on the
Plateau, and “Buckman’s timber enterprise destroyed what remained of the native ecosystem
on the Vigil Grant” (p. 203).
[C]hanging patterns of land use in the region ignited a complicated process of
economic, social, political, and environmental change. This change was incremental.
Each stage pushed the people of the area closer toward dependency on outside
markets. Native American and Hispanic populations found themselves with less and
less of the plateau at their disposal. The Vigil Grant, its productivity demolished by
Bishop and Buckman, was no longer available. The density of Hispanic and Native
American stock outside the Vigil Grant increased, and more animals competed for less
grazing land. Anglo overgrazing extended the impact of earlier limited overgrazing by
Hispanics and Native Americans; cattle and sheep trails were no longer centralized
around water sources. Larger herds also drove game higher into the Jémez
Mountains, and the black bear, wild turkeys, and pumas that characterized the pre1800 plateau became more scarce. The advantages of the plateau as a subsistence
environment quickly disappeared, and the people that depended on it had to ind
new sources of sustenance. Prior to the lumber camps and tie-gangs, few Hispanics
or Native Americans worked for anyone else. Instead, they grew foodstuffs, tended
animals, and traded for items that they could not produce themselves. Cash money
was scarce, and labor was a commodity to be bartered, not sold. Buckman’s crews
received cash for their labor, and the inlux of money made the goods in the stores
by the railroad in Española more available to the people of the region. With motives
born of desire and necessity, Hispanics and Native Americans began to participate in
the cash economy. As their base of subsistence became less fruitful, many Hispanics
entered the market to trade for foodstuffs. Many also sought to acquire the tools and
implements of industrial America. These were expensive, and often required credit—
the inal step in becoming a part of the cash economy…the need for credit and its
availability dramatically changed both farming and grazing in the Pajarito Plateau
area. Cash crop farming became prevalent, and new patterns of land use emerged.
(pp. 205–206)
Rothman explains that decline in the quality of forage, the extension of the National
Forests and the loss of open land forced many Hispanics to run sheep on shares, a business
dominated by Frank Bond.
Bond acquired so much public and private grazing land that small herders, who could
not ind enough pasture for their stock, had to sign on with him. Bond’s system tended
to impoverish these small herdsmen. Partidarios took his sheep along with their own,
and Bond made the herders fully responsible for the animals in their care. Their own
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stock served as collateral. Bond collected a fee for range use from the partidarios,
who also had to outit themselves from his store, where a lat 10 percent interest rate
was charged. With expenses mounting, most partidarios were lucky to keep their own
sheep at the end of a contract period. As Bond’s empire grew he became the most
inluential man in the Española Valley. (pp. 209–210)
Saile, David G.
1977 Making a House: Building Rituals and Spatial Concepts in the Pueblo Indian World.
Architectural Association Quarterly 9(2–3):72–81.
Saile provides a brief review of the conceptual underpinnings of Pueblo world view
in relation to habitation architecture. Saile emphasizes that houses were “not solely a
place of residence” but also were places “of potential communication with the spirit
world” (p. 77). Figure 4, titled “Section through Pueblo world levels indicating places of
potential communication with the spirits” (p. 4), illustrates both aspects of the understood
relationships that unify the center and periphery of the Pueblos’ natural world and the
connections among the natural world and the upper and lower levels of the cosmos. He also
explains,
At the centre was great potential power in a controlled form. With proper prescribed
ritual and prayer the power would beneit and ensure the survival of the village
and at greater depths [or] heights the power was potentially more dangerous and
uncontrollable. Ortiz notes that the “further one ranges outward from a particular
village or groups of villages, the greater is the tendency to attribute characteristics
opposite of normal to anything of symbolic value, even if only by surrounding it with
an aura of sacredness and mystery” (1972, p. 157). He refers to societies holding such
ideas as centripetal. (p. 77)
Saile adds that in the Pueblos’ understandings of their world,
power appears to have been derived from that which existed within the structure of
the world and within its related phenomena (weather, astronomical observances). This
power in turn, ultimately came from the creators of the world.
The structure of the world had to be reconstructed, or at least restated, periodically.
Any “new” or altered thing, plant, animal, human, or architectural had to take its
proper place in that framework…it is clear that spatial and formal organization did
complement “becoming” or changes of state in human existence; for example at birth,
naming, or during initiation. Places became “protected,” set apart, or sanctiied as
a point of communication with spirits, in co-operation with “rights of passage” or
changes in the life stages of Pueblo residents… (p. 79)
Sando, Joe S.
1979 Jemez Pueblo. In Southwest. Alfonso Ortiz, ed. Pp. 418–429. Vol. 9 of Handbook
of North American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed. Washington, DC: Smithsonian
Institution.
This article provides a concise overview of the anthropology and history of Jémez Pueblo.
Sando, Joe S.
1982 Nee Hemish: A History of Jemez Pueblo. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico
Press.
As Alfonso Ortiz writes in the foreword, this volume consists of an “intimate account of
Jémez Pueblo from distant times to the modern era” (p. xi). Sando, a member of Jémez
Pueblo, writes about history with a focus on the concerns of the people about their past,
present, and future. The theme of continuous occupation and stewardship of the land that the
Jémez inherited in time immemorial underlies Sando’s discussion.
As the people came into the Jémez Valley region, they established shrines to document their
occupation and to request protection by the supernatural beings “from the vicissitudes of
nature—loods, lightening, tornadoes, and drought” (p. 11). In this way they established
the essential relationships between themselves and the natural environment deining Jémez
Pueblo’s landscape.
In the new home area shrines were also placed at Tsung-paa-gi (“sad spring”), Waha-bela-wa (“butterly place”), both below Tu-va-kwa, and along the two creeks
mentioned above [i.e., Río de las Vacas and the Río Cebolla]. The others were farther
east, in San Diego Canyon: Guisewa (“soda dam”), Daha-enu (“battleship rock”),
at Jemez Falls, and on top of Wa-ve-ma (Redondo Peak), and the northeast-corner
boundary mark at Pa-shum-mu (“lower mountain”), now known as Chicoma Peak.
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Unfortunately, most of these places, though in use today, are no longer in Jemez
ownership so, again, permission has to be obtained before visiting these places
ceremonially. The only known spot owned by Jemez is on top of Redondo Peak,
where a “generous” area, four feet by four feet, [1.2 x 1.2 m] is set aside by the
“benevolent” owner of the surrounding timber and grazing area. The only reason
it is set aside is that it contains a visible shrine. The most important shrines in use
currently are Tu-va-kwa, Wa-ve-ma, and Pe-kwile-gi. (p. 11)
The author maintains that this ancient homeland remains a major part of Jémez tradition,
even though the USDA Forest Service administers most of these lands today (pp. 15–16).
Sando also notes that Jémez men went into upland forested areas, including Valle Grande,
to herd horses during the months of June and July (pp. 11, 16, 50). In late summer, the men
brought back the horses of the pueblo for threshing wheat. These practices persisted until
about 1927, as shown by dates that the herdsmen carved into aspen trees (p. 11).
Sando retells the story of a battle waged by the Jémez upon the Navajo raiders in the Valles
Caldera.
There are many stories of the experiences of young Jemez men while they were out
herding horses. In a particularly popular story told to the grandchildren, during the
late 1800s a raiding Navajo group was discovered unaware in the Valles Grande,
camped on the west edge near a thick grove of scrub oak. The Jemez men were
camped on the southeast side of the large, grassy meadow of Valle Grande. Since
the Jemez men had spotted the Navajos irst, they had the advantage; individual
assignments and instructions were given, including the method of communications
(whistling in different tones and length, plus imitating different bird calls for different
situations). Cristobal Sando, grandfather and great-grandfather of the present-day
Sandos, was selected to shoot the Navajo purported to be the leader. With their bows
and arrows three men penetrated the thick brush surrounding the Navajo camp; the
others were stationed at different distances, to prevent the raiders from reaching
the herd and from inlicting damage to the men. After patiently waiting for the right
situation and position of the Navajo leader, Grandpa Sando let ly an arrow. The fatal
shot reached its mark and caused great excitement, confusion, and furor among the
raiders. They took off toward the west, with more Jemez arrows lying after them—
intended more as scare tactics than to kill the raiders. In their haste the raiders left
twisted strips of cowhide and some strips of tanned deerhide. (pp. 11–12)
Sando shares some information about the how Jémez Pueblo’s people earned their
livelihood, in part, by using the Valles Caldera’s resources. Valle Grande was the pueblo’s
traditional pasture during the summer (p. 16). “The forested areas near the natural bowl [of
the Valle Grande] were also used by the eagle catchers [of the Eagle Catching Society] in
the late fall, following the harvest” (p. 16). Sando reports further that the area where the
Jémez quarried the lagstone needed for making paper bread was just south of Pa-shun (a.k.a.
Tsikumu and Cerro Chicoma) (p. 16).
Lastly, Sando provides a brief discussion of the Pueblo’s relationship to and subsequent loss
of the Valle Grande.
After the ancient homeland was granted to the Spaniards in 1798, under a grant
known as the Cañón de San Diego de Jémez Land Grant, the Jémez people began
to depend on the forested area farther east for religious activities, herb collecting,
hunting, eagle catching, grazing community horse herds, and collecting ir branches
for ceremonial dances. They had free access and use, along with neighboring Pueblo
Indian tribes, until 1905.
On October 12, 1905, President Theodore Roosevelt declared 34,900.27 acres
[14,123.37 ha] of aboriginal land to be the Jemez National Forest Reserve. This
occurred in spite of Article 1, Section 8 of the Constitution of the United States,
which states that Indian tribes, like foreign nations and states, will be consulted on
important transactions. No records have been found to indicate that the United States
Indian Service was consulted on this matter.
Further loss of aboriginal land in Valle Grande, amounting to 16,811.74 acres
[6,863.34 ha], took place in the 1920s under the Homestead Act. This land was listed
as Tract B before the Indian Claims Commission in Docket 137…The rest, Tract C,
was taken over by the government under the Taylor Grazing Act of April 4, 1936. The
total losses, as presented before the Indians Claims commission, were 282,415.73
acres [114,287.45 ha]… (pp. 49–50)
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Sauer, Carl O.
1925 The Morphology of Landscape. University of California Publications in Geography
2:19–54.
More than 75 years ago, Sauer deined landscape in a way that remains relevant today
because it recognizes people’s interactions with their environments as a uniquely evolving
cultural-historical process:
The cultural landscape is fashioned from a natural landscape by a culture group.
Culture is the agent, the natural area is the medium, the cultural landscape is the
result. Under the inluence of a given culture, itself changing through time, the
landscape undergoes development, passing through phases, and probably reaching
ultimately the end of its cycle of development. With the introduction of a different—
that is, alien-culture, a rejuvenation of the cultural landscape sets in, or a new
landscape is superimposed on the remnants of an older one. (p. 46)
Sawyer, Daniel and McBroom, William H.
1876 Field Notes of the Survey of Baca Location No. One, in New Mexico, being Grant
made to the heirs of Luis Maria Baca by act of Congress approved June 21, 1860.
Surveyed by Daniel Sawyer and William H. McBroom, U.S. Dep. Surs., under their
Contract No. 68, of April 15, 1876. Microiche on ile: Santa Fe, NM: State Ofice,
Bureau of Land Management.
This is the original survey of the Baca Location, carried out between June 12 and 16, 1876.
Sawyer and McBroom determined that the Location contained 99,289 acres (40,180 ha).
Later resurveys (the restorative survey by W. B. Douglass and Hugh M. Neighbour in
1911–1912; and the independent resurvey by Osterhoudt, Hall, and Devendorf in 1920–1921
examined and corrected the errors in this survey. Douglass concluded that Sawyer and
McBroom had in fact surveyed the boundaries—an open question considering the methods
and standards of surveys performed in the 1860s and 1870s, and the fact that this survey was
done in four days.
In the concluding “General Description” signed by Surveyor General H. W. Atkinson, the
Baca Locationis described as:
. . . inely adapted for stock growing, raising a ine rank growth of grass especially
in the interior which is illed with several small valleys and ine streams containing
myriads of trout. The soil in the valley is rich but on account of its Altitude is too cold
to raise any kind of grain or vegetables. There are no settlers living upon the Grant.
Large herds of sheep are kept here during the summer, but not during winter as the
cold is too severe. The east and north boundaries run along the summit of the Valles
mountains and are high and slightly broken. The grant contains an abundance of pine
and aspen timber. (pp. 14–15)
Schroeder, Albert H.
1979 Pueblos Abandoned in Historic Times. In Southwest. Alfonso Ortiz, ed. Pp. 236–254.
Vol. 9 of Handbook of North American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed. Washington,
DC: Smithsonian Institution.
Schroeder provides a discussion of the Southern Tiwa pueblos at European contact. He
notes that the Tiwa abandoned the village of Alcanfor or Coofor in 1540 for the use of
the Coronado expedition (p. 242). Schroeder also discusses the Rodríguez-Chamuscado
expedition of 1581–1582, that of Gaspar Castaño de Sosa in 1591, and the colonizing
expedition of Juan de Oñate in 1598. Schroeder summarizes the available historical evidence
to determine the identity of the pueblos named by early Spanish explorers.
Scurlock, Dan
1981 Euro-American History of the Study Area. In High Altitude Adaptations along
Redondo Creek: The Baca Geothermal Anthropological Project. Craig Baker and
Joseph C. Winter, eds. Pp. 131–160. Albuquerque: Ofice of Contract Archeology,
University of New Mexico.
Scurlock describes documentary research and interviews with 10 informants. He discusses
the early Spanish Colonial period (1540–1679) exploration and settlement of the area, the
Pueblo Revolt (1680), and the Reconquest (1692–1696). Jémez and other northern pueblos
received formal land grants late in the seventeenth century, according to Scurlock. After
the Reconquest of New Mexico, the governor of New Mexico began to make colonial land
grants north of Jémez Pueblo and west of the Río Grande. Governor Fernando Chacón made
the Cañon de San Diego Grant in 1798. The irst European settlement on it was probably
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Cañon, at the conluence of the Jémez and Guadalupe rivers. By 1821 the Jémez Valley had a
Hispanic population of 864 (p. 135).
In 1851 Navajos raided a hay camp established by a civilian contractor to cut hay for the
U.S. Army. This camp was on the East Fork of the Jémez River and “was apparently later the
site of Camp Valles Grandes, established by the United States Army as a deterrent to Navajo
and Apache movement through the area during the inal Navajo Wars of 1863” (p. 137).
Scurlock notes (p. 137) that the development of large single-owner herds of sheep, increased
military protection, and the subjugation of the Navajos and other nomadic Indians in the
1860s and 1870s caused expansion into previously little-known areas adjacent to the Río
Grande Valley.
Two land grants of the Mexican Period, the Luis María Cabeza de Baca Grant (1821)
and the Town of Las Vegas Grant (1835) embraced the same lands on the Gallinas River.
To settle this conlict, the Baca heirs eventually relinquished their claim, in exchange for
Congressional authorization (1860) to select an equal amount of land in ive square blocks
elsewhere in New Mexico. The irst block they chose was the Baca Location. They did not,
however, receive title until 1876, when the New Mexico Surveyor General completed the
survey of the location.
Two homesteads were established near the Baca Location by about 1883 (p. 140).
Maríano Sabine Otero and his uncle, Miguel Antonio Otero, developed Jémez Springs as
a commercial resort (with the backing of oficials of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe
Railroad) and built a hotel and bathhouses in 1882. Gold and silver were discovered about
ive miles [8 km] south of the Baca Location in 1889; major mines and the boomtowns of
Albemarle, Allerton, and Bland followed about 1894. The demand for lumber led to the
establishment of several sawmills (p. 140). Maríano Otero and his son, Frederico J. (F. J.),
bought the Baca Location in 1899. F. J. Otero became president of the Valles Land Company
and used the Baca Location as summer range.
In 1909 F. J. Otero sold the Baca Location to the Redondo Development Company (with
headquarters in Pennsylvania) but kept the grazing rights and leased the Baca for grazing
sheep up until 1918 when Frank Bond acquired the grazing rights. Bond, one of New
Mexico’s most important general merchants in the late Territorial and early statehood period,
leased the Baca Location from the Redondo Development Company for $500 a month and
used it for summer grazing, wintering his sheep on the Ramón Vigil Grant (which he bought
in 1919) and the Alamo Ranch northwest of Bernalillo. Despite losses on the Baca in the
severe winter of 1918–1919, Bond continued to develop his operations there. He bought the
Baca in 1926, but the Redondo Development Company retained the timber for 99 years
(p. 144).
Scurlock notes (p. 144, 147) that 73 Bond employees were on the Baca Location in the
summer of 1918. He lists the employees identiied by informants or found in the Bond and
Son business records (see entry for Bond and Son 1918).
Guy H. Porter and his son, Frank H., formed the White Pine Lumber Company in 1922. In
1924 they began to ship timber from the San Diego Grant over the line to Bernalillo. (Note:
This required the condemnation of a right-of-way across Jémez Pueblo, authorized by the
[federal] Pueblo Lands Condemnation Act of 1926, subsequently reenacted in 1928.) The
White Pine Lumber Company cut about 100 million board feet of lumber from 1924 to 1931.
With the onset of the Depression and a drop in demand for lumber, the company ceased
operations in 1931. T. P. Gallagher, Jr., president of the New Mexico Lumber and Timber
Company, bought the White Pine Lumber Company and resumed logging on the upper
San Diego Grant. In 1935, the Redondo Development Company sold the logging rights on
the Baca to the Firesteel Lumber Company. Under agreement with Firesteel, New Mexico
Timber began logging near Redondo Creek and built a logging camp on Redondo Creek
(“Redondo Camp”) (p. 148).
The timber rights were transferred to New Mexico Timber in 1939 (p. 148). Redondo Camp
was abandoned in 1939, and most of the logging moved to the northwest part of the Baca.
Logging continued into the war years and included cutting on Redondo Peak, at El Cajete,
and along the Jaramillo drainage.
Because of a decline in wool prices in 1939–1940, Bond added cattle to his operation. After
his death in 1945, the Bond family leased the Baca to various cattle ranchers. James Patrick
Dunigan bought the Baca in 1962. He ran cattle, bought back the timber rights in 1971, and
ended logging on the Baca (after suing New Mexico Timber in 1964 in federal district court
to obtain recognition of his successor interest in the 99-year lease, and appealing his case to
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the 10th Circuit Court of Appeals in 1967 [see entry for Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc.]). An
experimental steam well was drilled in 1963. Dunigan made elk hunts a major part of the
operation. In 1976 the National Park Service bought 3,076 acres (1,245 ha) of the southeast
corner of the grant as an addition to Bandelier National Monument. The Park Service, Forest
Service, and Fish and Wildlife Service began studies in 1979 with a view to acquiring the
Baca for the public.
Scurlock, Dan
1982 Pastores of the Valles Caldera: Documenting a Vanishing Way of Life. El Palacio
88(1):3–11.
Clyde Smith, who was born on a homestead at Battleship Rock in1899 and worked for
Maríano S. Otero as a young man, estimated that there were over 100,000 sheep on
Baca Location pastures during the summers of 1917 and 1918 (p. 4). In a series of taped
interviews with Scurlock, Smith described the lives of early twentieth-century Valles Caldera
shepherds (pastores) and camp tenders (camperos) with invaluable detail. Major portions of
Scurlock’s summary of these interviews follows.
Herd sizes ranged from 1,000 to 1,500 head and came from winter pastures and
ranches at or near towns such as Peña Blanca, Bernalillo, Cuba, Jemez Springs,
Española, Santa Fe, Algodones, and Cordova. The pastores and camperos, on foot or
mounted on saddle horses, herded their sheep with the aid of dogs that…usually were
collies...Burros and mules carried the camp equipment and supplies in wooden boxes
and water in ive-gallon wooden kegs.
Camps were moved on the average of once a week following depletion of available
grass for the locks. Herders often would burn off pasture to promote rapid new
growth of grasses and forbs.
Camps were set up in areas protected from predominant winds but away from solitary
trees or small groves of trees that sometimes were struck y lightning during frequent
afternoon thunderstorms. The sites were picked for proximity to good pasture and
water for the stock. Tents were erected on a slight grade for drainage of runoff during
rains. A ridgepole tent was used to store supplies of food and equipment, and a single,
center-pole, tepee tent, about seven by seven feet, served as sleeping quarters for two
men. Eight wooden stakes secured the bottom of the canvas tents. Shallow trenches,
dug with shovels around each tent, prevented looding of the interior.
The doors of the tents were oriented either to the east or west, and a irepit for
cooking meals was dug about two meters from the door of the sleeping tent. The irepit
was about a foot deep, rectangular in shape (two by three feet) with dirt mounded
along one side as a windbreak. Rocks were sometimes placed around the interior of
the pit on which the coffee pot, skillet or dutch oven rested during cooking. The pack
burros, mules and saddlehorses were tethered or hobbled close by. Scattered around
the majada (bedding ground of the sheep) near the camp were canoas (troughs) of
salt. These canoas were handmade from aspen logs; the salt was brought from natural
deposits in the Estancia Valley or, in later years, from Bond’s store at Española.
The camperos generally took care of the camps, and their work included tending
to the stock and preparing meals. Food was stored in wooden pack boxes in the
supply tent. Basic foodstuffs included beans, canned tomatoes, potatoes, onions, rice,
oatmeal, coffee (Arbuckle’s was a favorite), canned condensed milk, lour, salt, pepper,
lard, baking powder, and sugar. Potatoes were sometimes buried under the bedding in
the herder’s tent to prevent their freezing in the early spring and fall.
Fresh beef, when available, was used in stews or cut into small chunks with gravy
poured over it. Meat was preserved by jerking—cutting into long strips and drying
in the sun. Mutton, trout caught from the numerous streams in the Valles region
supplemented the pastores’ diet…native plants gathered for food: cebollita del campo
(onions), cota (Indian tea) used to make tea, and verduras (greens) used in salads.
Beans were cooked in a small bucket with holes in the lid to emit steam as they baked
slowly in the coals. These “bean pots” could be purchased, but they were also easily
made by punching holes with a nail in the lid of a ten-pound lard pail. Two basic types
of bread were made: a large loaf known as shepherd’s bread, which was baked in
dutch ovens, and gordas, thick, round cakes cooked in lard in a small pan.
Other cooking equipment in the pastores’ camps included a cast iron skillet, sheet iron
skillet, metal coffee pot (sometimes graniteware or enamelware), and a small bread
pan. Items used in food preparation include a butcher knife, metal spatula, cooking
fork, stirring spoon, and coffee mill. Metal eating utensils, plates and cups completed
the culinary array. Wooden matches for starting the ire were kept in a glass jar with a
screw lid. Empty tin cans with other trash were buried near the camp.
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A water bucket, axe, extra handles, claw hammer, pliers, and sheepmarking stamps
completed the inventory of camp equipment. The latter item was the owner’s brand,
carved from wood, which was dipped into dark paint and then pressed against the
lank or back of the sheep after it was sheared. The caporals from each home ranch
traveled on horseback from camp to camp once or twice a week to bring needed
supplies on pack mules or horses and to count sheep in each lock…
The pastores hunted with .44 caliber riles and pistols, popular weapons of the time;
.32–.20 caliber pistols also were used but were less preferred. The weapons also
provided protection of the sheep from coyotes, bears and gray wolves; the latter were
exterminated in the Jemez Mountains by 1928. Other personal items usually carried
by the pastores or camperos or kept at camp included a canteen, clasp (pocket) knife,
walking stick, reata (Rope for pulling sheep out of a lock), honda (a slingshot for
turning leaders of the lock or driving stragglers back to it), cigarette tobacco (Prince
Albert was the most popular) and papers, and chewing tobacco (usually Star Brand).
Most herders carried a small bag containing scissors, needle and thread, toothbrush,
and salt or soda for cleaning teeth. The viejos (old ones) had a chispa (strike-a-light),
lint and a cloth saturated with black powder used to catch sparks and start the ire.
For evening recreation, guitars, harmonicas and a deck of cards were necessities.
Story and joke telling also frequently provided amusement around the campires. The
men slept on sheep skins placed on the canvas loor of their tent, and quilts made of
patches of cloth sewn together or wool blankets provided warmth on the cold nights at
the high altitude.
The pastores devoted leisure hours to various crafts: braiding horsehair or leather
reatas and headstalls, making rawhide moccasins called leguas (although storebought work shoes or boots eventually replaced this traditional footwear), and
carving on the bark of aspen trees. Names, dates, place of residence, refranes
(sayings), and portraits of horses, dogs, female igures, cattle, deer, and religious
crosses were commonly carved subjects.
The lambing season in the Valles was from May to early June. In the early twentieth
century, several sites on the Baca Location were used for lambing camps, which were
located near a permanent water supply. Corrals were constructed from aspen or
conifer logs in the early part of the period; while milled lumber was more commonly
used as 1920. Sheds with tin roofs were built within the corrals to protect the ewes
and lambs from inclement weather. Whole logs, or sometimes logs split in half, were
laid with ends overlapping between two upright vertical posts to form corrals ive to
six feet high. The corral designs were round or rectangular.
Lambing camps were located on Redondo Creek and on Jaramillo Creek, at San
Antonio hot springs, at El Cajete, at the Rincon de los Soldados on the northwest side
of the Valle Grande, and at Paseo del Norte on the south boundary of the Baca grant
near the present main entrance to the Baca Land and Cattle Company headquarters.
The Paseo del Norte camp was established by Frank Bond in 1935, the year the road
(now Highway 4) connecting Los Alamos to Cuba was completed by the Civilian
Conservation Corps.
After lambing, the ewes were sheared at these same camps by trasquiladores
(shearers) who came from various villages in northern New Mexico. These men
could shear 50 to 100 animals a day and were paid twenty-ive cents a head for their
work. The sheared wool was stuffed into large burlap bags and hung from a wooden
support. Ten to twelve full bags, each weighing approximately 500 pounds, were
loaded into a freight wagon drawn by four mules or horses and hauled to Española,
Bernalillo or Albuquerque.
The sheared animals were stamped with the owner’s brand or marked with ear
notches. To prevent scabies and eliminate ticks, the sheep were dipped in concrete vats
or in pits dug in the ground and illed with such mixtures as Blackleaf 40 combined
with sulphur and water. The main dipping camp was located at Sulphur Springs on the
west edge of the Baca Location. (pp. 5–9; emphasis in original]
Sherman, James E., and Barbara H.
1975 Ghost Towns and Mining Camps of New Mexico. Norman: University of Oklahoma
Press.
Gold and silver were discovered about ive miles (8 km) south of the Baca Location in 1889
(see pp. 2–3; 13). The “Cochiti Mining District” was the general designation for the mines
around the boomtowns of Albermarle, Allerton, and Bland. Sandoval County was created in
1903 from this part of Bernalillo County.
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Silko, Leslie Marmon
1995 Interior and Exterior Landscapes: The Pueblo Migration Stories. In Landscape in
America. George F. Thompson, ed. Pp. 155–169. Austin: University of Texas Press.
Silko, who is from Laguna Pueblo, argues that that Pueblo people are an inseparable part of
the land.
Pueblo potters, and the creators of petroglyphs and oral narratives, never conceived
of removing themselves from the earth and sky. So long as the human consciousness
remains within the hills, canyons, cliffs, and the plants, clouds, and sky, the term
landscape, as it has entered the English language is misleading. “A portion of
territory the eye can comprehend in a single view” does not correctly describe the
relationship between the human being and his or her surroundings. This assumes the
viewer is somehow outside or separate from the territory he or she surveys. Viewers
are as much a part of the landscape as the boulder they stand on. (p. 156; emphasis in
the original]
The land, the sky, and all that is within them—the landscape—includes human
beings. Interrelationships in the Pueblo landscape are complex and fragile. The
unpredictability of the weather, the aridity and harshness of much of the terrain in the
high plateau country explain in large part the relentless attention the ancient Pueblo
people gave to the sky and the earth around them. Survival depended upon harmony
and cooperation not only among human beings, but also among all things—the
animate and the less animate, since rocks and mountains were known on occasion to
move. (p. 157)
Sleight, Frederick W.
1950 The Navajo Sacred Mountain of the East: A Controversy. El Palacio 58:379–397.
Sleight builds his argument from the premise that Navajo traditional knowledge embodies
“a broad manifestation of geographical understanding” (p. 379) and includes places-names
that are known locales within the Navajo world. In this essay, Sleight summarizes his
examination of 34 documentary sources and supplementary original ieldwork to identify,
when possible, the geographic locations of the principal four Navajo mountains of direction:
Sisnádjini (Holy Mountain of the East), Tsodził (Holy Mountain of the South), Doko'osłi'd
(Holy Mountain of the West), and Dibéntsah (Holy Mountain of the North).
Sleight provides important context in his consideration whether the idea of a holy cardinal
mountain, which can be identiied with a particular geographic feature within the Navajo
landscape, even exists:
One must acknowledge from the onset that the holy mountain concept is found irst in
mythic stories concerning the origin of things on the earth. The mountains are even
personiied and igure in numerous legends setting forth exploits of the Holy Ones.
In such legends their names are listed among many places that are purely mythical
and non-existent. Nevertheless, the cardinal mountains have emerged in the minds of
the medicine men as the holiest of sacred places. Consequently, the Navajo, with his
religion of symbolism, inds it necessary to identify certain concepts with things and
places that are observable, tangible, and usable. Thus, the four (sometimes seven)
holy mountains transcend the mythical realm and are considered by the Navajo
medicine men as actual places that may be viewed, visited, and utilized for ritualistic
purposes...
The demonstration of feats of the Holy People through physiographic phenomena
stands as a powerful force in the bringing of supernatural assurance to a people
beset with the multiple forces of nature. The legends prescribe the collection and
assemblage of numerous forms of ritualistic paraphernalia, and, on occasion, the
place or source is given. Thus, through the need for a place from which to obtain
such sacred materials, has developed the localization of actual geographic spots that
subscribe to the legendary place description. Sacred soil, plants, and waters from the
four holy mountains must be obtained if certain prerequisites of various ceremonials
are to be realized, and if these ritual items are collected from the places prescribed by
the Holy Ones, it is necessary that places be identiied and recognized as sacred spots
long ago sanctioned by the interpreters of the legends. (pp. 380–381)
Sleight reports inding unanimity among his consultants in the identiication of the south
(Mount Taylor in western New Mexico), west (San Francisco Peaks in northern Arizona),
and north (La Plata Range in southwestern Colorado) mountains. He offers reasoned
explanations for why several earlier researchers misidentiied some of these summits in their
work.
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The identiication of the Navajo Holy Mountain of the East, however, has long been a
subject of scholarly debate given the many contrasting statements offered by Navajo
consultants on the matter. Sleight offers a comprehensive critical review of these varying
opinions, including a number of other entries contained within this bibliography (see entries
by Amsden 1934; Brewer 1937; Haile 1938; Matthews 1897).
Sleight concludes that Blanca Peak of Colorado, Wheeler Peak near Taos, and Pelado
(a.k.a. Redondo) Peak in the VCNP are the three most likely candidates for the Navajo Holy
Mountain of the East. He then offers an argument to show that the available historical and
physiographic evidence favors the identiication of Pelado Peak.
First, Sleight maintains that the geographic location of the Jémez Mountains is congruent
with both the physiography and culture history of the Navajo homeland. Sleight states, “the
Jémez Mountains presented an obvious, observable and impressive eastern limit to Navajo
life and culture” (p. 391).
Second, Sleight, who relies on translation of the place-name sisnádjini as “Horizontal black
belt” (see entry for Hale 1938), states that the description embodied in this term could
easily be applied to the Jémez Mountains in general and Redondo Peak in particular. “When
viewed from deep within the old Navajo country, the Jémez Range appears as an extended,
level, black belt on the eastern horizon, and is the only mountain mass on the eastern side
of the Navajo domain with this appearance” (p. 391). Sleight notes further that although
several individual mountains it the description embodied by the name “Horizontal black
belt,” “Redondo Peak…has an outstanding ‘belt” on its western side in such a position
that Navajos, approaching from their country, could not help but see it” (pp. 391–392).
Nevertheless, acknowledging that Santa Fe Baldy Peak similarly has an impressive “black
belt,” he adds, “it is not dificult to rationalize the translation of sisnádjini to one of several
peaks of the Jémez or Sangre de Cristo Ranges” (p. 392).
Third, citing the vivid geographical description associated with the place-name sisnádjini in
a traditional community story about the division of the Navajo (see entry for Coolidge 1930),
Sleight suggests that Redondo Peak is the strongest candidate for recognition as the Holy
Mountain of the East:
The only one of the three mountains presently being considered that might it this
description is Redondo (Pelado) Peak of the Jémez Range, for it is smooth, barren
looking on its summit, and covered with wide stretches of grass. Blanca Peak and
Wheeler Peak, on the other hand, with their angular and rugged summits, could
hardly conform to this native description. (p. 392)
Fourth, Sleight says the inability of some Navajo consultants to identify a geographic
location of sisnádjini, as well as the often contradictory designations provided by some
individuals who do, are a product of (1) acculturation and (2) the restriction of the people’s
geographical domain since the mid-nineteenth century. He states that reservation life and
limits “divorced Navajo thinking from a section of country that had been considered theirs
for many generations” (pp. 392–393).
In concluding his essay, Sleight presents the results of his work with Navajo consultants,
all of whom he identiies as medicine men (pp. 393–394). He reports that in all cases, the
medicine men were unanimous in their identiications of the south, west, and north holy
mountains (see above). Several individuals could not venture an opinion as to either the
appearance or the location of the Holy Mountain of the East. Sleight reports that four
consultants, however, offered insights that support Matthews’ (1897:221) original assessment
that sisnádjini is near the Pueblo of Jémez and probably means either the Jémez Mountains
generally or is speciically the summit known today as Redondo Peak. Of interest are the
medicine men’s statements that sisnádjini (1) is visible on the eastern horizon from the
Lukachukai Mountains, (2) appears as “that long line of mountain” (unidentiied informant
(p. 394)) on the eastern side of the Navajo homeland, and (3) can be seen on the north
horizon from Albuquerque’s heights. One consultant, many years earlier, reported that he:
. . . had actually visited sisnádjini and had collected holy articles for his “medicine.”
This aged medicine man stated that his pilgrimage carried him to the Pueblo of
Jémez, amid the Jémez Mountains. From here he indicated he proceeded in a more or
less northwesterly direction to the peak. (p. 393)
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Smith, Anne M.
1974 Ethnography of the Northern Utes. Papers in Anthropology 17. Santa Fe: Museum of
New Mexico Press.
Smith notes northern Ute uses of several plants that grow in the Valles Caldera area,
including piñon (Pinus edulis), quaking aspen (Populus tremuloides), and Woods rose (Rosa
woodsii) for food and tool manufacture. While many groups ate the inner bark as a starvation
food, the Ute particularly savored the sap of these trees. They also used some sagebrush bark
(Artemisia sp.) for making cordage.
Smith, E. R.
1953 History of Grazing Industry and Range Conservation Developments in the Río Grande
Basin. Journal of Range Management 6:405–409.
E. R. Smith was the regional administrator of the Bureau of Land Management when he
presented this paper in Albuquerque in January 1953. The paper is mainly a discussion of the
problems caused by the movement of sediment from the upper watershed through the Middle
Río Grande to Elephant Butte Dam.
Smith says that from about 1855 onward, both Hispanic and Anglo operators extended
grazing farther and farther from settlements, and that the arrival of the railroad in 1880 gave
further impetus to livestock raising, the greatest number being reached about 1900 (220,000
cattle and 1.75 million sheep). He adds that the creation of the Santa Fe National Forest
(actually Forest Reserve) in 1892 was the irst move toward conservation in the Río Grande
Basin.
Smith, Patricia Clark, with Paula Gunn Allen
1987 Earthly Relations, Carnal Knowledge: Southwestern American Indian Women Writers
and Landscape. In The Desert Is No Lady: Southwestern Landscapes in Women’s
Writing and Art. Vera Norwood and Janice Monk, eds. Pp. 174–196. New Haven, CT:
Yale University Press.
This insightful essay provides important context for understanding Native American
landscape constructions—and the people’s relationship with the land—through study of
contemporary literature.
Long before context became an academic buzz word, it was a Spider Woman word.
It speaks of things woven together, and of understanding the meaning of a thread in
terms of the whole piece of goods. For southwestern American Indians, the whole is
the land in the largest sense. The land is not only landscape as Anglo writers often
think of it—arrangements of butte and bosque, mountain and river valley, light and
cloud shadow. For American Indians, the land encompasses the butterly and ant, man
and woman, adobe wall and gourd vine, trout beneath the river water, rattler deep in
his winter den, the North Star and the constellations, the lock of sandhill cranes lying
too high to be seen against the sun. The land is Spider Woman’s creation; it is the
whole of the cosmos. (p. 176)
Nontribal people often perceive the land as an object, as something faintly or greatly
inimical, to be controlled, reshaped, painted, or feared. Tribal people see it as
something mysterious, certainly beyond human domination, and yet as something
to be met and spoken with rather than confronted. For them the land is not just a
collection of objects you do things to, nor is it merely a place you do things in, a stage
set for human action. Rather it is a multitude of entities who possess intelligence and
personality. These entities are active participants with human beings in life processes,
in thoughts and acts simultaneously mundane and spiritual. People and the land hold
dialogue within the structure of ritual, in order to ensure balance and harmony. Ritual
is the means by which people, spirits, rocks, animals, and other beings enter into
conversation with each other. One major part of peoples’ ritual responsibility is to
speak with these nonhuman entities and to report the conversation; American Indian
literature records echoes of that ongoing dialogue. (pp. 176–177)
The authors examine selected works of Leslie Marmon Silko as part of their essay (see also
entry for Silko 1995).
Smith, Robert L.
1979 Ash-Flow Magmatism. Special Paper 180. Boulder, CO: Geological Society of America.
In this technical paper, Smith proposes that calderas related to ash-low sheets show a
positive correlation between caldera area and ejecta volume. “This correlation places
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constraints on magma drawdown during eruption and implies a systematic relationship
between these parameters and magma volume of the chamber” (p. 5).
Smith focuses his discussion on the Bandelier Tuff. He is mainly concerned to explain the
minor-element gradients common to the ash-low sheets of the Otowi and Tshirege Members.
He notes that compositional changes usually are understood to have taken place over an
extended period of time. He concludes that eruptions producing ash lows erupt off the top
of the magma body (p. 25). He also suggests that a general discernible pattern exists in the
behavior of volcanic systems that produce ash lows.
Smith, Robert L., and Roy A. Bailey
1966 The Bandelier Tuff: A Study of Ash-Flow Eruption Cycles from Zoned Magma
Chambers. Bulletin of Volcanology 29:83-104.
This article notes that the Bandelier Tuff is a Pleistocene rhyolitic ash-low formation
consisting of the Upper and Lower Bandelier members. The lower member erupted
approximately 1.4 million years ago and collapsed to form the Toledo Caldera. The upper
member erupted some 1 million years ago and collapsed to form the Valles Caldera.
The upper and lower members of the Bandelier thus form two cycles of ash-low
eruption and caldera formation that together are the culmination of a long history
of basaltic and andesitic to quartz-latitic and rhyolitic volcanism in the Jemez
Mountains. (p. 83)
The lower Bandelier ash-low sheet, though less perfectly preserved, shows many
physical and chemical parallels with the upper sheet. All evidence indicates that the
two sheets, separated in time by about 400,000 years, had comparable histories and
common origins; and that considered together they broaden our concepts of volcanic
cycles. (p. 101)
Smith, Robert L., and Roy A. Bailey
1968 Resurgent Cauldrons. In Studies in Volcanology A Memoir in Honor of Howel
Williams. Memoir 116. Robert R. Coats, Richard L. Hay, and Charles A. Anderson,
eds. Pp. 613–662. Boulder, CO: The Geological Society of America.
Smith and Bailey explain that a resurgent cauldron (caldera) is one that has been uplifted,
following subsidence, usually in the form of a structural dome, and that the Valles Caldera
is among the best known (others are Toba, Creede, San Juan, Silverton, Lake City, and
Timber Mountain). They go on to describe the Valles Caldera in more detail, noting that the
structural dome in its center is the Redondo Dome. They state that volcanism in this area
began in late Miocene or Pliocene times, continuing into mid-Pleistocene times, when the
sequence ended with two gigantic pyroclastic outbursts that produced the Bandelier Tuff
(see entry for Smith and Bailey 1966). Each outburst produced at least 50 cubic miles of
rhyolite ash and pumice, mainly as ash lows, followed by caldera collapse. The irst outburst
produced the Toledo Caldera, of which only a semicircular fragment is extant; the second
produced the Valles Caldera (p. 617).
Snow, David H.
1979 Rural Hispanic Community Organization in Northern New Mexico: An Historical
Perspective. In The Survival of Spanish American Villages. Paul Kutsche, ed. Pp. 45–52.
The Colorado College Studies, 15. Colorado Springs: Research Committee, Colorado
College.
Snow adopts the thesis, “The way people arrange themselves on the landscape is a
relection of the patterns of social organization developed in response to natural and cultural
environmental factors” (p. 45). Snow then sets out to dispel common characterizations of
Nuevomexicano settlement as atomistic, factionalized, and lacking social organization. He
considers what environmental factors underlay the dispersed settlement that characterized
much of rural Nuevomexicano New Mexico following the Pueblo Revolt of 1680–1692.
Snow concludes:
It seems safe to say that the overriding values in New Mexico’s rural Hispanic
communities are those which relate to land. It is the individual and community land
which give shape and character to the village, which give justiication for the village
organization and roots to the people who live there. Without roots, without costumbre,
the individual is homeless; without land the community ceases to exist. (p. 52;
emphasis in the original)
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Stevenson, Matilda Coxe
1912 Ethnobotany of San Ildefonso and Santa Clara Pueblos. Archives of the Ofice of
Anthropology. Unpublished Manuscript No. 4711. Washington, DC: Smithsonian
Institution.
Stevenson reports that plants found in the Valles Caldera of use to the Tewa of San Ildefonso
and Santa Clara include milkweed (Asclepias sp.) for medicine, western throughwort
(Eupatorium herbaceum) for dye, spurge (Euphorbia sp.) for medicine, gilia (Ipomopsis sp.)
for medicine, tansy-aster (Machaeranthera sp.) for medicine, broomrape (Orobanche sp.) for
food, and scorpionweed (Phacelia sp.) for medicine.
Stevenson, Matilde Coxe
1915 Ethnobotany of the Zuni Indians. Thirtieth Annual Report of the Bureau of American
Ethnology. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Ofice.
Among the diverse assemblage of plants that the Zuni use, Stevenson identiies many taxa
that grow in the VCNP. Examples used for food include serviceberry (Amelanchier sp.),
sagebrush (Artemisia sp.), milkweed (Astragalus sp.), prickly pear (Opuntia sp.), broomrape
(Orobanche sp.), Indian ricegrass (Oryzopsis hymenoides), curlytop knotweed (Polygonum
lapathifolium), Prairie conelower (Ratibida columnifera), and nightshade (Solanum sp.).
Medicinal plants include sagebrush (Artemisia sp.), aster (Aster sp.), buckwheat (Eriogonum
sp.), western throughwort (Eupatorium herbaceum), spurge (Euphorbia sp.), ragweed
(Hymenopappus sp.), pingue (Hymenoxys sp.), native lettuce (Lactuca sp.), lax (Linum sp.),
tansy-aster (Machaeranthera sp.), primrose (Oenothera sp.), prairie conelower (Ratibida
columnifera), yellowcress (Rorippa sp.), several sorrel and dock species (Rumex sp.),
ragwort (Senecio sp.), nightshade (Solanum sp.), and goldenrod (Solidago sp.).
Stiger, Mark A.
1977 Anasazi Diet: The Coprolite Evidence. Masters thesis. University of Colorado, Boulder.
Stiger adds pepperweed (Lepidium sp.) to the list of VCNP plants that Native Americans
potentially used for food while visiting this place.
Strong, Pauline Turner
1979a Santa Ana Pueblo. In Southwest. Alfonso Ortiz, ed. Pp. 398–406. Vol. 9 of Handbook
of North American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed. Washington, DC: Smithsonian
Institution.
This article provides a concise overview of the anthropology and history of Santa Ana
Pueblo.
Strong, Pauline Turner
1979b San Felipe Pueblo. In Southwest. Alfonso Ortiz, ed. Pp. 390–397. Vol. 9 of Handbook
of North American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed. Washington, DC: Smithsonian
Institution.
This article provides a concise overview of the anthropology and history of San Felipe
Pueblo.
Summers, W. K.
1976 Catalog of Thermal Waters in New Mexico. Hydrologic Report 4, New Mexico Bureau
of Mines and Mineral Resources. Socorro: New Mexico Institute of Mining and
Technology.
Summers notes that the upper Jémez River basin includes the caldera and several natural
thermal features including hot springs, fumaroles, and solfatara. In the 1970s, Westates
Petroleum Company, Baca Land and Cattle Company, and Union Oil Company drilled wells
within the caldera that produced steam and hot water. Summers lists all known thermal
waters in the caldera and maps all steam wells drilled to 1976.
Surveyor General, New Mexico
n.d.a Baca Location No. 1. Surveyor General Report, 20. Spanish Archives of New Mexico
(SANM) I, Roll 14, Frames 1101–1437. Santa Fe, NM: State Records Center and
Archives.
Although this report contains material concerning the four other locations or loats, most
of the information has to do with Location No. 1. This ile concerns the original grant,
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the choice of Baca Location as authorized by federal law, and the surveys of the Baca
Location from 1876 to 1912. It contains Luis María Baca’s original petition to the provincial
deputation of Durango dated January 16, 1821; the original grant by the Provincial
Deputation of Durango dated 1825; Baca’s request dated January 13, 1826, to be placed
in possession of the grant; the details of the relinquishment by Baca’s heirs of the original
claim; an afidavit (January 28, 1858) of Manuel Antonio Baca (Socorro) the alcalde who
placed Baca in possession of the original grant in 1826; and correspondence concerning the
choice of the ive locations.
The report provides few details concerning the original survey by McBroom and Sawyer
1876 (see entry for McBroom and Sawyer n.d.). Some correspondence pertains to the
retracement survey of 1910 done by Lewis D. W. Shelton (who was a private surveyor, not a
federal employee). Surveyor Lee Scott attempted a resurvey in 1908, but the U.S. Surveyor
General found it inadequate and sent him back into the ield. U.S. Surveyor W. B. Douglass
recommended a restoration survey in 1911 in response to instructions of the Commissioner
of the General Land Ofice (GLO).
A letter dated June 20, 1911, evidently from the U.S. Surveyor General in Santa Fe to the
Commissioner of the GLO, relates to the assignment of U.S. Surveyor W. B. Douglass to
perform a restoration survey (subsequently reported on April 8, 1912). This letter states
that Douglass has asked that representatives of “such private interests as may desire to be
present” (meaning probably both the Redondo Development Company’s representatives and
prospective buyers from Pennsylvania) should be allowed to be present at the survey because
“the property rights at stake are of considerable value” (frame 1406).
U.S. Surveyor Douglass summarized the existing surveys of the Baca Location as of 1911.
He noted missing corners, numerous problems with the original ield notes of Sawyer and
McBroom, and “large errors of alinement and measurement” (frame 1271) (1876, see entry
for Douglass and Neighbour n.d.). He concluded by recommending a restoration survey of
the boundaries (Frames 1266–1278).
A careful consideration of all the facts developed by this examination, while not
conclusive, a large preponderance of the evidence supports the view that the survey
was made in its entirety, notwithstanding that many corners cannot be found. Long
ield experience has taught me not to deny the existence of an early and defective
survey, supported by topographical notations simply because the corner cannot be
found….That such a complete agreement of the rougher topographical features could
be the result of a guess cannot be admitted… (frame 1277)
“I have the honor to recommend a restoration survey of the boundaries of the Baca Location
No. 1 Grant…” (Frame 1278).
The restoration survey was carried out in 1912. Douglass iled his report on April 8,
1912. The commissioner of the General Land Ofice denied the petition of the Redondo
Development Company for a resurvey of the boundaries of the grant on July 5, 1912.
Surveyor General, New Mexico
n.d.b Luis María Cabeza de Baca Grant. Surveyor General File No. 103. Spanish Archives
of New Mexico (SANM) I, Roll 31, Frames 463–476. Santa Fe, NM: State Records
Center and Archives.
This ile contains the order of the alcalde, José Miguel Baca, dated September 12, 1827,
recognizing Miguel Baca as the heir and representative of the deceased, Luis María Baca
(frames 465–467). L. M. Baca was killed in June, 1827 (see entry for Cleland 1950). A
power of attorney from L. M. Baca to his brother Miguel dated May 27, 1827 is included
(frame 469). L. M. Baca signs with a cross, suggesting either that he is illiterate or too weak
to sign his name. He also states that he wishes to die as a Christian.
This also ile contains the will of L. M. Baca dated May 28, 1827 (signature and rubric;
frames 470–471). These records seem to be at variance with the story of his death by
violence the following month.
The ile also contains a petition of Tomás Cabeza de Baca, resident of the town of Peña
Blanca. His father, Luis María Cabeza de Baca, died in 1827. Reference is made to the
property at Santa Cruz “about four miles [6.4 km] distant.”
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Swadesh, Frances Leon
1974 Los Prímeros Pobladores: Hispanic Americans on the Ute Frontier. Notre Dame, IN:
University of Notre Dame Press.
In this important study of the Hispanic settlement of the Chama and San Luis valleys in the
territory of what is now northern New Mexico and southern Colorado, Swadesh documents
the ever-changing interactions between the locale’s settlers and the region’s Ute people,
with Abiquiú serving as one of the principal sites for exchanges that ranged from trading,
to raiding, to the subsequent ransoming of captives, during the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries.
Although she does not cite the Valles Caldera, it is clear that Utes traversed the whole region.
For example, “Albert Schroeder credits the Capotes with the stock depredations complained
of in 1736 by the settlers of the Río del Oso” (p. 164), which is just east of the Valles
Caldera. Also,
The Sabuaganas apparently camped on what used to be called Sabuaganas (or
Chaguagua) Creek, later called Chihuahueños or Pedernales Creek. The Capotes
were camped on the Vega de Raiño (Raiño Meadow) near the mouth of Cañones
Creek, when they led from Santa Fe after the September 1844 massacre… (p. 232)
Swadesh states further that Abiquiú’s “importance in commerce and military maneuvers lay
in its access to Navajo and Ute country” (p. 64; see also p. 163).
The Utes most in contact with Abiquiu were the Sabuagana (sometimes called
Chaguagua) and Capote bands. Before 1762 they had started making annual trips to
the Chama Valley and communities near Santa Cruz to conduct trade and ransom. By
1776 an annual trade fair was held for the Utes at Abiquiu. The Utes brought juvenile
captives from the “heathen tribes,” as well as deer, buffalo meat, and dressed hides…
The growth of trading partnerships with the Utes made it possible for the settlers
to petition for new grants and set up residence in areas remote from administrative,
ecclesiastical, and military supervision. (p. 47)
The outbreak of a decade-long period of hostilities between the Hispanics and the Utes in the
mid-nineteenth century led to a change in the settlers’ herding practices. Writing about the
Tierra Amarilla Grant, Swadesh reports that documentary evidence and local traditions state
that Hispanic herdsmen worked their prime stock ranges from small summer camps. “People
say that the sheep were herded in small locks and were scattered up the canyons when a Ute
raid commenced, so that losses would be minimal” (pp. 62–63).
Swank, George R.
1932 The Ethnobotany of the Acoma and Laguna Indians. Masters thesis. University of New
Mexico, Albuquerque.
In this important study, Swank identiies more than 60 plants found in the Valles Caldera
area that are of economic, social, or cultural use to the Ácoma and Laguna Pueblos.
Swentzell, Rina
1988 Bupingeh: The Pueblo Plaza. El Palacio 94:14–19.
In this short article, Swentzell, an architectural historian and education consultant from
the Tewa Pueblo of Santa Clara, discusses the idea of center in Tewa cosmology as the
intersection of the horizontal and vertical regions of the Pueblos’ physical and symbolic
universe. Although she focuses on the formally negative spaces of Pueblo plazas, Swentzell
also refers to the edges of the Pueblo world that necessarily help deine centers. She
considers the concept of connectedness that uniies peripheries with centers, as well as the
energies of all life forces—both physical and metaphysical—that move throughout the sky,
earth, and underworld of the Pueblos’ cosmos.
Swentzell, Rina
1989a The Butterly Effect: A Conversation with Rina Swentzell. El Palacio 95:24–29.
Swentzell further explores the idea of connectedness that uniies the many-layered
understandings that the Pueblos possess of their cosmos. She explains,
That connection is—creativity from the source…, the po-wa-ha, literally “water-windbreath.” It is that energy that lows from everybody, everything—plants, stones. That’s
why everything takes on life in that world. We all breathe of the same breath the plants
do, the rocks do. And so the world itself takes on a different structure. (p. 25)
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Swentzell, Rina
1989b Remembering Tewa Houses and Spaces. Native Peoples: The Arts and Lifeways
3(2):6–12.
Swentzell examines the Pueblos’ concepts of center, breath, periphery, movement, and
connectedness. In talking about how all these ideas come together within the Pueblos’
traditional views of their cosmos, Swentzell concludes:
Most importantly, I treasure the sense of sacredness which pervaded that old Pueblo
world. All of life, including walls, rocks and people, were part of an exquisite, lowing
unity. (p. 12)
Swentzell, Rina
1991 Levels of Truth: Southwest Archaeologists and Anasazi/Pueblo People. In Puebloan
Past and Present: Papers in Honor of Stewart Peckham. Meliha S. Duran and David T.
Kirkpatrick, eds. Pp. 177–181. Archaeological Society of New Mexico 17. Albuquerque:
Archaeological Society of New Mexico.
In this extremely important philosophical article, Swentzell addresses the problem of why
“the creative process of bringing together different ways of knowing and different modes of
perception…does not happen” (p. 177) in interactions between Anglo and Pueblo peoples.
She considers that the idea of connectedness underlies traditional Pueblo understandings
of their cosmos, whereby “everything/everybody, even the largest whole, has a context or a
larger whole within which it belongs” (p. 177). In comparison, Western ways of thinking:
. . . operate with the assumption that facts, if appropriately collected and fastidiously
recorded, will uncover the truth. Absolute truth is, for the most part, taken for granted.
It is there to be uncovered. (p. 178; emphasis added)
Swentzell considers how dominance and power, tied with prestige that is informed by a
particularly deined system of what can be understood, poses real obstacles to building
signiicant cross-cultural understandings. She concludes:
The traditional Pueblo world is a world focused on equalitarianism, inclusiveness,
and linkages—feminine qualities or values of the human being. The Western-European
world is recognized…as a world that focuses on ways of thinking, valuing, and
understanding that are characteristically masculine. (p. 180; emphasis added)
Tiller, Veronica E.
1983 Jicarilla Apache. In Southwest. Alfonso Ortiz, ed. Pp. 440–461. Vol. 10 of Handbook
of North American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed. Washington, DC: Smithsonian
Institution.
This article provides a concise overview of the anthropology and history of the Jicarilla
Apache Tribe.
Tiller, Veronica E.
1992 The Jicarilla Apache Tribe: A History. Revised edition. Lincoln: University of
Nebraska Press.
Tiller’s book is a comprehensive history of the Jicarilla Apache people. Her discussion of
the Jicarilla origin story is also useful in developing a landscape framework for the Apache.
Although she does not discuss the Jicarilla occupation of the Valles Caldera, she illustrates
the location of an undeined “permanent site” west of Los Alamos near the VCNP in a map
titled “Aboriginal Sites and Early Settlements” (p. 15).
Torrez, Robert J.
1994 The Southern Ute Agency at Abiquiu and Tierra Amarilla, New Mexico. Research
Paper 36. Guadalupita, NM: Center for Land Grant Studies.
Torrez focuses primarily on the Capote, and to a lesser degree, the Weeminuche, Ute bands
and their occupation of northwest New Mexico between 1850 and 1876. During this time
“these Southern Ute bands were slowly being driven from their traditional hunting grounds
along New Mexico’s northern frontier to the reservations they now occupy in southwest
Colorado” (p. 2).
Torrez notes that before the arrival of the Spanish, the Capote and Weeminuche Utes spent
their summers and falls in New Mexico’s mountains. “They hunted deer, elk and small game
and gathered berries and seeds to supplement their diet. Occasionally they planted corn,
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beans, and squash, which they harvested before moving on to follow migrating game to
warmer elevations at the onset of winter” (p. 2).
Torrez does not state whether the Utes used the Valles Caldera. He does, however, provide
valuable background information and context for how Utes earned their livelihood in the
surrounding territory. If mid-nineteenth-century Ute archaeological sites are positively
identiied in the VCNP, Torrez’s article will prove valuable in assessing these assemblages
within the regional settlement system and the prevailing social and political climates of the
day.
Trigg, Heather Bethany
1999 The Economy of Early Colonial New Mexico, A.D. 1598–1680: An Investigation of
Social Structure and Human Agency Using Archaeological and Documentary Data.
Ph.D. dissertation. Department of Anthropology, University of Michigan. Ann Arbor.
Trigg identiies seven plant species recovered from Spanish colonial archaeological contexts
that grow in the VCNP. Colonists used goosefoot (Chenopodium sp.) for food and medicine,
and sedges (Cyperus sp.) for mats and rooing material. Trigg also reports that livestock
also consumed sedges (p. 144). Hedgehog cactus (Echinocereus sp.) yields edible fruits.
Filaree (Erodium sp.) was a traditional Hispanic medicine for treating gonorrhea and use
as a diuretic. Moreover, the Jémez pounded ilaree leaves and mixed resulting powder with
watermelon seeds to prevent fungus during storage (p. 144).
Hispanic colonists used spurge (Euphorbia sp.) as a medicine to treat tonsillitis, rashes, and
rattlesnake bites. They also used Euphorbia sp. as livestock feed to increase milk production
in cows and goats (p. 144).
Like Native American groups, Hispanics used sunlower seeds (Helianthus sp.) and piñon
pine (Pinus edulis) for food and medicine. Both were excellent oil sources. Ethnographic
data indicate that the pine nuts frequently were roasted and lightly pounded to crack the
shells. The nutmeats then were winnowed from the shells and ground to make a lour, which
was shaped into balls, mixed with maize, or used in soups (p. 147).
Trimble, Stephen
1993 The People: Indians of the American Southwest. Santa Fe, NM: School of American
Research Press.
Trimble’s book is a highly readable, yet comprehensive, discussion of the Southwest’s
indigenous peoples. His chapters on the Pueblos (pp. 38–120) and the Apaches (pp. 245–
296) provide much historical and ethnographic detail. Trimble’s discussion of the Pueblos’
conceptualization of their world is especially insightful.
Tucker, Edwin A., and George Fitzpatrick
1972 Men Who Matched the Mountains: The Forest Service in the Southwest. Albuquerque,
NM: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Southwest Region.
The authors mention the capture of feral horses and burros, some on the Baca Location (p.
81). They also mention construction of the road through the Valle Grande from Los Alamos
to Cuba by the Civilian Conservation Corps in 1935 (pp. 162–171).
Turney, J. F.
1948 An Analysis of Material Taken from a Section of Group M of the Cliffs, Frijoles
Canyon, Bandelier National Monument, New Mexico. Masters thesis. Adams State
College, Alamosa, CO.
Turney identiies several plant species that also grow in the VCNP in his study of preColumbian archaeological materials at Bandelier National Monument. Examples include
Western red currant (Ribes cereum), which was used for food, and New Mexico locust
(Robinia neomexicana), whose wood was employed in tool making.
Tyler, Hamilton A.
1979 Pueblo Birds and Myths. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
This volume does not mention the Valles Caldera. Nevertheless, this study is relevant to the
land-use history of the VCNP because it examines how birds found in the Jémez Mountains,
including hawks, robins, eagles, turkeys, magpies, wrens, and woodpeckers, among others,
are integrated into all aspects of Pueblo community life.
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Underhill, Ruth
1979 Pueblo Crafts. Palmer Lake, CO: Filter Press.
Underhill reports that the Zuni use bush mountainspray (Holodiscus dumosu), a species
found in the VCNP, in their craft activities.
U.S. Congress, House
1860 H.R. Doc. No. 14, 36th Cong., 1st sess., 45.
New Mexico Surveyor General William Pelham, in a report dated December 18, 1850, inds
both the Baca Grant and the Town of Las Vegas Grant to be good and valid, and recommends
both for conirmation, leaving the adjustment of conlicting rights to the courts.
U.S. Congress, Senate. Committee on Private Land Claims
1860 Reports of the Surveyor General of the Territory of New Mexico, 36th Cong., 1st sess.,
Rept. 228.
This report, accompanying H.R. 195, deals with two reports covering various land grant
claims. The second report includes two claims to the same tract of land: the Baca Grant,
conirmed in February 1825 by the departmental assembly of New Mexico, and the Town
of Las Vegas Grant of March 25, 1835. The surveyor general “having none but ministerial
duties to perform” has recommended conirmation of both grants, “leaving to the respective
claimants the right of adjusting their conlicting claims in the courts. But Congress…is
bound to legislate in such a manner as to prevent, if possible, so disastrous a result as the
plunging of an entire settlement of families into litigation, at the imminent hazard of being
turned out of their homes…” The Baca claimants are willing to waive their claim “if allowed
to enter an equivalent quantity of land elsewhere within the Territory.” The Committee has
prepared an amendment to this effect.
U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service
1883–1913 Forest Homestead Records. Albuquerque, NM: Land Status Ofice, Southwest
Region.
The earliest homesteads between Redondo Creek and La Cueva were those of John
Kelly and Polito Montoya. Both ranches were established in or before 1883. Subsequent
homesteads around La Cueva included those of N. R. Darey, Angeline Eagle, J. S. Eagle, and
S. D. Thompson.
U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service
1915 Fire Map, Jemez National Forest, Santa Fe. Copy on ile: Santa Fe: Angélico Chávez
History Library, Palace of the Governors, Museum of New Mexico.
From 1911 to 1922 the U.S. Surveyor General in Santa Fe oversaw restorative surveys of
the Baca Location at the request of the Redondo Development Company, with the object of
clarifying the boundaries shared by the Baca Location, the Jémez National Forest, and the
Ramón Vigil Land Grant. This survey showed that the Ramon Land and Lumber Company
actually had cut about 100,000 board feet of timber from the Jémez National Forest, not the
west side of the Rámon Vigil Grant as had been believed.
This restorative survey determined that Sulphur Springs was inside the Baca Location.
U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service
1993 Report on the Study of the Baca Location No. 1. U.S. Department of Agriculture,
Forest Service, Southwest Region, August 1993.
This study was issued pursuant to Public Law 101–556 (the full text appears as Appendix
A; see entry for U.S. Public Law 101–556). The study is intended “to support informed
and educated decisions regarding the Baca in the future” (p. 2); that is, to prepare for its
acquisition by the federal government, although this is not stated in so many words because
the private owners were not offering the Baca for sale at the time.
The study includes a short history of the Baca Location, a discussion of its current
management, management options, and summaries of its resources including recreation,
hunting, ishing, logging, grazing, and others, including Indian sacred areas. Included is a list
of improvements and a section on the mineral estate, as well as a historical chronology.
236
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The study notes that all logging ceased in the period 1972 to 1980, and then began again
using “selected harvest methods,” with cutting of only diseased and some mature trees
allowed.
U.S. Geological Survey
1918–1925 (2006, June 30). Home page of U.S. Geological Survey Photographic Library,
U.S. Department of the Interior. [Online]. Available: http://libraryphoto.cr.usgs.gov
[2007, January 23].
The card index to the photograph collection is organized by state, county and photographer.
Most photographs are of geological features, but most of the contributing photographers
also took occasional images of other things, including camps, vegetation, group portraits,
structures, towns and archeological sites.
The following photographs in the vicinity of the Baca Location are on ile:
Mansield, G. R. #420: “Pit J–5 in sulphur deposit 5 miles [8 km] above Jemez
Springs. April 15, 1918.”
Mansield, G. R. #421: “Pit J–6, with Mexican boy, and view across sulphur
deposit, same locality as No. 420.” April 15, 1918.
Mansield, G. R. #422. “View up Jemez Creek at sulphur deposit 5 miles [8 km]
above Jemez Springs, showing exposure of sulphur-bearing rocks.” April 15,
1918.
Mansield, G. R. #423. “Pit J–5 (test pit) and Mexican boy. View N.E. across
sulphur deposit at same locality as No. 420.” April 15, 1918.
Mansield, G. R. #424. “View up small ravine across the sulphur deposit 5 miles [8
km] above Jemez Springs in Jemez Canyon.” April 15, 1918.
Mansield, G. R. #425. “View down stream along same bluff shown in No. 422.”
April 15, 1918.
The following photographs within the Baca Location are on ile:
Mansield, G. R. 426. “Hotel and bath houses at Sulphur Springs, Sulphur Canyon,
14 miles [22.4 km] above Jemez Springs. The little ravine has numerous vents
emitting hot sulphurous vapors and waters.” April 16, 1918.
Mansield, G. R. #427. “Bath houses and main sulphur deposit at Sulphur Springs.
Nearer view of ravine shown in No. 426.” April 16, 1918.
Mansield, G. R. #428. “Old sulphur mill at Sulphur Springs hills built 1902. From
1902–1904, 200,000 lbs. [101,605 kg] of sulphur were produced here. Same
locality as No. 426.” April 16, 1918.
Mansield, G. R. #429. “Main sulphur deposit at Sulphur Springs, Baca Location.
(Same locality as Nos. 426–428.)” April 16, 1918.
Lee, W. T. #2704. “Aspen grove on Valle Grande, N.M.” N.d., ca. 1925.
Lee, W. T. #2705. “Aspen grove at top of Valle Grande, N.M.” N.d., ca. 1925.
Lee, W. T. #2706. “Side of crater of Valle Grande, N.M.” N.d., ca. 1925.
Lee, W. T. #2706a. “Same as 2706.” N.d., ca. 1925.
Lee, W. T. #2708. “Road to Valle Grande, N.M.” N.d., ca. 1925.
U.S. Public Law 167
1860 An Act to Conirm Certain Private Land Claims in the Territory of New Mexico. 36 th.
Cong., 1st sess., June 21, 1860.
This act conirms various land grants in New Mexico. Section 6 states:
. . . it shall be lawful for the heirs of Luis María Baca, who make claim to the same
tract of land as is claimed by the town of Las Vegas, to select instead of the land
claimed by them, an equal quantity of vacant land, not mineral, in the Territory of
New Mexico, to be located by them in square bodies, not exceeding ive in number.
And it shall be the duty of the surveyor-general of New Mexico, to make survey and
location of the lands so selected by said heirs of Baca when thereunto required by
them: Provided, however, That the right hereby granted to said heirs of Baca shall
continue on force during three years from the passage of this act, and no longer.
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U.S. Public Law 101–556.
1990 An Act to Authorize the Secretary of Agriculture to Acquire and Study Certain Lands
in the State of New Mexico, and for Other Purposes. 101st Cong., November 15, 1990.
The stated purpose of the Act is to acquire two parcels totaling approximately 36 acres
(14.6 ha) from the private owner (Dunigan Enterprises), to pay damages in the amount of
$1,633,527 to Dunigan Enterprises to compensate for an earlier exchange (1966: 2,456.14
acres [993.95 ha] known as the “Cochiti Properties”), and to authorize the Secretary of
Agriculture to study the Baca Location to determine its “scenic, geologic, recreational,
timber, mineral, grazing, and other multiple use attributes,” and to study options for federal
acquisition of the property, in whole or in part.
Van Ness, John R.
1979 Hispanic Village Organization in Northern New Mexico: Corporate Community
Structure in Historical and Comparative Perspective. In The Survival of Spanish
American Villages. Paul Kutsche, ed. Pp. 21–44. The Colorado College Studies, 15.
Colorado Springs: Research Committee, Colorado College.
Van Ness describes this paper as an examination of the social organization of northern
New Mexico’s Nuevomexicano villages, with an emphasis on the nature of their corporate
organization (p. 21). He begins by considering the structure and functioning of Spain’s
corporate communities, which were subsequently introduced into Latin America.
He observes that the pueblo (an inclusive term referring to all small, rural Spanish
communities) historically was the primary social and political unit of Iberian society,
especially within mountainous settings (p. 25). Among Spanish people, the term pueblo
traditionally means a land-based social community. This idea also helps deine an
individual’s identity throughout life, by deining his or her place of birth. Because people,
society, and places all are integrated into the concept of pueblo, it is not surprising that
Iberian land-use traditions, land occupation, and landscape-making revolve around the
economic, social, and political organization of corporate ownership (p. 25). Van Ness notes
further, “As in Latin America and Spain, strong sentiments and spiritual values were attached
to the community land. The merging of individual identity, community, and physical place
has a good deal to do with this value orientation” (p. 42).
Van Valkenburgh, Richard F.
1940 Sacred Places and Shrines of the Navajo. Part II: Navajo Rock and Twig Piles, Called
Tsenadjihih. Museum of Northern Arizona Museum Notes 11(3):29–34.
Van Valkenburgh reports that tsenadjihih means “picking up and putting on stones”
(p. 6). Although tsenadjihih are not as dynamic as shrines on the holy mountains or kethan
(prayer stick) depositories, the Navajo revere these features and account for their origin in
Blessingway mythology.
One Navajo authority, Dagach’ibikis from Tohatchi, told Van Valkenburgh that tsenadjihih
“offerings were made of turquoise and other sacred stones” (p. 9). Another tradition keeper,
Maríano Chávez of Torreon, stated, “There once was a man who ran from the Chuska
Mountains to the Jemez Mountains. He picked up rocks and started a number of tsenadjihih.
One is on the old Navajo trail by Jemez Hot Springs, and another is near Cabezon” (p. 9).
Van Valkenburgh adds that Navajo made tsenadjihih and made prayers for success and luck
“while passing over a trail to some destination where he or she considers luck is needed”
(p. 9).
Turquoise and other sacred stones make the prayer effective, but an improvised prayer
and offering will also work. Burned rocks are never placed on a tsenadjihih. Warriors
used Yucca baccata leaves with the points directed toward their enemies. If the wind
is blowing, a rock is placed over the twig to hold it on the pile. Nothing that has been
stuck by lightning, whirlwinds, or touched by snakes or bears should be placed on a
tsenadjihih. It would bring misfortune. (p. 9; emphasis in the original)
Van Valkenburgh, Richard F., and Scotty Begay
1938 Sacred Places and Shrines of the Navajo. Part I: The Sacred Mountains. Museum of
Northern Arizona Museum Notes 11(3):29–34.
The authors provide excerpts from a previously unpublished Navajo origin story that
provides a condensed account of the ceremonial creation of the Holy Mountains of
Direction:
238
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The Holy people took earth from the mountains of the Second World and placed it
in the east. This mountain was made of white shell in the shape of a divine being. It
was adorned with all different types of animals, trees, plants, and all living creatures
including water animals as well as the water itself. Everything that decorated this
mountain was of white shell. Since the mountain had been made in the shape of
First Man, this mountain was given the sacred name of Sisnaadjinii, and it was to be
equally as holy as the sacred mountain of the east in the Yellow World below…
After all these four mountains had been made, the people were told that as they were
sacred, that on these offerings might be made, and favors which might be desired
might be obtained from them by offerings and prayer.” (pp. 30–31; emphasis in the
original)
Van Valkenburgh and Begay describe the construction of mountaintop shrines and the kinds
of offerings typically found within them:
Many types of shrines exist. Some are simple, while others are elaborate. Among
the various types of shrines are stone cists or boxes, sealed enclosures, walled or
unwalled springs, cienegas or pools, natural concavities and peculiarities in rock
formations, caves, and rock shelters, in rooms of prehistoric Pueblo ruins, and simple
monuments of rough stone…
In many shrines are found objects which have been either transported to or are
natural parts of the shrine and become a part of the shrine itself. In some instances
these act as altars or receptacles for altar paraphernalia. Some of these are boulders
with natural or worked concavities, incised or painted images or carved or uncarved
wood or stone. Occasionally anthropomorphic or geometric igures are found on the
walls or boulders of the shrine.
Offerings made to these shrines may be practically anything: Prayer sticks of assorted
types, semi-precious stones such as turquoise, malachite, lignite, or native jet, beads
of these stones, native red and yellow garnets, obsidian and chert lakes, laked
implements, smooth banded stones, petriied wood, fossils, arrowshafts, lengths of
reed and wood, stone and semiprecious stone fetishes, both painted and unpainted,
metal objects, whole pottery vessels (sometimes as a stationary part of the shrine) and
sherds, and very often simple monuments of rocks, twigs and branches of trees.
(p. 29–30)
Vestal, Paul A.
1952 Ethnobotany of the Ramah Navajo. Papers of the Peabody Museum of American
Archaeology and Ethnology 40(4). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University.
In this study, Vestal identiies Navajo uses of more than two dozen plants that grow in the
VCNP. Foods include kittentails (Bessya plantaginea), Western tansy mustard (Descurainia
pinnata), native strawberry (Fragaria sp.), Bush mountainspray (Holodiscus dumosus), oneseed juniper (Juniperus monosperma), conelower (Ratibida sp.), dropseed (Sporobolus sp.),
and American brooklime (Veronica americana). Medicines include aster (Aster sp.), Parry’s
belllower (Campanula parryi), daylower (Commelina dianthifolia), spikerush (Eleocharis
sp.), Western throughwort (Eupatorium herbaceum), Apache plume (Fallugia paradoxa),
cudweed (Gnaphalium sp.), native lettuce (Lactuca sp.), dropseed (Sporobolus sp.), mustard
(Thelypodium sp.), cattail (Typha sp.), American vetch (Vicia americana), goldeneye (Vicia
sp.), and cliff fern (Woodsia sp.). Vestal also notes that the Navajo use Apache plume
(Fallugia paradoxa) in tool making and cattail (Typha sp.) for padding.
Weigle, Marta, ed.
1975 Hispanic Villages of Northern New Mexico. Santa Fe, NM: Lightning Tree.
This is a reprint of Volume II of the 1935 Tewa Basin Study, with additions by Weigle.
The Indian Land Research Unit of the Ofice of Indian Affairs conducted the study and
carried out the ieldwork from March to July 1935. The unit was made up of economists,
rural sociologists, cultural anthropologists, and technical personnel, including surveyors
and draftsmen. They investigated relationships between the people of the study areas and
their land and resource bases. The Depression and the New Deal were the background
for the Roosevelt administration’s efforts to analyze problems of rural life, poverty, and
subsistence. The authors of the study called it “the irst applied anthropological work in the
United States.” The study was followed by extensive ieldwork in various parts of the United
States, carried out by the Applied Anthropology Unit of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the
Soil Conservation Service, and other federal agencies, principally within the Department of
Agriculture.
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239
The description of the town of Española (pp. 118–123) emphasizes that the arrival of the
Denver and Río Grande Railroad and the establishment of a New Mexico terminal in 1881
created a modern labor market and introduced cash into what had been a barter economy.
Among the gentlemen opening stores were Scott and Whitehead, who in partnership
had the commissary contract with the railroad company…Early in 1883 the railroad
company changed its mind and decided to extend its line into Santa Fe and to build its
roundhouse in Alamosa. This left the storekeepers in Española faced with the prospect
of another dead railroad town…In what must have been a minor panic, all the
merchants sold out. Two young brothers, George W. and Frank Bond, were working
for Scott and Whitehead, and these men decided to buy out the stock and the tent of
Scott and Whitehead…The Bonds, shrewder than the rest, saw the folly of depending
for long-range growth upon the railroad. If they were to grow rich in this country
they must do so on the one product that could be sold elsewhere for cash. Their
commercial operations, therefore, led inevitably to livestock. In 1883 they had bought
up 40 acres [16.2 ha] of land adjacent to the railroad depot for $200 and proceeded
to build the facilities for shipping stock. Soon after that they began extending credit
on livestock mortgages, and their herds began to be built up. At irst they concentrated
on cattle, but these proved to be less proitable than sheep. The grazing land open for
free use at that time appeared limited, as did the prospects in the grazing industry. The
Bond herd increased, and soon they entered into the system of renting out sheep on a
sharecropper basis. The partidario, or sharecropper, system, under which most of the
sheep industry is carried on in New Mexico today, is as old as Spanish colonization
and may have been originally an outgrowth of the Spanish colonial encomienda
system, whereby the labor of Indians was given to certain grantees, together with
grants of land…The Bonds apparently found this system proitable, and their growth
since 1883 has been phenomenal. Today this corporation has extended its operations
until it covers a good portion of northern New Mexico and controls a good share of
the sheep industry. The growth of Española has paralleled the growth of the Bond
Co… (pp. 119–121)
Case History No. III describes the partido arrangement under which Lázaro Salazar grazes
sheep on the Baca Location.
Lazaro Salazar has been renting Bond’s sheep since 1924. He has 300 of Bond’s
sheep and 900 of his own. Lazaro rents Bond’s sheep only to have the right to use the
Baca Location (owned by Bond) to graze his sheep at $.25 per head. Lazaro is an
exceptional sheep heerder and has been able to stay clear of debt. This he attributed
to the fact that only one-fourth of his sheep holdings belong to Bond. When, as is the
case with all of the herders, it is necessary to borrow from Bond to inance the herding
operations, a contract is made calling for the sale of lambs and wool to the Bond
Company at a price to be set by them. In 1934 Lazaro was limited by Bond in grazing
privileges on the Baca location to 1,200 sheep. He feels that because of the fact that
the ratio of his own sheep to Bond’s sheep is too great he will be crowded off the Baca
location. (p. 219)
Wentworth, Edward Norris
1948 America’s Sheep Trails. Ames: Iowa State College Press.
This general history of the development of t he sheep industry in the United States is a
standard reference for any study of the subject. Wentworth discusses all of New Mexico’s
major dealers in sheep and wool, including the Bond brothers (pp. 241, 607), noting their
many partnerships and associations with other sheep men.
Weslowski, Lois Vermilya
1981 Native American Land Use along Redondo Creek. In High-Altitude Adaptations
along Redondo Creek: The Baca Geothermal Anthropological Project. Craig Baker
and Joseph C. Winter, eds. Pp. 105–127. Albuquerque: Ofice of Contract Archeology,
University of New Mexico.
This article documents the results of an ethnographic analysis to develop a “representative
model of Native American land use of the project and study areas” (p. 105). A further
objective of her work “was to recover oral history and written documentation pertaining to
Native American land use patterns. Although numerous Indian communities, including Río
Grande Valley Pueblos, Navajos, Jicarilla Apaches, and Utes are known to have frequented
the locality, Weslowski states that she selected Jémez Pueblo for study because (1) the
community is closely associated geographically to the project area, (2) Redondo Creek
lies within Jémez Pueblo’s traditional land use area, and (3) the study’s funding and time
constraints did not allow for broader study.
240
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Weslowski’s report is a comprehensive and well-considered discussion of Jémez Pueblo’s
continuing associations with the Valles Caldera in general and the Redondo Creek area in
particular. Her underlying thesis is “that in order to fully understand the native uses of the
project area, it is necessary to recognize the conceptual foundations of these traditional
activities” (p. 105). She examines Jémez concepts of land and landownership and inds
that this system of ideas is organized and given meaning by a comprehensive system of
cosmological belief. “These spiritual precepts dictate not only how the location should be
correctly utilized, but also what this utilization symbolically means” (p. 105). In addition,
Weslowski shows that the symbolic understandings that underlie the Jémez concepts of land
and land use provide meaning to particular features of the broader study area (p. 105). She
shows that the Redondo Creek locale is signiicant to Jémez Pueblo not only because it is a
gathering area, but more importantly because Jémez Pueblo values the resources found there
as components of traditional community knowledge (p. 106). According to Weslowski, the
framework of ideas that organize and motivate an activity are as signiicant as the practice
itself.
Weslowski richly reviews Jémez Pueblo ancestry, world view, social organization, and
occupation of its traditional lands. She next documents how Jémez people use the Redondo
Creek consistent with traditional ceremonial requirements. Weslowski offers a symbolic
analysis of the fundamental cosmological belief systems that inform the Pueblo’s uses of
the locale and discusses the conceptual frameworks that are linked to the particular features
within the broader geographic area, of which Redondo Creek is but a small part.
Wheelwright, Mary C.
1946 Hail Chant and Water Chant. Navajo Religion Series 2. Santa Fe, NM: Museum of
Ceremonial Art.
In retelling the Mountainway origin story, Wheelwright (pp. 78–79) has it that the Jémez
Mountains (but not Redondo Peak speciically) are the place where the Youth, who has
become a medicine man, visits the Kisahni (a Pueblo group that Wheelwright identiies as
the Hopi in a sidebar). Here he inds two individuals, who learn the Tohe ceremony that he
performed during his visit.
The medicine man said to these two that they must have ceremonies given over them
before they could be medicine men, and have the Jish or medicine pouch. They said
they would have these ceremonies up on Tsilth Klizhin, the Dark Mountain (Jemez
Mountain). So all the Kisahni People left their homes to go to this place, and there
they built a hogahn with twelve upright posts. It was a very big hogahn called Taytahhaskahni. After this was inished they built another hogahn for the cooking of food
during the ceremony, and sent someone out to collect herbs and everything needed for
the Wohltrahd, and wood to make the Tse-panse hoops; so now they were prepared to
start the ceremony that night. (p. 79)
The Jémez Mountains are also the place from which two Akananillis (Meal Sprinklers), the
messengers who go out to summon the people to the corral dance on the ninth (and last)
night of the Mountainway ceremony, departed in the origin story. Moreover, the runner
who goes to the west to the White Mountain Apaches was Asheen Tsiskai, whose name
derives from the fact that “he was a racer on the plains and valleys, running from the Dark
Mountain down the valley to the south, and then north to Debehentsah before the sun rose
in the morning” (p. 80). The other runner, Kah-jes-tyinee (Sleeps to Noon), who ran to the
east to the Jicarilla Apache, was believed by all Navajos other than his grandmother to be
a lazy youth, but was transformed into a perfect young man by his being named as a Meal
Sprinkler. Kah-jes-tyinee returns to his people at Dark Mountain just before Asheen Tsiskai
(p. 81).
White, Leslie A.
1935 The Pueblo of Santo Domingo, New Mexico. Memoirs 43. Menasha, WI: American
Anthropological Association.
Like White’s other now-classic ethnological reports about New Mexico’s Keresan Pueblo
communities, this volume presents a relatively straightforward descriptive account of the
culture and history of the people of Santa Domingo Pueblo. Representative of its time in
the development of American anthropology, major sections include discussions of social
organization, an individual’s life cycle, ceremonialism, and myths and tales.
White reports encountering many practical dificulties, including the people’s distrust of
anthropologists and desire to maintain their privacy. Consequently, he offers no substantive
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241
information about the people’s associations with caves, volcanoes, lava lows, or shrines,
which might be useful in interpreting speciic cultural or physiographic features within the
VCNP.
On the other hand, White gives a summary of Santo Domingo cosmology, tracing the
emergence of people onto the present world and the movement of the Santo Domingo
Pueblo’s ancestors to the Río Grande Valley from White House farther north. He presents a
diagram of the mythological landscape and provides partial discussion of cardinal mountain,
color, and animal associations. Of particular interest is White’s mention of the many witches
and giants that inhabited the world and plagued the people, as well as of the Warrior Twins,
Masewi and Oyoyewi, who killed these enemies before eventually leaving the people and
making their homes on Sandia Mountain. Although White does conirm these associations,
as documented at other Pueblo communities as well as among the Navajo, the Warrior
Twins’ slaying of the terrible giants is associated with caves and volcanism.
White, Leslie A.
1942 The Pueblo of Santa Ana, New Mexico. Memoirs 60. Menasha, WI: American
Anthropological Association.
White describes the culture and history of the people of Santa Ana Pueblo. Major sections
include discussions of social organization, government and social life, corn and the cosmos,
hunting, war, sickness and witchcraft, and paraphernalia and ritual.
Once again relecting the Pueblo people’s extreme mistrust of anthropologists and their
desire to maintain privacy about their religious practices and beliefs, White does not provide
useful information about the peoples’ associations with petroglyphs, caves, volcanoes, lava
lows, or shrines. His consideration of Santa Ana hunting ritual and belief, however, is
important as an illustration of the pervasiveness of the precepts of spiritual ecology and the
environmental underpinnings of the people’s world view and their senses of time and place
as ongoing processes.
Through a liberal use of footnotes, White gives a comparative review of the Keresans’
conceptual structure of their world, including major mountain, color, and animal cardinal
associations (pp. 80–91). By the time of this study, White had come to recognize that the
Keresans represent the world as a square and emphasize places at corners. (White even
points out his error in his Santo Domingo monograph where he portrayed the Keresan world
as a sphere.)
White also identiies the Santa Ana Pueblo food uses of Gambel oak (Quercus gambelii) and
nightshade (Solanum sp.), both of which grow in the VCNP.
White, Leslie A.
1960 The World of the Keresan Pueblo Indians. In Culture in History: Essays in Honor
of Paul Radin. Stanley Diamond, ed. Pp. 53–64. New York: Published for Brandeis
University by Columbia University Press.
In this, his near inal statement of Keresan Pueblo world view and religion based on his
ethnographic work with the San Felipe (1932), Ácoma, Santo Domingo (1935), Santa Ana
(1942), and Zía (1962) Pueblo communities, White summarizes the major points of these
peoples’ common cosmology. He describes the Keresan view of the world as square, lat,
and consisting of four layers (after White 1942). In his review, White traces the Keresan
Pueblos’ history from the beginning of known time, when people occupied the lowest world
deep inside the earth through their ascent and emergence into the present-day fourth world.
He provides color associations and retells the story whereby the Warrior Twins, Masewi
and Oyoyewi, killed a giant and eventually left the people to make their home on Sandia
Mountain.
White, Leslie A.
1962 The Pueblo of Sia, New Mexico. Bulletin 15. Bureau of American Ethnology.
Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Ofice.
As in his previous ethnographic studies of Keresan Pueblo communities, White offers a
traditional account of the culture and history of the people of Zía Pueblo. Major sections
include discussions of history, setting and background, Christianity, economy, cosmology,
social organization, an individual’s life cycle, ceremonialism, sickness, and hunting. White
describes the Keresan view of the world and recounts the people’s history from creation and
emergence.
242
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Whiting, Alfred F.
1939 Ethnobotany of the Hopi. Bulletin 15. Flagstaff: Museum of Northern Arizona.
This book is an essential ethnobotanical resource. Whiting identiies approximately two
dozen taxa that grow in the VCNP. Food plants include sagebrush (Artemisia sp.), Indian
paintbrush (Castilleja sp.), thistle (Cirsium sp.), piñon (Pinus edulis), quaking aspen
(Populus tremuloides), globemallow (Sphaeralcea sp.), and cattail (Typha sp.). Whiting also
notes the use of bee balm (Monarda sp.) as a seasoning. Medicinal plants include milkweed
(Asclepias sp.), barberry (Berberis sp.), goldenrod (Solidago sp.), spurge (Euphorbia sp.),
stoneseed (Lithospermum sp.), tansy-aster (Machaeranthera sp.), primrose (Oenothera sp.),
native dock or sorrel (Rumex sp.), and goldenrod (Solidago sp.). Woody species used in tool
making and/or construction include barberry (Berberis sp.), Apache plume (Fallugia sp.),
piñon (Pinus edulis), and quaking aspen (Populus tremuloides). Western red currant (Ribes
cereum) provides wood for tool manufacture and pigment.
Whitney v. Otero
1893 Joel Parker Whitney v. Mariano S. Otero et al. Civil Case No. 3632. Records of the U.S.
Territorial and New Mexico District Courts for Bernalillo County. Accession No. 1959–
124. Santa Fe: New Mexico State Records Center and Archives.
Joel Parker Whitney, a resident of Rocklin, Placer County, California, petitioned for partition
of the Baca Location in 1893. The named defendants were Maríano Sabine Otero and his
wife, Thomas B. Catron, Pedro Perea, José L. Perea, Jesus M. Castillo and his wife, and
Justo Armijo and his wife. In a response iled in December 1894, they stated that they were
the owners in fee of all of the land, that they were not prepared to “fully set out and exhibit
the particular undivided interest of each of the said defendants in said tract of land” (p. 1),
and that Joel Parker Whitney did not own any interest in the Baca Location.
Whitney claimed that after the death of Luis María Cabeza de Baca, Baca’s grandson Tomás
appeared before the Surveyor General at the request of all the Baca heirs to pursue their land
claims, and that his efforts led to the Congressional act of 1860 authorizing the ive Baca
locations. Whitney claimed that the heirs paid Tomás with a one-third interest in the Las
Vegas Grant, the Ojo del Espiritu Santo Grant, and any other grants he might locate. They
accomplished this action in an agreement dated May 2, 1857.
Whitney presented a copy of this agreement to the court. Whitney said that the nine heirs
who had signed this document acted as representatives of all the other heirs. Whitney did
not know under what authority these heirs had acted, nor did he have any written evidence.
Whitney asserted that in this way Tomás Baca obtained a one-third interest in the Baca
Location.
No agreement of May 2, 1857, appears in the court papers, but a transcript in Spanish of a
document dated May 1, 1857, is among these papers. The transcript states that Tomás Baca
is authorized to represent the heirs and that he will subsequently be paid in money or in “a
portion of the lands satisfactory to him” (p. 1). The document lists the 14 heirs or living
children of heirs, but does not mention any particular grant.
Tomás Baca died in 1881 and left all his interest in the Baca Location to his wife, María
Gertrudis Lucero de Baca. She sold this interest to James G. Whitney on August 17, 1881.
Whitney and his wife, Octavia J. Whitney, subsequently conveyed this interest to Whitney’s
brother Joel P. Whitney. The date of this conveyance is left blank in the complaint, but a
separate indenture in these court papers gives the date May 17, 1884.
Joel Whitney paid $17,000 for all his brother’s right, title, and interest in the Cañada de
Cochití Grant, the Baca Location, and the Ojo del Borrego Grant. James and Octavia
Whitney were in Santa Fe at this time, and Joel Whitney was a resident of Boston,
Massachusetts.
The court found that Whitney did own an interest in the grant, although it was smaller than
he had claimed. On October 4, 1898, the court appointed commissioners (Major R. H.
Whiting, W. F. Powers, and Charles T. Bonsall) to determine the practicability of partition of
the Baca Location in kind; they reported that partition was not feasible. The court issued a
decree on January 27, 1899, ordering the Baca Location to be sold to the highest bidder and
the proceeds distributed to the claimants.
William D. Lee, an associate justice of the territorial Supreme Court and a judge of the
District Court, was the special master appointed by the court. Lee sold Location to Frank W.
Clancy for $16,548.21 on March 13, 1899. Clancy was Whitney’s attorney of record (and
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243
was also, according to a court decree dated November 20, 1894, the attorney of record for
the Valles Land Company).
Lee reported that the costs of the suit were $1,299.77. The court directed him to pay the
remainder to each of the parties according the proportionate share of each party. Lee paid
out the money less $667.80 that he returned to the court. Lee paid Whitney $2,966.24 after
charging him $253.04 as his share of expenses. He paid Maríano Sabine Otero $5,330.86
after charging him $454.75 as his share of expenses. He paid lesser amounts to 46 parties
(44 individuals and 2 groups of heirs). Among these was Thomas B. Catron, who received
$1,742.06 after a charge of $147.52 as his share of expenses. Presiding Judge J. W.
Crumpacker approved Lee’s report.
On March 18, 1899, just ive days after he bought it, Clancy sold the entire Location to the
Valles Land Company.
This ile contains a sketch map of the Baca Location drawn by U.S. Deputy Surveyor Walter
G. Marmon, as well as the 1876 map of the Location by Sawyer and McBroom. Marmon
located Old Fort in unsurveyed Section 20, Township 19 North, Range 5 East, below the
Cerro el Medio and on the north side of East Jémez Creek, in the bend of the “Cañada de
Cochití Road” or “Old Road.” The Sawyer and McBroom map similarly places it on the
north side of East Jémez Creek just below the creek’s point of rising.
Williams-Dean, Glenna
1986 Pollen Analysis of Human Coprolites. In Archaeological Investigations at Antelope
House. Don P. Morris, ed. Pp. 189–205. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of the
Interior, National Park Service.
Williams-Dean identiies the pre-Columbian Pueblo food use of narrowleaf cottonwood
(Populus angustifolia), which grows in the VCNP.
Windes, Thomas C., and Dabney Ford
1996 The Chaco Wood Project: The Chronometric Reappraisal of Pueblo Bonito. American
Antiquity 61:295–310.
The authors report on the pre-Columbian Pueblo uses of two woody species that also grow in
the VCNP: white ir (Abies concolor) and spruce (Picea sp.).
Winter, Joseph C.
1981 Energy and Power along Redondo Creek: II—A Cultural Framework. In High
Altitude Adaptations along Redondo Creek: The Baca Geothermal Anthropological
Project. Craig Baker and Joseph C. Winter, eds. Pp. 173–190. Albuquerque: Ofice of
Contract Archeology, University of New Mexico.
This chapter represents an interpretive summary of the archaeological, historical, and
ethnographic research completed for the Baca Geothermal Anthropological Project. In
preparing this review, Winter sometimes offers some useful new information not included
previously in the report. His discussion of obsidian procurement and distribution, however, is
problematical (see entry for Winter 1983 below).
Winter, Joseph C.
1983 Jemez Mountain Obsidian Exchange: A View From Redondo Valley. In High-Altitude
Adaptations in the Southwest. Joseph C. Winter, ed. Pp. 91–107. Cultural Resources
Management Report 2. Albuquerque, NM: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest
Service, Southwest Region.
This study reports the interpretive indings from 21 obsidian lithic sites in the Redondo
Valley and at numerous other sites in the San Juan Basin. Winter asserts that this information
demonstrates the existence of exchange networks for obsidian from Paleo-Indian to Historic
period Pueblo times. This study, although useful in presenting summary information
throughout the region, is problematical for several reasons, including Winter’s unsupported
characterization of the Redondo Valley lithic sites as workshops, a term that implies, among
other things, a high level of craft specialization with overarching control imposed by social
and political authorities.
With regard to the Historic period, which is relevant to this examination of the VCNP landuse history, Winter states,
The procurement and use of Jemez obsidian declined dramatically after the collapse
of the Chaco Anasazi culture and the emergence of the ancestral Río Grande and
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related Pueblo groups. It was still used in the 14th century, as shown by hydration
dates from several Redondo Valley sites, but by historic Jemez Pueblo times its use
had been relegated to societal and ritual activities. Thus the historic Pueblo obsidian
exchange systems was poorly developed and of little consequence, despite the fact
that Redondo peak and the associated valleys of the Valle Caldera were (and are)
important hunting, gathering, grazing, and religious locations. (p. 107)
Witherspoon, Gary
Language and Art in the Navajo Universe. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.
1983 Language and Reality in Navajo World View. In Southwest. Alfonso Ortiz, ed. Pp.
570–578. Vol. 10 of Handbook of North American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed.
Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution.
These publications provide important information about Navajo world view. They are
essential to a discussion of how the Diné construct and understand their landscape,
presumably including the Valles Caldera. However, Witherspoon does not mention the
Valles.
Woods, Betty
1942 The Blonds of Vallecito. New Mexico Magazine 20(10):10, 30.
Writing for New Mexico Magazine, Woods reported,
every day during the piñon season they [the Jémez] pass through [Vallecito de los
Indios] on their way to the mesa tops, for they, too, are great nut hunters.
The country above Vallecito is dense with tall, yellow pine while lower down are the
vivid cliffs and canyons where medicine men go to gather herbs and mix their wonderworking potions…we can suppose that ancient Indian medicine men came to the
same canyons for their healing herbs and went to the caves for ceremonial making of
medicine. Indian customs changes very little. (p. 30, emphasis in the original)
Wright, Cathy
2000 Traditional Cosmology, Ecology and Language of the Ute Indians, from an Interview
with James A. Goth. In Ute Indian Arts and Culture: From Prehistory to the New
Millennium. William Wroth, ed. Pp. 27–52. Colorado Springs: Taylor Museum of the
Colorado Springs Fine Arts Center.
This accessible, relective essay is a transcription of a 1999 interview that Wright conducted
with James Goth, an anthropologist who worked with the Ute for nearly four decades
on issues related to their language. Goth reveals that he ascribes to the Sapir-Whorf
school when he states, “I always looked at learning the language as a beginning place for
understanding people’s traditions, the way they thought, and what they believe” (p. 27).
This essay is valuable because Goth addresses how the Ute construct their landscape
traditions through language (see especially pp. 33–37). He also discusses Ute storytelling
traditions (pp. 37–42), ecological adaptations (pp. 42–44), selected ritual (pp. 44–47), and
color symbolism (pp. 47–49), all of which are organized and motivated by language and
underlie the people’s landscape constructions. He emphasizes the place of mountains within
the Ute’s landscape understandings.
This article is an unannotated transcription of an interview. Wright does not provide
references.
Wroth, William
2000 Ute Indian Civilization in Prehistory and the Spanish Colonial Period. In Ute Indian
Arts and Culture: From Prehistory to the New Millennium. William Wroth, ed. Pp.
53–72. Colorado Springs: Taylor Museum of the Colorado Springs Fine Arts Center.
Wroth gives a traditional scholarly summary of Ute culture history. Although he does not
say that the Utes have used the Valles Caldera, he discusses Jémez Pueblo’s familiarity with
these Numic hunter-gatherers (pp. 56–58). He also reports on a Ute party, which consisted of
more than 100 tipis, that visited San Juan Pueblo in 1752 to trade pelts (p. 58), and outlines
the northern New Mexican Spanish settlers’ similar dependence on Ute trade at this time
(pp. 62–63). Clearly the Ute were common visitors in the region surrounding the Valles
Caldera. In the inal part of his essay, Wroth considers selected aspects of Ute cosmology and
symbolism that complements the discussion offered previously by James Goth (see entry for
Wright 2000).
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245
Wyman, Leland C.
1962 The Windways of the Navajo. Colorado Springs: Taylor Museum of the Colorado
Springs Fine Arts Center.
In opening his discussion of the geography of the Navajo Windway myths (pp. 78–80),
Wyman emphasizes the underlying importance of locality and the even greater signiicance
of the movement of characters in Navajo oral traditions:
In his [a Navajo tradition keeper’s] speech, movement is described in great detail; he
lives conceptually and linguistically in a “universe in motion.” In his myths the heroes
and supernaturals restlessly undertake long journeys during which many place names
are mentioned, even spots merely passed by, and stopping at a spring for a drink of
water is an occasion for giving the place a name…The myth of Navajo Windway is
no exception; in Black Mustache’s narration, ifty-three place names are mentioned,
thirty-four in the Journey for Knowledge and Power and fourteen in the episode of
Where His Mind and Speech were Stolen, and others throughout the myth. (p. 78)
The identiiable localities include the four mountains of cardinal direction, including Black
Belted Mountain (a.k.a. Horizontal Black Belt). Wyman acknowledges that the identiication
of the Holy Mountain of the East is uncertain. He reports that the location of the Holy
Mountain of the East ranges from Sierra Blanca Peak in southern Colorado to, more
commonly, Redondo Peak in the VCNP (p. 70).
Wyman provides a map showing the path, as demarcated by a broken line symbol, of the
mythic travel that Black Mustache described in his account of the Journey of Knowledge and
Power. Included along this pathway are Redondo Peak, which he co-labels as “Horizontal
Black Belt,” and the Jémez Mountains, which he co-annotates as “Black Range.”
Wyman further identiies the Black Range as the place where the Windway myth hero visits
two groups of supernatural beings, the Thunder People and the Black Ant People (table 6).
The Thunder People offer the hero a prayerstick on his return journey, while the Black Ant
People made him a jewelry payment.
In table 7 Wyman lists (1) the localities where the major events of the Windway myth
occurred, (2) the places mentioned as the homes of certain supernaturals who participated
in these events, and (3) the places given as the homes of supernatural beings before whom a
magical cotton cord was placed “in vain attempts to discover the whereabouts of the hero’s
stolen mind and speech” (p. 80). In this effort Wyman reports that Horizontal Black Belt
(possibly Redondo Peak) was the home of a Talking God, while the Black Range (Jémez
Mountains) was shattered by Thunder and also was the home of the Black Ant People. In
reference to the part of the myth concerning cotton chord divination, Wyman notes that
Horizontal Black Belt was one of the homes of the Small Bird People.
Wyman, Leland C.
1965 The Red Antway of the Navajo. Navajo Religion Series 5. Santa Fe, NM: Museum of
Ceremonial Art.
Wyman reports that Navajo narrators who maintain the corpus of traditional myths
“usually take advantage of the movement of the actors in them, their journeys to visit the
supernaturals, and so on, to give free rein to one of their chief interests, motion within a
wealth of geographical detail” (p. 104; see also entry for Wyman 1962). Despite this general
propensity, only two of the seven Red Antway myths, Rounded Man and Gun Shooter,
possess this characteristic. Of interest to the VCNP, the Rounded Man story tells that the Ant
People irst lived in the Jémez Mountains (p. 104).
Wyman, Leland C.
1970 Blessingway, with Three Versions of the Myth Recorded and Translated from the
Navajo People by Father Berard Haile, O.F.M. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
Wyman revisits the issue of the identiication of the Navajo Holy Mountain of the East (pp.
17–18) and reviews the various accounts that variously identify Pelado Peak (see entry for
Matthews 1897), Abiquiú Peak, Pedernal Peak, Wheeler Peak, Mount Wilson near Taos,
and Sierra Blanca Peak in the Sangre de Cristo Mountains in southern Colorado (see entry
for Haile 1938 above). Wyman, citing Haile (1938) and testimony offered in 1952 by Albert
Sandoval, Haile’s Navajo translator, concludes that the Holy Mountain of the East is Blanca
Peak and notes also that “Navajo public opinion [in the Leupp, Arizona area] seems to have
accepted it as their eastern peak” (p. 18).
Wyman explains the meaning of Black Belted Mountain:
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In the myth of the Blessingway this mountain is referred to as White-tipped Mountain
(mountain white streaked above, or the summit runs into white), an interesting
coincidence with the Spanish name, Sierra Blanca…Its other name, Black Belted
Mountain, is preferred, however, and is based on the yucca bast belt or sash around
the waist of its inner form person which accounted for his name, “black belt around.”
This mountain is the “heart” of him who became the inner form of the earth. (p. 18)
Wyman adds that Old Mustache of Ramah, a well-known Blessingway singer, “was told
by his father, Many Beads, that [Shootingway or Blessingway] singers [from Ramah and
Cañoncito] used to stop at a spring known to the Navajos as ‘wild spring place’ to mix the
water with mountain soils” (p. 20) from the Holy Mountains of the South and East.
In Slim Curly’s story, “About the Origins of Other People” (pp. 327–334), which serves as
an appendix to his version of the Blessingway myth, the bear is associated with the Jémez
Mountains:
“You also are my grandchild,” he said to the bear. “You may leave, although we were
much attached to one another, in the days to come you will always watch over us,
we will say prayers to you. By means of pollen below you it is blessed, above you it
is blessed, by means of pollen all around you it is blessed. By means of pollen your
speech is blessed. You will depart for mountain interiors, everywhere you will be
found, although Jemez Range will be your chief (home); go ahead now, he said to it.
Dark Mountain, wherever that place is called, into the interior of that he (bear) left.
(p. 330)
Frank Mitchell’s version of the Blessingway myth similarly associates the bear with Black
Mountain (Jémez Mountains) (see p. 456).
In his version of the Blessingway myth, River Junction Curly refers to a place called “the
Hollow Gap at the upper end of Black Mountain (Jemez Range)” (p. 554) when telling
of Monster Slayer’s destruction of the monsters that plagued the people. Based on this
description, “Hollow Gap” might refer to the Valle Grande.
Later in his account, River Junction Curly tells about Monster Slayer and the Twelve
Roaming Antelopes, which were terrible beasts that killed people, at Dark Mountain (the
Jémez Mountains) (pp. 569–571). Monster Slayer gave chase to the Twelve Roaming
Antelopes and was going to destroy them to rid the world of their evil. He spared them after
receiving their word that they would become peaceful game animals that humans could hunt
for food.
Then he approached them there. “I’m going to kill all of you now, don’t say anything
about pity,” he told them. “Nevertheless, let us live, please!” they said as they
pleaded. “Just the same I will kill you, that is settled, since your disposition is wicked.
You kill people, that accounts for it.” “Do not say that! You see we are pleading with
you. In spite of all, let us live. Whatever command you may give us, that will direct
our conduct,” they told him. “Still, I have decided to kill you, of what use can you
be?” “Do not say that! In spite of all, let us live, please! You see, we are pleading
with you!” they told him. Thus it seems this had happened four times. So it seems this
time (he agreed), “Go ahead then since you are pleading. As days go by in the future,
earth surface people, when they have come into being, will make use of you.” “All
right, just so we will be,” they said. “By no means must you ever begin to think in
a wicked manner! Should you ever again think wickedly I will yet kill you,” he told
them. “Particularly killing people, this you must never do! Beautiful lowers will now
be your food, on the strength of which you will travel. Now go roundabout hunting
food. This in particular, that you should live together in one place, must not be!” he
told them as he drove them out into the valley. Therefore to this day people eat them,
they say.” (pp. 570–571)
Wyman, Leland C.
1975 The Mountainway of the Navajo, with a Myth of the Female Branch Recorded and
Translated by Father Berard Haile, O.F.M. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
Wyman’s recorded version of the Mountainway story (see pp. 237–244) tells of the origin of
the prototype Mountainway ceremony involving two meal sprinklers who travel north and
south across the landscape summoning people of outlying settlements, especially masked
dancers and magicians, to perform on the last night of the observance. The meal sprinklers
are “He-who-lies-underneath-it (a Mountain),” a name which other authors translate as
“Sleeps to Noon” (e.g., see entry for Wheelwright 1946), “Lazy Boy,” or “Valley Boy.”
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247
Wyman identiies the Meal Sprinklers’ starting point as “behind Black Mountain” (p. 238).
This place-name is a likely reference to the Jémez Mountains in general and, possibly, refers
more speciically to the Valle Grande, which is “behind” the Jémez Mountains.
Recounting the details of his journey, Valley Boy, who ran the north course of the race, tells
of his visits to the Pueblos of Santo Domingo and Zía to obtain these communities’ pledges
to arrive before the close of the Mountainway ceremonial. On the last leg of his journey,
Valley Boy ran from Zía Pueblo up into the Jémez Mountains, climbed its summit (possibly
Redondo Peak), and visited a supernatural being before returning to the race’s starting point.
Next he set out towards the Black Mountain range again, and required much time
before he arrived at its base. He went up to the summit, where he found a narrow
canyon and came to a waterfall. Suddenly the Ye’i granduncle gave his call. He
descended down into the canyon and there called to him with his whistle.
He (Valley Boy) entered his (the Ye’i’s) home… (p. 240)
Wyman, Leland C.
1983 Navajo Ceremonial System. In Southwest. Alfonso Ortiz, ed. Pp. 536–557. Vol. 10
of Handbook of North American Indians, William Sturtevant, ed. Washington, DC:
Smithsonian Institution.
Wyman provides an invaluable overview of the complex system of Navajo beliefs about the
dynamics of the universe and the actions with which the people attempt to inluence these
processes through the orderly demonstration of traditional knowledge in ritual when other
rational means fail. Wyman establishes the organizational relationships of the many Navajo
ceremonial observances upon which the people rely for sustaining their world.
Wyman, Leland C., and Stuart K. Harris
1941 Navajo Indian Medical Ethnobotany. University of New Mexico Bulletin,
Anthropological Series 3(5). Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
In their discussion of Navajo plant medicines, Wyman and Harris identify several useful
plants that grow in the VCNP. The medical plants include peavine (Lathyrus sp.), lupine
(Lupinus sp.), Fendler’s meadow rue (Thalictrum fendleri), and stinging nettle (Urtica sp.).
They also note that peavine and lupine are food plants.
Wyman, Leland C., and Stuart K. Harris
1951 The Ethnobotany of the Kayenta Navajo: An Analysis of the John and Louisa
Wetherill Ethnobotanical Collection. University of New Mexico Publications in Biology
5:1–66. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
In this study Wyman and Harris contribute additional Navajo ethnobotanical information
about plants found in the VCNP. Food plants include native lettuce (Mimulus sp.), broomrape
(Orobanche sp.), mock-orange (Philadelphus microphyllus), and deathcamus (Zigadenus
sp.). Medicinal plants include columbine (Aquilegia sp.), hemlock parsley (Conioselinum
scopulorum), spotted coral root (Corallorhiza maculate), western tansy mustard
(Descurainia pinnata), willowherb (Epilobium sp.), buckwheat (Eriogonum sp.), ilaree
(Erodium sp.), green wintergreen (Pyrola chlorantha), and snowberry (Symphoricarpos sp.).
They also report the use of the native currant (Ribes sp.) in tool manufacture.
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appendix II.
Introducing a Landscape Approach for Evaluating
Communities’ Traditional Senses of Time and Place
Kurt F. Anschuetz
(adapted from Anschuetz 2001; Anschuetz and Scheick 1998)
Introduction
The purpose of this essay is to introduce an anthropological landscape approach. It considers landscape broadly as
the physical and conceptual interaction of nature and culture
rather than the sum of material modiications, which people
might make to a particular geographic space. I suggest that
cultural resource managers might ind this perspective useful
in the future when they consider how people of traditional
and historical communities in the region construct and sustain
their associations with the Valles Caldera National Preserve
(VCNP). Using concepts developed by the U.S. Department of
Interior, National Park Service (NPS) for managing culturally
signiicant landscape resources, this discussion goes beyond
a simple emphasis on the readily visible built environment. It
also considers the cultural-historical traditions through which
people of afiliated communities have sustained their associations with the VCNP as part of their traditional homelands
based on their land use history and traditions.
This essay consists of ive parts. The irst introduces the
NPS landscape concepts, which now are widely in use across
the United States in evaluating the signiicance of cultural
landscapes in terms of National Register of Historic Places
(National Register) criteria. It also reviews the limitations of
these approaches and a recently adopted ethnographic landscape deinition developed by the NPS Applied Ethnology
Program (Evans et al. 2001). This deinition offers an important step toward the resolution of the shortcomings inherent in
the National Register process.
The second part considers the ubiquity of cultural landscapes and their signiicant cultural meanings in the world
in which people live, using the intimacy of the relationship
between traditional land-based communities and their environments in the southwestern United States as an illustration.
The purpose of this discussion is to convey more fully how
signiicant cultural-historical associations can be manifest in
landscape even though material traces of human occupation
are rare or subtle in appearance.
The third section considers the challenges to researchers
and managers in recognizing landscapes and comprehending
these cultural constructs within appropriate contexts. I open by
addressing issues concerning landscape analyses of the way
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communities occupy their landscapes. I emphasize that these
analyses will never yield a comprehensive understanding of
the ideational systems communities use to ascribe particular
meanings to places within their landscapes. I next deine the
landscape concept and review its formal properties. Lastly, I
consider how landscapes constitute cultural-historical memories with which communities interact in their day-to-day
living.
The fourth part deines the concepts of community and
communion. I argue that these ideas are relevant to evaluations of landscapes because they help condition people’s
patterned perceptions and interpretations of the spaces they
inhabit. This discussion also appraises the idea of communion, which is an emotional tie to place.
The inal section offers a review of approaches that may
be used to implement the ethnographic landscape concept.
I introduce the idea of the “storied landscape” (Kelley and
Francis 1996) as the principal means for applying the landscape perspective introduced in this essay.
National Park Service
Landscape Concepts
The NPS formally identiied cultural landscapes as a type
of cultural resource in its management policies in 1988 (Page
et al. 1998:7). The NPS deines cultural landscape “as a
geographic area (including both cultural and natural resources
and the wildlife or domestic animals therein) associated
with a historic event, activity, or person, or that exhibit other
cultural or aesthetic values” (NPS 2000:1; see also Page et
al. 1998:12). These values, in turn, allow the evaluation of a
cultural resource for eligibility for inclusion in the National
Register (Evans et al. 2001:53). Moreover, the NPS uses the
term cultural landscape as a conceptual umbrella to encompass four principal landscape types warranting recognition
and protection (after NPS 1994; see also NPS 2000; Page et
al. 1998:7).
The irst landscape type is the historic site, which is signiicant for its association with important activities, events, and/
or persons. Examples include battleields and presidential
properties (NPS 2000:2). The second is the historic designed
249
landscape, which represents deliberate artistic creations that
manifest recognized design styles. Aesthetic values play a
signiicant role in designed landscapes, which include parks,
campuses, and estates (NPS 2000:1–2). The third is the historic
vernacular landscape, whose use, construction, and layout
expresses cultural values and illustrates people’s patterns of
land use. Function plays a signiicant role in vernacular landscapes, which include rural historic districts and agricultural
landscapes (NPS 2000:2). The last cultural landscape type is
the ethnographic landscape. As deined by the NPS, ethnographic landscapes contain “a variety of natural and cultural
resources that associated people deine as heritage resources.
Examples are contemporary settlements, sacred religious
sites, and massive geological structures. Small plant communities, animals, subsistence and ceremonial grounds are often
components” (NPS 2000:1). Evans and others (2001:53)
observe, “Ethnographic landscapes within the NPS context
are broader and do not depend on National Register eligibility
criteria for their existence, and importantly, are identiied and
deined by the cultural groups associated with them rather
than by historic preservation professionals.” For this reason,
and to better serve the purposes of its Ethnographic Resources
Inventory Database, the NPS’ Applied Ethnography program
has deined the term ethnographic landscape as:
. . . a relatively contiguous area of interrelated places that
contemporary cultural groups deine as meaningful because
it is inextricably and traditionally linked to their own local or
regional histories, cultural identities, beliefs, and behaviors.
Present-day social factors such as a people’s class, ethnicity,
and gender may result in the assignment of diverse meanings
to a landscape and its component places (Evans et al.
2001:54).
With this deinition, Evans and others (2001:54) report that
the NPS acknowledges that ethnographic landscapes are not
merely a cultural landscape category. They recognize that it
can represent distinct types of landscapes in their own right
that might overlap with or contain historic cultural landscapes.
People of communities afiliated with an ethnographic landscape determine the signiicance of a given space within the
physical environment and are empowered with the authority
to identify and describe these places with which they sustain
relationship(s).
It is important to acknowledge here that the NPS recognizes that landscapes (1) represent the interaction of active
cultural and historical processes, and (2) are not simply an
assemblage of quantiiable material resources or even normative behavioral patterns (e.g., see Mitchell and Page 1993:49;
Page et al. 1998:7; see also Levine and Merlan 1993:56). With
this understanding, the NPS has adopted the goal to clearly
identify “the landscape characteristics and features, values,
and associations that make a landscape historically signiicant (according to the National Register criteria)” (Page et al.
1998:4). The NPS also comprehends that contemporary people
often identify and interact with places with which they maintain associations “for their history and for the amenities they
provide” (Patten 1991:3; see also Mitchell and Page 1993:53;
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Travis 1994). Cowley (1991:10, 1994:28) observes further
that landscapes can represent a multitude of cultural-historical associations and values among the people of different
communities.
The NPS’ recognition of the essential role of contemporary cultural associations in the documentation, evaluation,
and interpretations of landscapes is illustrated further through
its seminal work in deining the traditional cultural property
concept. Although the traditional cultural property concept
also was developed for use in documenting and evaluating
heritage resources eligible for listing in the National Register
(Parker 1993a; Parker and King 1990; see also Evans et al.
2001:54–55), its conceptual framework is applicable to cultural
landscapes generally and to ethnographic landscapes speciically. According to National Register Bulletin 38 guidelines,
traditional cultural properties are those “eligible for inclusion
in the National Register because of…[their]…association with
cultural practices or beliefs of a living community that (a) are
rooted in that community’s history, and (b) are important in
maintaining the continuing cultural identity of the community” (Parker and King 1990:1; see also Parker 1993b:1).
The four widely published NPS cultural landscape type
deinitions convey major aspects of this concept. These terse,
static descriptions, if viewed in isolation, however, offer
relatively little to help us understand how the NPS cultural
landscape idea relates to dynamic cultural and historical
processes.
The expanded ethnographic landscape deinition offered
recently by the NPS Applied Ethnology Program (Evans et al.
2001) is both recognition of the shortcomings inherent in the
four-part typology and an important step toward their resolution. On the one hand, the four-part typology—historic site,
historic designed landscape, historic vernacular landscape,
and ethnographic landscape—serves usefully in assisting
managers to distinguish the values that give landscapes their
signiicance. It also aids managers in determining how the
landscape should be treated, managed, and interpreted (Page et
al. 1998:9). On the other hand, rigid adherence to this classiication threatens the conceptual segmentation of the landscape
concept in ways that are not fully congruent with the effective implementation of a holistic approach. Page and others
(1998:9) observe that these landscape types are not mutually
exclusive; may be associated with signiicant events, possess
vernacular and formally designed characteristics, and may
also be considered signiicant by speciic communities.
The language used by the NPS to deine landscape types in
terms of static cultural resource management property categories perhaps poses the greatest practical obstacle to fulilling
the goal of developing a comprehensive understanding of the
dynamic processes that underlie how people interact with
their environments (see Evans et al. 2001 for further discussion of this problem). The landscape typology and “terms are
deined in the context of cultural resource management and in
particular, cultural landscape management in the national park
system” (Page et al. 1998:125). They acknowledge further that
NPS terminology sometimes departs from standard dictionary
deinitions to enhance the typology’s usefulness as a tool for
resource management.
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Through its emphasis on objective (i.e., quantiiable)
historic events, activities, persons, or other cultural or
aesthetic values, NPS landscape terminology frequently has
resulted in the portrayal of cultural landscapes as a collection of materially based resource commodities. This practice
works in service of National Historic Preservation Act of
1966 protocols for determining the eligibility of historic
properties. For example, while acknowledging that cultural
landscape preservation encourages a holistic approach to
resource management and possesses relevance to present
communities, Birnbaum and Page cast this understanding
primarily in terms of “the inter-relationships between
cultural and natural resources within a property” (1994:3,
emphasis added). In a subsequent comment, they give
priority to “the physical evidence, including traces of the
past…[as] an integral component of the daily lives of those
that live in or move through the landscape today” (Birnbaum
and Page 1994:4). Friedman similarly calls for discussions
“of how the people associated with the site shaped the land
to serve their needs and relect their culture”(1994:6) in
implementing landscape approaches for new kinds of interpretation. Even though Friedman implicitly recognizes the
importance of including ideational issues in interpreting how
people manifest their needs and their cultural expressions in
their landscapes, materialist concerns organize the content
of her remarks: “Landscape, including trees, plants, shrubs,
and walkways, are [sic] comparable to cups, chairs, tables,
paintings, and candlesticks. All are part of the collections of
a historic site” (1994:6).
The NPS four-part landscape typology and their deinitions work eficiently in producing the kinds of observations
needed for land and cultural resource managers to fullill their
management responsibilities for natural and cultural resources
with materially demonstrable historical contexts and associations. As such, these tools are well suited for a particular
task, but as Moore and Keene (1983:4) observe, “methods,
like tools, can be abused. The most obvious form of abuse
involves using methods not because they it the task at hand,
but because they are methods we know and can easily apply.”
Tools designed for managing natural and cultural resources
with materially demonstrable historical contexts and associations are not necessarily equally well suited for management
of resources whose historical values are based on less tangible
contexts and associations (after Cushman 1993:50) in an
ever-changing world. Thus, it is fair to question whether strict
adherence to NPS cultural resource management concepts
and methods alone can yield the insights needed to achieve
a comprehensive understanding of landscapes’ dynamic
processes. The signiicance of landscapes to traditional
communities primarily concerned with contemporary social
issues concerning their cultural survival goes far beyond mere
documentation of historical contexts (Levine and Merlan
1993:55).
The disjunction between the NPS landscape philosophy
and its applied practice is more one of emphasis rather than
substance. As I discuss below, the NPS ethnographic landscape concept actually is closely aligned intellectually with
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general cultural landscape ideas derived from the social
sciences and the humanities.
Management of cultural landscape resources and comprehension of cultural landscape processes both are fundamentally
important components of a holistic landscape approach. These
contrasting tasks emphasize qualitatively different landscape
aspects. Management of cultural landscapes resources and
comprehension of cultural landscapes are not mutually exclusive; each contributes information needed to build even fuller
understandings of landscapes.
Land and cultural resource managers likely will need to
address issues raised by people of traditional and historical
communities who maintain afiliations with the VCNP based
on their land use histories and traditions. For this reason, the
following discussion introduces the anthropological cultural
landscape concept more broadly. By identifying the theoretical bases that the NPS drew from in developing its landscape
typology and deinitions, I provide a framework for comprehending the holistic logic that uniies the NPS landscape
philosophy and its applied practice. My purpose also is to
illustrate how a landscape approach, especially with reference
to the principles embodied in the NPS Applied Ethnology
Program’s ethnographic landscape concept and the traditional
cultural property idea, can encourage and enable practitioners.
That is, the landscape approach can assist managers in considering the cultural-historical traditions through which people
occupy and modify their community lands, both materially
and ideationally, in their own terms.
Landscapes as Worlds of
Cultural Meaning
In a recent exposition on the Southwest’s landscape and
history, John Brinckerhoff Jackson, nationally prominent landscape essayist and longtime New Mexico resident, observes:
What comes irst: the blessing or the prayer? It is not easy
in this landscape to separate the role of man from the role of
nature. The plateau country has been lived in for centuries,
but the human presence is disguised even from the camera’s
eye (Jackson 1994:17)
Most people intimately familiar with the Southwest’s
diverse mountain, mesa, valley, and desert settings are struck
by the insightfulness and poetry of Jackson’s rhetorical question. In noting that humans and their natural environments
are fundamentally intertwined, Jackson recognizes that the
region’s many historical communities have interacted with
the landscape in ways that are not always immediately visible.
Even though many of their interactions might leave few readily
visible material traces, Indian, Hispanic, and Anglo-American
communities trace countless generations of occupation in the
Southwest as subsistence hunters, gatherers, farmers, ranchers,
miners, and developers; each has transformed the landscape’s
ecology. In addition, through each community’s intimate
relationships with the land and its resources in every aspect
of its material life, including economy, society, polity, and
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recreation, the landscape has come to occupy a revered place
in community cosmologies.
Just as the NPS has discovered irsthand in deining
concepts, developing guidelines, and applying methods related
to traditional cultural properties, the understandings that the
region’s traditional communities have of their historically
informed interactions with the landscape often challenge, if
not confound, comprehension by outsiders. Many traditional
land-based communities identify themselves in terms of the
places their families have lived since before living memory.
Over time, the land and its people have become inseparable
through historical-ecological processes, which are “dialectical
relations between human acts and acts of nature” (Crumley
1994:9). Moreover, traditional land-based communities often
have “a view of history based on cyclical time in which the
past is recreated in the present through traditional beliefs and
practices” (Parker 1993b:4).
Regardless of history, culture, or tradition, people everywhere “project culture onto nature” (Crumley and Marquardt
1990:73) through their interactions with their physical environments. In this process, the land, its physical resources, and
people’s perceptions, actions, and expectations of their environments not only contribute to the patterns of ecological
change identiiable in the record of the past. They also structure
the opportunities and constraints that are available to cultural
communities in the present, as well as the choices and means
that will be accessible to the groups’ future generations.
Thus, Jackson’s rhetorical question grasps the understanding that the Southwest’s landscape is simultaneously,
and incontestably, both a blessing and a prayer. Through
their understandings that culture is inseparable from nature,
the people of the traditional communities explain how “they
became who they are” (Peckham 1990:2) culturally and
historically. The fact that traditional groups project their
culture onto their natural environment underlies claims by
contemporary generations that their communities sustain the
occupation of their aboriginal homelands through historically
based patterns of cultural action and cognition (e.g., see Feld
and Basso 1996). The NPS developed its cultural resource
management policies and methods, especially the ethnographic landscape (after Mitchell and Page 1993; Page et al.
1998) and traditional cultural properties concepts (after Parker
and King 1990; see also Parker 1993b) in reference to these
constructions of landscape meaning through which communities construct their identities.
Jackson (1994:159) identiies the social and cultural qualities that derive from a community of people possessing a
common sense of place: “a lively awareness of the familiar
environment, a ritual repetition, a sense of fellowship based
on a shared experience.” Jackson’s speciic identiication
of “ritual repetition” as a quality embedded in a community’s sense of place derives from an example that he drew
from western classical tradition (see Jackson 1994:157). His
argument implies that the association of some particularly
meaningful places with ritual, repeated celebration, and reverence related to the “indeinable sense of well-being” (Jackson
1994:158) transcends the boundaries of western culture and
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is shared (to a more or less greater extent) among all human
groups.
The Challenge of Terra Incognita
The challenge that researchers and managers now face
is to develop interpretive and management guidelines that
recognize the existence of landscapes’ subtle cultural-historical meanings and relationships. The following discussion
provides a framework for considering how people of traditional and historical communities can occupy the landscapes
of their traditional homeland areas through their physical
and metaphysical cultural constructions to create and sustain
senses of community identity (Anschuetz and Scheick
1998; Anschuetz et al. 2001).
First, we can ask what cultural landscape studies generally and ethnographic landscape investigations speciically
can do and what they should not presume to undertake.
Comprehending that communities occupy their perceived
landscapes to sustain their identity is not the same as understanding the ideational systems through which communities
traditionally ascribe particular meanings to places within
their landscapes (see Anschuetz et al. 2001 for an expanded
examination of this issue). On the one hand, a landscape
perspective enables researchers and managers to identify
and to assess the historical signiicance of the natural and
cultural resources that contemporary peoples identify and
interact with physically or metaphysically. On the other
hand, comprehension by outsiders of a community’s speciic
historical associations with places in their landscapes, which
depends on a person’s intimate relationship with the group’s
cultural traditions, is usually both impossible and unnecessary.
More importantly, many societies deine behavioral
norms and social structures to guide a person’s acquisition
of often sensitive cultural knowledge needed to comprehend
speciic meanings of the physical and metaphysical relationships ascribed to particular places. Thus, expectations that a
landscape analysis should document and decipher privileged
knowledge may be both unrealistic and disrespectful (e.g.,
see Cushman 1993; Ferguson et al. 1993; Parker 1993b;
Sebastian 1993; see also Anschuetz et al. 2001). The call for
respect of these inviolable traditions and cultural knowledge
in ethnographic landscape studies rests on the expanding
body of social science indings about long-term beneits of
sustaining cultural diversity (after Sebastian 1993:26).
Deining Landscape
A simple yet elegant deinition used in the social sciences
and humanities for the term landscape refers to the interaction of nature and culture (after Zube 1994:1; see also Ingold
1993:152; Tuan 1977:passim; Yi Fu Tuan, in Thompson
1995:xi). Carl Sauer, a geographer renowned particularly for work in the early twentieth century, offers a more
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comprehensive deinition. Given its recognition of the organization of people’s interactions with their environments as
a uniquely evolving cultural-historical process, his deinition
remains relevant today:
The cultural landscape is fashioned from a natural landscape
by a culture group. Culture is the agent, the natural area is
the medium, the cultural landscape is the result. Under the
inluence of a given culture, itself changing through time,
the landscape undergoes development, passing through
phases, and probably reaching ultimately the end of its cycle
of development. With the introduction of a different—that is,
alien-culture, a rejuvenation of the cultural landscape sets in,
or a new landscape is superimposed on the remnants of an
older one (Sauer 1925:46).
Sauer stressed human agency “as a force in shaping the
visible features of delimited regions on the Earth’s surface”
(Cosgrove 1998:115) and culture speciically as “the impress
of the works of man upon the area” (Sauer 1925:38). He cites
three factors as basic to the study of landscape: “the physical
environment, the character [i.e., culture] of the people, and
time” (in Norton 1989:37).
Cultural anthropologists have examined the ideas of place
in terms of social identity and contestation (e.g., see Feld
and Basso 1996:4). In their explorations of the dynamic
properties of landscapes, researchers cite the uncertainties,
discontinuities, and multiplicities of voices and action linked
to contestation and movement (Anschuetz et al. 2001:167).
They challenge the common underlying idea that places
are deined by static boundaries and relationships based on
stable residence (Feld and Basso 1996:5, citing Appadurai
and Breckenridge 1988; Deleuze and Guattari 1986; Kapferer
1988; Rosaldo 1988). Instead, researchers suggest that in
borderlands characterized by luidity and hybridization, landscape relationships can be based on place indeterminacy (Feld
and Basso 1996:5–6, citing Gupta and Ferguson 1992; Gupta
et al. 1992; Appadurai 1992).
Despite the absence of ixity among such “ethnoscapes”
(Appadurai 1992), communities sometimes are able to sustain
coherent cognitive maps based on perceptions, direct experiences and distant memories, constructed meanings, and
imagination. Deterritorialization, however, can result in a
homeland being “partly invented, existing only in the imagination of the deterritorialized groups, and it can sometimes
become so fantastic and one-sided that it provides fuel for
new ethnic conlicts” (Appadurai 1992:193).
Although an explicit linkage of nature with culture is
uncommon among most Anglo-Americans today (Jackson
1984:5), these deinitions follow an ancient Indo-European
tradition of referring to places on the physical landscape as
possessing an integral human element, a space deined by
people through their interactions with their environment
(Jackson 1984:5–8). Importantly, traditional land-based
communities in the United States, including both Native
American and non–Native American cultural groups, characteristically do not distinguish between nature and culture
in their understandings of landscape. Rather, they highlight
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the idea of fundamental relationship between people and the
world in which they live (e.g., see Cajete 1993–1994, 1994,
1999).
A prominent contemporary geographer has gone as far
as to suggest that “landscape is most at home in the cultural
context” (Wagner 1995:5). In this sense, landscape is intelligible only as human habitat given that Culture with a capital
“C” is a uniquely human cognitive and behavioral system for
producing, storing, and transmitting information over time
(e.g., see Anschuetz 1998b:31–80, after Hall 1959, 1969;
Kirch 1980; Rappaport 1979; Trigger 1991, Tylor 1871; White
1949; among others; see also appendix III). Communities
transform their physical surroundings into meaningful
places on particular patterns of morphology and arrangement
through the daily activities, beliefs, and values of their people.
Moreover, communities reshape the natural settings of their
geographical spaces to legitimize the meanings they bestow
upon the landscape through their physical modiication of the
environment, the intimacies of their experiences, and their
sharing of memories. The ways in which people perceive the
land and its resources through their cultural traditions help
structure how they interact with their landscapes and deine
their associations with their heritage resources.
The recognition that landscape is based on interaction
between cultural communities and their environments also
implicates the existence of historical-ecological processes
within human habitats (after Crumley 1994; see also Zube
1994:1). In scientiic constructs, therefore, the landscape
concept foremost relates to a processual relationship between
natural and cultural systems over time.
The NPS landscape deinitions, especially those offered
by the Applied Ethnography Program (Evans et al. 2001),
subscribe to the understanding that landscapes derive from the
interaction of nature and culture over time. Importantly, its
landscape concepts actually are closely aligned intellectually
with general cultural landscape ideas derived from the social
sciences and the humanities.
As language tools go, the term landscape possibly is
exceptional given the great variability in meanings that
people encode in the term when discussing the environment.
As a language tool of many meanings and uses, landscape
has an extremely high potential for abuse, not because the
term itself is “slippery” but because persons using landscape
in a dialogue tend to “slip” the concept among contradictory
contexts that obscure its meaningfulness. Consequentially, in
using landscape to discuss a particular idea in any dialogue,
but most especially in discourse based on the systematization of observations, methods, and interpretive principles,
practitioners need to deine the concept clearly and apply this
meaning consistently.
Especially troublesome is the use of landscape as a
synonym for natural environment. Should land managers mix
their scientiic tools for administering the environment and its
resources with the Anglo-American view of landscape as an
“expanse of naturally occurring physical space viewed from
afar” (Anschuetz 1999:3), they risk conceptually segregating
the domains of nature and culture. In equating ever-changing
natural environments with landscape, researchers are liable to
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cast culture as a dependent variable in their explanations of
ecological change. If culture change is viewed primarily as
reactive to external factors, then recognition and comprehension of how a community’s traditional landscape constructions
are rooted in its history and continue to be important in
sustaining its cultural identity are obscured (see expanded
discussion by Anschuetz et al. 2001). That is, researchers
and managers can become blinded to the landscape concept’s
intrinsic integrative and synthetic functions (after Jackson
1984:8). More problematical, the conceptual separation of
nature and culture into distinct realms is incompatible with
the way many land-based communities view the relationship
between people and the world in which they live, as well as
their relationship with history (e.g., see Cajete 1993–1994,
1994, 1999). For example, many authors who have worked
with the NPS cultural resource management tools have
commented that the partitioning of nature and culture within
a linear chronology poses great obstacles to consultation with
traditional communities (e.g., Cushman 1993; Downer and
Roberts 1993; Ferguson et al. 1993; Parker 1993b; Sebastian
1993; see also King 1993). The NPS Applied Ethnography
Program’s recently revised ethnographic landscape deinition
helped address these key issues. It did so by empowering the
people of communities afiliated with an ethnographic landscape with the authority to identify and describe the places
with which they sustain signiicant relationships important to
their heritage and identity (Evans et al. 2001).
A Landscape Approach’s Premises
The landscape perspective outlined above is a set of
working assumptions, procedures, and indings that deine a
pattern of inquiry about the nature of our knowledge of the
world or some aspect of the world (see Clark 1993; Kuhn 1970;
Masterman 1970). The landscape approach is neither a formal
theory nor a particular technique; it is a way of looking at and
integrating data. A landscape approach, therefore, “is deined
more by what it does than what it is” (Whittlesey 1997: 20,
emphasis in original; see also Masterman 1970:70).
Four interrelated premises provide the foundations for
a landscape paradigm (adapted from Anschuetz et al.
2001:160–161):
1. Landscapes are not synonymous with natural environments.
Landscapes are synthetic (Jackson 1984:156), with cultural
systems structuring and organizing people’s interactions
with their natural environments (Deetz 1990; see also Ingold 1993:152; Tuan 1977, passim; Thompson 1995:xi;
Zube 1994:1). As Cosgrove (1998:13) notes, “landscape
denotes the external world mediated through subjective
human experience.”
2. Landscapes are worlds of cultural product (after Boone
1994:7; see also Norton 1989; Thompson 1995; Tuan
1977; Wagner 1995:5; see also appendix III). Through
their daily activities, beliefs, and values, communities transform physical spaces into meaningful places.
Taçon (1999:34) notes, “Experience, history, value systems, relationships, circumstance, and individual choices
254
all play a part in how landscapes are…described.” Accordingly, a “landscape is not merely the world we see,
it is a construction, a composition of that world” (Cosgrove 1998:13). Thus, landscapes are not the same as
“built environments,” which refer to designed physical
constructions (i.e., landscape architecture) (after Domosh
1995:48–49; Foote 1995:294–295). Landscapes represent
“a way in which…people have signiied themselves and
their world through their…relationship with nature, and
through which they have underlined and communicated
their own social role and that of others with respect to
external nature” (Cosgrove 1998:15). In addition, landscapes with high value to one community might appear to
be little used tracts to other cultural groups.
3. Landscapes are the arena for all of a community’s activities. Thus, landscapes not only are constructs of human
populations, they are the milieu in which those populations
survive and sustain themselves. A landscape’s domain involves patterning in both within-place and between-place
contexts (Binford 1982:5; Deetz 1990:2; see also Hubert
1994). Observable patterns of both material traces and
empty spaces come from interactions between culturally
organized dimensions and nonculturally organized resources and life-space distributions (Binford 1983:380).
With landscapes organizing perception and action, economy, society, and ideation are not only interconnected, they
are interdependent (see Anschuetz 1998b; Anschuetz and
Scheick 1998).
4. Landscapes are dynamic constructions, with each community and each generation imposing its own cognitive map
on an anthropogenic world of interconnected morphology, arrangement, and coherent meaning (Anschuetz and
Scheick 1998:6; Jackson 1984:156; see also Hoskins 1955;
Parcero Oubiña et al. 1998:174). Because landscapes embody fundamental organizing principles for the form and
structure of people’s activities, they serve both as a material construct that communicates information and as a kind
of historical text (Hugill and Foote 1995:20). Moreover,
the landscape, as a system for manipulating meaningful
symbols in human actions and their material by-products,
helps deine customary patterned relationships among varied information. Processes of behavioral change across
space and over time necessarily result in an ever-changing
landscape, however. Thus, landscape is a cultural process
(Hirsch 1995; contra Cosgrove 1984:32).
Until the recent addition of the Applied Anthropology
Program’s expanded ethnographic landscape deinition
(Evans et al. 2001), the NPS landscape approach was deined
primarily by its cultural resource management responsibilities. With this addition, the NPS cultural landscape deinition,
in concert with its traditional properties concept, conforms
to the landscape paradigm’s central tenets. Landscapes (1)
represent the interaction of dynamic cultural and historical
processes (after Mitchell and Page 1993; Page et al. 1998); (2)
are associated with cultural practices or beliefs that are rooted
in the histories of living communities and are essential in how
communities sustain their cultural identities (after Parker and
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King 1990; see also Parker 1993b); (3) were shaped by people
to serve their needs and relect their culture (after Friedman
1994); and (4) are simultaneously seen through the eyes of the
people of different cultural communities (after Cowley 1991,
1994).
Landscape as a Way to Remember
Culture and History
Anthropologists, geographers, and historians, among
others, document a common characteristic among all humans:
the remembrance and celebration of rich cultural-historical
memories through oral traditions. Human history started not
with writing but with shared stories from one generation to the
next at the beginning of human time.
Every community imbues its landscape with intrinsic
meaningfulness based on its cultural patterns of perception and interpretation (see Anschuetz 1998b:44–58). These
perceptions include not only the community understandings
of its physical environment and resources, but also time and
how people interact with their cultural-historical memories.
For example, Anglo-American communities characteristically view history and landscapes in terms of enduring images
inscribed on the land. Many non-Western, land-based communities, in comparison, view history as part of a living process
that makes the past a referent for the present and the landscape
a memory itself (Anyon et al. 1997; Küchler 1993; Morphy
1993; see also Anschuetz et al. 2001; Ferguson et al. 1993;
Jackson 1980; Parker 1993b; Roberts 1997). Given that the
landscape concepts of people of traditional communities characteristically are land based and process oriented, the landscape
is understood immediately to be more than the present built
environment (Tallbull and Deaver 1997) or simply a protected
cultural resources site (Cleere 1995). Dialogues between
indigenous peoples and anthropologists on heritage resources
conservation and management of cultural properties illustrate
the ways in which landscapes are important to communities
for sustaining memory and tradition (Carmichael et al. 1994;
Hena and Anschuetz 2000; Kelley and Francis 1994; Swidler
et al. 1997).
Getting “to know a place” takes time. Consequently, physical space in an environment “becomes a place” only when
people establish roots and acquire a certain knowledge of its
essential characteristics through their daily activities, beliefs,
and values over time. Time alone is not enough, however.
Experiences with the land and its resources inluence how
people learn about a place and understand their relationship
with the landscape. Through physical modiications and the
experience of history, people reshape the natural environment to legitimate the meanings they imbue on the land and to
create an identity in terms of the land. Through the intimacy
of experience and the sharing of memories over the passage
of time, a community transforms its geographical spaces into
valued places of meaning through which people sustain their
identity.
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Important sources of knowledge from the past about the
material consequences of how people used, occupied, and
transformed their landscapes are embedded in each community’s cultural-historical narratives. History is continuously
re-enacted in the present through the group’s traditional beliefs
and practices, thereby continually reafirming the community’s cultural-historical associations with its landscapes (after
Parker 1993b:4). Landscapes, in turn, become a mirror of
a community (Anschuetz et al. 2001:190). Landscapes are
products of communities’ relationships with their surroundings, as each generation lives its life and bestows meaning on
those surroundings.
The need by people to sustain their community’s traditional understandings of time and place across the generations
is powerful (after Anschuetz 1998b:70–71). On the one
hand, a community’s ability to provide points of seeming
past stability and future assurance in its cultural-historical
memories transixes time. That is, in established landscape
constructions, a community’s history with the places with
which it afiliates seems timeless. On the other hand, the relative absence of time with new places within its landscapes
(that is to say, history) might yield a sense of uncertainty, or
possibly a feeling of unreality, because the community has yet
to invest coherent meaning—and meaningfulness—into its
afiliation with a locality (after Popcock 1994:366, 369–370).
For example, if a group immigrates into an area with which
the people have no direct historical experience, the émigrés
might immediately impose conceptual features of their former
landscape onto their new environment. If other communities
already inhabit the environment, they might adopt aspects of
the culture history of established residents to establish immediate frames of reference through a creative construction of
community memory (e.g., see Rapoport 1990; Stone 1993).
The logic then follows that the new community arrivals will
build upon these cultural-historical points of reference as they
develop their own intimacy with their new landscape over the
passage of time and their direct experience with these places.
Landscapes become a legacy of the past because they result
from cultural choices and modiications made by earlier generations. As such, they are not only an organization of space,
they are an organization of time. Importantly, each generation
is the custodian of the community landscape, which is irmly
rooted in tradition. In turn, traditions derive from people’s
understandings about how they became who they are and
how they perceive and understand the world (after Anschuetz
1998b:47, citing Peckham 1990:2; see also appendix III).
Comprehension that the physical spaces, including tracts
of rangeland, surrounding formally built community centers
are neither natural nor exclusively part of nature is an indispensable irst step. A landscape’s physical spaces are not silent
on questions of community history and cultural heritage.
Through its goal to identify the values and associations that
make a landscape historically signiicant in terms of National
Register criteria (Page et al. 1998:4), the NPS has demonstrated the understanding that people do not need to build
visually striking villages or great monuments across their
255
natural environments to construct richly featured cultural landscapes. The places in which people live, raise families, work,
and die are more than just scenery. Landscapes are the quintessential product of human presence over time and represent
evidence of historical-ecological processes. The landscape is
a living map that people are forever reorganizing (e.g., see
Jackson 1980, 1984, 1994).
Community and Communion
Because landscape constructions are cultural constructions
deriving from people’s patterned perceptions and interpretations of the spaces they inhabit, the concepts of community
and communion are relevant to this discussion and warrant
deinition. Social scientists deine community as simply “a
matter of custom and of shared modes of thought and expression, all of which have no other sanction than tradition”
(Johnson 1994:81). For example, ethnic/cultural groups may
deine themselves as communities, irrespective of whether
they occupy clearly deined territories. Community deinition similarly is applicable to economic, social, and political
groups. In all these cases, the idea of community belonging is
cast in terms of social action guided through tradition, played
out in the arena of a group’s interrelationships with their environments to create their landscapes.
Whenever a network of interacting individuals is concentrated in—and associated with—a particular territory, however,
community often carries a particular sense of belonging. This
sentiment is deined by the group’s understanding of the
locality in terms of their perceptions of place and time. Such
an emotional tie, deined by social scientists as communion
(Johnson 1994:81), especially characterizes the relationship
between the Southwest’s historic rural communities with
their cultural landscapes. Given their sustained, intensive, and
subsistence-based interactions with the land, experiences of
the region’s traditional rural communities provide contexts for
developing communion based on intimate historical-ecological relationship (e.g., Levine and Merlan 1993).
Because people of urban communities emphasize contrasting
aspects of social interaction with their environments, their
sense of communion is qualitatively different. Urban dwellers
whose interactions with the land and its resources are not
sustained, intensive, or subsistence-based tend to have senses
of time and place based on romanticized views of nature rather
than on direct historical-ecological experience. This generalization appears to apply to urban communities both within and
outside the Southwest. For example, Anglo-American urban
communities today overwhelmingly understand landscape as
an expanse of naturally occurring physical space viewed from
afar. Equated with scenery (see Hirsch 1995:2; Zube 1994:1),
this view derives from the sixteenth-century painterly tradition of using the term landscape to describe their depictions of
rural (i.e., putatively “unoccupied”) scenery (Hirsch 1995:2)
and from an uncritical acceptance of subsequent ideas derived
256
from “the world of art and make-believe” in the constructions
of theatrical stage sets (i.e., scenery) (Tuan 1977:133).
Implementing an Ethnographic
Landscape Approach
Our approach for implementing an ethnographic landscape
study derives from and builds upon the preceding landscape
perspective. Speciically, I will use the idea of the storied
landscape presented by Klara B. Kelley, an anthropologist
who works among the Diné (the people of the Navajo Nation),
and Harris Francis, a Diné cultural rights consultant, in their
work with Navajo communities (Kelley and Francis 1996).
As Kelley and Francis recognize, our understanding of the
Southwest’s landscape derives from more than the study of
archaeology, history, geography, and anthropology.
Archaeologists, through their surveys and excavations,
“learn to read the past” by using the archaeological record as
a kind of historical text. Archaeologists interpret the artifacts,
features, old houses, plant remains, and bones of the archaeological record to tell one kind of cultural-historical story and
to explain changes in life ways.
Historians read written texts, often provided by irst-hand
witnesses of events, to tell another kind of story about key
players, events, and processes. Historians, too, author rich
interpretations of the past.
Geographers offer useful tools for reading landscapes and
for evaluating how past human actions help condition contemporary land use practices and cultural relationships with the
land. Following Sauer’s lead, geographers have played instrumental roles in developing methods for studying the interplay
of the physical environment, the culture of the people, and
time in communities’ landscape constructions.
Ethnographers use information provided by living people
as one kind of historical text, supplemented by the archaeological and historical records visible on the ground. Ethnographers
also provide cultural frameworks that others can use to interpret the process of culture change over time.
The idea of the storied landscape acknowledges the rich
oral histories maintained among traditional communities as
necessary elements in landscape history. To be fully understood, physical spaces within an ecological setting must be
related to cultural ideas of place, time, and human community.
Oral accounts can bridge the difference between small places
on the landscape used for particular purposes and general
stories that outline culture history and evaluate change. As
such, with respect to the dynamic properties of culture (see
appendix III), people of traditional and historical communities potentially can contribute valuable historical-ecological
lessons obtained through their intimacy with the landscape.
In addition, they might be able to offer invaluable insights
concerning the application of these lessons to guide decisionmaking about the future of the landscape.
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
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appendix III.
Perspectives on Culture, Tradition,Vernacular Knowledge,
and Culture Change to Understand Landscape as a
Cultural Process
Kurt F. Anschuetz
Introduction
The underlying premise of this discussion is that people
contribute to conditions that warrant the restructuring and
reorganization of their interactions with their physical settings,
with other members of their communities, and with residents
of other communities (see Anschuetz 1998b:31–82). People
revise their existing tactics and strategies, or adopt altogether
new policies, for earning their living. As they accommodate changes in their natural, economic, social, political, and
ideational environments at one point in time, they invariably
instigate change (Minnis 1985:19; Waddington 1974:35; see
also Watts 1988). Thus, culture, and all of its constituents,
including landscape, is a dynamic, living process.
The purpose of this essay is to contribute to an understanding of landscape as a dynamic cultural process. This
discussion provides part of a framework that land and
cultural resource managers might ind useful in considering how people of traditional and historical communities
construct and sustain afiliations with the Valles Caldera
National Preserve.
The discussion consists of six sections. First, the narrative
begins by considering that culture is an elaborate cognitive
and behavioral system (Kirch 1980:112–114) that people use
for the eficient production, storage, and conveyance of information about their interactions with their natural, economic,
social, political, and ideational environments. Second, I
examine what traditions are and how they serve human communities by sustaining senses of continuity despite the unfolding
process of culture change. The third section inspects the properties of vernacular knowledge through which people assign
meanings to the facts that they perceive in their everyday
world. The fourth segment addresses the assertion that culture
change over time is inevitable, while the ifth section looks at
how people with controlled access to a community’s corpus of
vernacular knowledge can use traditions and traditionalism as
instruments of culture change. The concluding part provides
commentary about why process and landscape concerns
alike dictate the adoption of a historical-ecological approach.
I suggest that the process of behavioral change conveyed
symbolically within a landscape is, to a large degree, related
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to how communities experience time and place. Moreover, the
process of behavioral change requires the fundamental traditions throughout the landscape to remain more or less intact to
demonstrate cultural-historical continuity.
Culture With a Capital “C”
Culture has been a central topic of discussion since anthropology’s beginnings as a social science more than a century
ago. It has been a unifying concept over much of the discipline’s history. Nonetheless, its appropriateness increasingly
has become a topic of debate since Kroeber and Kluckhohn
(1952) noted that practitioners assign it a multiplicity of meanings. Over the past decade, critiques of the culture concept
generally focus on the theme that culture inevitably “suggests
boundedness, homogeneity, coherence, stability, and structure
whereas social reality is characterized by variability, inconsistencies, conlict, change, and individual agency” (Brumann
1999:S1).
For the purposes of this study, we view culture as an elaborate cognitive and behavioral system (Kirch 1980:112–114)
that people use for the eficient production, storage, and
conveyance of information about their interactions with their
natural, economic, social, political, and ideational environments during their life spans. Culture also allows people to
transfer information about past environmental states and the
perceived effectiveness of responses to luctuations in their
environments beyond the direct experiences of living generations.
Through their recollection of cultural-historical memory
(Flinn and Alexander 1982), people generate a world of cultural
product (after Boone 1994:7). Importantly, (1) cultural information low patterns are highly selective in transmitting data
at any point in time and between successive generations; (2)
communities assign values to their perceptions and meanings
of cultural information differently; and (3) communities are
capable of consciously manipulating their cultural inheritance
(Anschuetz 1998b:44–58; Anschuetz et al. 2001:181–184;
Wills et al. 1994:298). At any given time, therefore, people not
only inherit but also inhabit—that is to say, imitate, modify,
263
and build upon—their cultural heritage as a conceptual landscape for their own purposes.
Two complementary deinitions of culture provide a
framework for considering how human communities systematically bias the recognition and manipulate the transmission
of environmental information. The irst deinition is by E. B.
Tylor, who conceptualized culture at the time anthropology
was emerging as a formal discipline as “that complex whole
which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom,
and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a
member of society” (1871:1). More than 80 years later, Leslie
White deined culture as “a class of things and events, dependent upon symboling, considered in an extrasomatic context”
(1959:234).
Although Tylor and White’s deinitions focus on contrasting
aspects of culture, they share an underlying principle of
patterned information transmission within communities. These
information low patterns are not only selective in what and
how data are transmitted among living people and between
successive generations, they also exhibit a wide range of
variability among human communities. Each group’s particular sense of place and time helps organize the structure and
pattern of their occupation of sustaining areas and their use of
larger physical environments (see Anschuetz 1998b:47–50;
see also appendix II).
Tradition: Sustaining Senses of
Continuity Within Culture Change
Regardless of their particular form of expression,
Stewart Peckham (1990) portrays information regulating
mechanisms that structure the content of, and organize the
meanings within, data transmitted among living people and
between successive generations, as traditions. According
to Peckham, traditions generally relate to people’s valued
understandings of “how they became who they are” (1990:2).
In turn, traditions unify how people of a cultural community
create and occupy their landscapes across the dimensions of
space and time (Anschuetz 1998b:47). Trigger argues that
traditions arise out “of the need for patterns or structural principles that provide some degree of coherence and meaning
to the inexhaustible variety of concepts that the human mind
is capable of inventing and manipulating” (1991:557, citing
Gellner 1982:116–117). Lastly, Redield (1940, in Watson
1995:683) recognizes that traditions sustain the validity and
coherence of the group’s conventional understandings over
time.
Peckham (1990:2–5) outlines the fundamental characteristics of traditions. These traits include value, persistence, and
continuity within a community. Even though traditions allow
for persistence and continuity in the threads of constructed
meanings, they nevertheless are dynamic and subject to
change over time given the latitude in their form and practice
(after Anschuetz 1998b:48–51; Peckham 1990:2–5; see also
Rappaport’s [1979a] discussion of ritual. Geertz concludes,
“that persistence and change are aspects of the same social
phenomenon, namely, tradition” (1994:4).
264
Trigger maintains traditions arise out “of the need for
patterns or structural principles that provide some degree
of coherence and meaning to the inexhaustible variety of
concepts that the human mind is capable of inventing and
manipulating” (1991:557, citing Gellner 1982:116–117). As
Anschuetz (1998b:44–58) observes, shared comprehension
of meanings deines the contents of traditions.
Two crucial issues underlie this statement (Anschuetz
et al. 2001:182–183). First, a common world view among
community members is implicit and obligatory (Whorf
1956:213–214). Second, fundamental concepts underlie
and structure human thought (Lakoff and Johnson 1980:3).
These concepts are matters not only of intellect but also of
action and include mundane everyday matters. Consequently,
people interacted with their environments to deine and to
mark their occupation of spaces within their physical environments in patterned ways of residence, subsistence, and other
activity, including oral tradition (adapted from Anschuetz et
al. 2001:183).
Even though traditions constrain the structure and organization of human behavior, they do not cast culture in an
absolutely determinist role (Anschuetz 1998b:50). Traditions
are not wholly determining “because the human ability to
reason allows individuals to manipulate and modify culture to
varying degrees” (Trigger 1991:559) as they “realize their own
changing needs and aspirations” (Trigger 1991:560). Geertz
(1994:4–5) maintains that traditions by deinition must be
both resilient and malleable to retain their meaning as people
confront changing circumstances. For this reason, traditions
can be viewed as strategic resources that can be modiied to
fulill desired ends (Geertz 1994:4).
A consequence of this essential latitude in behavior is that
cultural systems encompass much greater internal behavioral variability than anthropologists normally recognize
(Anschuetz 1998b:50; Anschuetz et al. 2001:183, after
Rambo 1991:71–72; see also Trigger 1991:552). Nevertheless,
the need for structural order and coherence of meaning shape
the contingent variation of culture and its capacity for elaboration (Trigger 1991:561; see also Atran 1990; Berlin 1973;
Berlin et al. 1974; Lakoff 1987; Nazarea 1999a; Shore 1996
for discussions of structures that condition perception and
experience). Given these properties of traditions for transmitting information, this discussion now turns to a consideration
of how cultures structure perception and information transmission patterns.
Vernacular Knowledge:
Reigning Conventional Wisdom
Vernacular knowledge refers to the processes and results
of certain kinds of ordinary thinking that people rely on as an
indubitable source of truthful knowledge of their everyday
world (see Atran 1990:1–4, 275n1 for his discussion of common
sense). Knowledge is distributed differentially within a community, even though our reference to the group’s culture tends to
make us think such information is shared among all the people
(Barth 2002:1). Access to certain vernacular knowledge can
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be exclusive to a community’s carriers of tradition (Rumsey
2002). Because traditional knowledge allows people to understand and describe their experience with certain worldly
phenomena, the validity of such belief is beyond question.
On one level, vernacular knowledge “is just the way
humans are constitutionally disposed to think of things”
(Atran 1990:2). On another plane, vernacular knowledge
deines and informs their world view. Geertz deines world
view as “a people’s picture of the way things, in sheer reality
are, their concept of nature, of self, of society. It contains their
most comprehensive ideas of order” (1973:127).
Vernacular knowledge therefore may be understood as a
community’s conventional wisdom. Cultural meaning, such
as that embedded in a group’s body of conventional wisdom,
however, is dynamic and subject to notable change.
Nazarea suggests the importance of vernacular knowledge
to landscape studies: “The landscape, or what’s out there, is
processed through human perception, cognition, and decision making before a plan or strategy is formulated and an
individual or collective action is executed” (1999b:91). Also
important in studying landscapes are “the complex ways in
which places anchor lives in social formations ranging widely
in geographical location, in economic and political scale, and in
the accompanying realms of gender, race, class, and ethnicity”
(Feld and Basso 1996:7). Landscape, then, deals with every
aspect of resource management that underlies a “people’s
sense of place—the lenses through which they construct the
environment and estimate their latitudes of choice and opportunities for challenge and refutation” (Nazarea 1999b:105).
The Inevitability of Culture Change
Just as the physical environment changes over time, so
do culture, tradition, and the meanings contained within a
community’s world view (Anschuetz et al. 2001:184). These
characteristics all are dynamic properties of human life; they
are neither static nor immutable (after Plog 1974).
Although culture change over time is inevitable, the need to
sustain order and coherence frame the range of possible variation (Anschuetz et al. 2001:184, citing Trigger 1991:561).
Marked discontinuities in the structure of information and
the organization of behavior, however, can signify the revolutionary overthrow or the transformation of previously
established cultural frameworks (see Anschuetz 1998b). In
the case of revolution, fundamental cognitive aspects that
structure and organize the cultural system are replaced. In
the case of transformation, change sustains a community’s
existing structural and organizational themes.
Transformations in a community’s traditions carry social
and cultural implications. Peckham (1990:3) observes that
great culture change, regardless of the cause or motivation,
can disrupt the original intent of the tradition or destroy some
critical component to leave certain aspects of the tradition
divorced from their ancient context. Of special interest to the
present discussion, calculated attempts to reinterpret or revive
traditions, such as can occur within nativistic movements (e.g.,
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see Green 1974, 1976), “often involve only selected elements
of the earlier tradition” (Peckham 1990:4).
Although a transformed tradition might only supericially
resemble the original form, it “does not necessarily prevent it
from being accepted and effective” (Peckham 1990:4) within
the community for its contemporary needs and purposes. If
the transformation or renewal of tradition results in a redeinition of the community’s vernacular knowledge (even if the
modiication is not consciously recognized), the changes can
establish a new coniguration for people to interpret, and reinterpret, information available in their contemporary natural,
economic, social, political, and ideational environments (see
Anschuetz 1998b:57, after Williams 1961:23). The integration of folk Catholicism with indigenous belief among Pueblo
communities in northern New Mexico following Spanish
colonization is an example of transformation in community
traditions in which cultural continuity is sustained in the face
of considerable change in economic, social, political, and
ideational orders (e.g., Gutiérrez 1991). From this perspective, study of changes in a community’s traditions has less
to do “with what they represent in themselves and more to
do with what they indirectly reveal about the state of society,
other religious bodies, or structures of meaning” (Beckford
1987:392).
Traditions and Traditionalism as
Instruments of Culture Change
Anthropologists commonly view culture and its constituents, including tradition, as fundamental properties of human
communities (e.g., Hall 1959, 1969; Rappaport 1979b:62;
White 1949). In people’s day-to-day lives, they use culture to
construct and reconstruct traditional meanings with different
valuation relevant to the circumstances and events they experience in their changing worlds (after Barth 2002:11; Lakoff
and Johnson 1980:3; Rappaport 1979c:158, 1979d; White
1987:277; see also comprehensive case studies by Geertz
1994; Levy 1992; Whiteley 1987, 1988).
Tradition is a strategic cultural resource, which people
can modify to fulill desired ends within their contemporary
natural, economic, social, political, and ideational environments. Geertz observes further that tradition is “a way of
thinking, a way of speaking, and a way of acting that articulates in myriad ways the webs of signiicance produced by
human cultures” (1994:4; see also Levy 1992:164). Moreover,
vernacular knowledge, whose signiicance is derived and legitimized with reference to tradition, may be viewed as threads
in the total fabric of meaning embedded in the community’s
world view (after Geertz 1994:6).
Through assertive links to tradition and world view, information relevant to contemporary circumstances, including
afiliations to places on the landscape, can be cast as a community’s vernacular knowledge, way of life, identity, and very
being. On the one hand, some outsiders might be tempted to
characterize a group’s traditional patterns of culture as residues from a past that either at best are disconnected or at worst
are irrelevant to the community’s contemporary conditions.
265
In doing so, the term traditional is imbued with pejorative
connotations that it does not deserve. Bradburd observes that
if the term traditional:
. . . is intended to suggest that some societies are ‘cold,’
ixed in amber, unwilling or unable to change, then it is
both insulting and ridiculous. If nothing else, the narrative
of the 20th century is the account of peoples the world over
accepting, using and creating ‘new’ technologies even as
they put ‘old’ practices to new uses (Bradburd 2002:12).
On the other hand, a group’s statements of its associations
under certain circumstances may be constructed to assert the
immutability of its traditions over the generations since time
immemorial (see Barth 2002:5). Such statements typically
are made to audiences of persons either within or outside the
community for whom access to the assembly’s vernacular
knowledge is restricted to all but a few speciied “knowers”
who deine the group’s social reality (after Geertz 1994:7–8,
citing Berger and Luckman 1966:87, 134; see also Barth
2002:5). As a conscious or unconscious creative strategy, the
underlying motivation for making such statements can be an
overwhelming concern to establish the veracity of shifting
claims of afiliation or practice (e.g., Barth 2002:5; Green
1974:68–74). According to Rumsey, “The creative act [on the
part of the group’s exclusive ‘carriers of tradition’] is to do
this in such a way as to deny change and temporality and to
fabricate for their audiences a sense of transmitted invariance
and timelessness: a performative illusion of considerable ingenuity and persuasive power” (2002:15). In this sense, people
assert their “old” practices to put the “new” economic, social,
and political technologies at their disposal to use (Bradford
2002:12).
To cast the redeinition of community traditions in the face
of changing natural, economic, social, political, and ideational
environments over time necessarily as the cynical products of
politicians is inappropriate (after Levy 1992:164). Although a
transformed tradition might resemble the original form only
supericially, the community may accept the reinterpreted
history as a mechanism for sustaining its sense of identity in
the face of contemporary circumstances (see Levy 1992:164;
Peckham 1990:4). In fact, when culture change demonstrately
sustains community and identity, some anthropologists extend
the notion of indigenous to include a group’s incorporation of
knowledge obtained from outside sources.
Public commentaries and performances declaring strict
adherence to a community’s traditions fulill the deinition of traditionalism. Social science theory has long held
the premise that actors, who use traditionalism in nativistic
266
and revitalistic movements, can serve as principal agents of
culture change within their communities. Some sociologists
argue that “‘traditionalsim’ is not the same as ‘tradition,’ but
also that the traditionalist is both innovator (Shils 1971:146),
and a major instrument of modernization” (Geertz 1994:5,
citing Singer 1971:162). Persons who identify themselves as
traditionalists in promoting matters said to be held sacred by
their communities typically reject the focus and contexts of
established traditions and assert revisionist histories to address
issues relevant to the community’s contemporary needs (after
Geertz 1994:5–6; see also Levy 1992; Whiteley 1988).
Discussion: The Need for a
Historical-Ecological Perspective
Concerns with process and landscape alike dictate the
adoption of an explicitly historical-ecological perspective,
which is based on “a culturally speciic temporal and spatial
perspective applied at the regional scale” (Crumley 1994:8).
A historical-ecological perspective broadly embraces a traditional landscape concern, namely, the material traces that
people have left on their environments. It builds from the
premise that interpretation of vernacular and formally built
landscapes alike should be in terms of the essential values and
beliefs that a community uses to structure and organize its
behavior (e.g., see Cosgrove and Daniels 1988; Meinig 1979;
Penning-Rosewell and Lowenthal 1986; see also appendix
II).
The process of behavioral change encoded within a landscape over time is, to a large degree, a function of operational
cultural constructs of time and place. As a community of people
live their lives, they typically move among places within the
settings that make up their landscape. People transfer the
vernacular knowledge of their communities between and
across generations through day-to-day conversation and ritual
behavior (Crumley 1994:7), although individuals “participate
to greater or lesser degrees in the production and application of perceptions of their environments” (Crumley 1994:9).
Generations of people might inhabit and modify a multitude
of places within their community landscape differently over
time. Nevertheless, as long as fundamental traditions remain
more or less intact, elements of a common underlying structural pattern persist over time (e.g., see Rapoport 1990:17).
In adopting and applying a historical-ecological perspective,
explaining the process of culture change requires the traceable persistence of traditions across the regional landscape
over time to demonstrate cultural-historical continuity along a
trajectory of path-dependent change.
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Index
A
Aberle, Sophie D. 133, 167
Abert, Lt. James 26
Abiquiu 7, 31
Abouselman, Moses 111
Ácoma Pueblo 7
Adams, Eleanor B. 167
Adams, Karen R. 167
Adovasio, J. M. 167
agriculture 14, 49, 61, 152, 163
as factor in declining importance in
native plants for food 53
ecological constraints upon 61, 107
evidence of
corn 13, 61
ields 18, 61
pumpkin 13
high elevations
Banco Bonito 61
Hispanic farming in 61
Tewa Pueblo farming in 61
Akins, Nancy J. 6, 167
Allen, Craig D. 110, 168
Allen, Paula Gunn 133
Amsden, Charles Avery 144, 168
Anderson, Clinton P. 45
Anderson, Robert 43, 118, 119
Anglo-American populations 1, 4–6,
50
animals, as landscape features 152
Anschuetz, Kurt F. 6, 168–170
Apache populations 1, 4–6, 149
archaeology 1, 11–18, 49, 53, 56, 61,
163
limits of 18
plant use evidence 50
Arnon, Nancy S. 171
aspen
aboriginal uses 51–52. See also Table
5.1
as commercial timber resource 120,
123
Atkinson, General H. W. 109
Ayer, Mrs. Edward E. 171
B
Baca Co. v. NM Timber, Inc. 43,
121–123, 171
outcome of case 123
Baca, Fabiola Cabeza de 38
Baca, Francisco Tomás 5, 37, 38, 39,
40, 109, 164
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Baca, Juan Antonio 37
Baca Land and Cattle Company 43,
44, 121
Baca Land and Cattle Co. v. NM
Timber, Inc. 5
Baca Land Grant. See also land grant:
Luis María Cabeza de Baca
Baca Location No. 1 1, 2, 6–7, 26, 27,
28, 163
court-ordered sale of 40
history 31–47
landscape transformation
from vacant land to legal entity 129,
164
legal description of location 38
partition suit 5, 28, 38–40, 164
U.S. acquisition of 45
Baca, Luis María Cabeza de 1, 5, 26,
37, 57
heirs 1, 27, 37–38, 40
extending herding privileges to
Jémez Pueblo 109
herding in Baca Location 109
Baca, María Gertrudis Lucero 37, 39
Baca, Tomás Dolores 5, 37, 38, 40,
109, 164
Bailey, Sam 122
Bailey, Vernon 171
Banco Bonito 18, 49, 61, 163
Bancroft, Hubert Howe 171
Bandelier, Adolf (Adolph) F. 45, 61,
107, 172
Bandelier National Monument 29, 45,
120
Barker, Elliott 172
Basso, Keith H. 130, 172
Baxter, John O. 108, 172
becoming, as landscape theme 137,
142, 153
Begay, Scotty 150
Bell, Willis H. 173
Benally, Clyde 173
Bender, Barbara 130
Bernalillo 2
Bernalillo County, New Mexico 173
Bittner, Eric i
Blake, Kevin 174
Bloom, Lansing B. 25, 56, 174
Bohrer, Vorsila L. 174
Bolivar, Stephen L. 126
Bolton, Herbert Eugene 175
Bonaguidi, Lena 43
Bond and Son 175–176
Bond Estate 45
Bond, Frank 5, 28, 42, 43, 45, 52,
58, 108, 109, 112, 117. See
also Frank Bond and Son, Inc.
extending privileges to Pueblos 58,
110
Bond, Franklin 43, 58
Bond, George W. 28, 42, 109, 117
Bowden, J. J. 176
Boyd, Dick 176
Brandt, Elizabeth A. 176
breath, as landscape metaphor 139
breath, as landscape theme 131,
132–136, 142
Brewer, Sallie 143, 177
Brown, Lorin W. 112, 177
Brugge, David M. 6, 177
Bryan, Nonabah G. 177
Buckman, H. S. 110
C
Cabeza de Baca, Fabiola 177
Cajete, Gregory 132, 133, 138, 139,
141, 178
calderas, as landscape features 148,
149
Callaway, Donald and others 179
Callaway, Donald, and others 7
Camazine, Scott 179
Camp Redondo 57, 120, 123
Camp Valles Grandes 37. See Old Fort
cardinal directions 133, 134, 135, 139,
142, 144, 147, 153
Carleton, General James A. 27
Carmichael, David L. 179
Carrillo, Charles M. and others 52, 60,
151, 179
Castañeda, Pedro de 180
Castetter, Edward F. 180
Catron, Thomas B. 39, 40
caves 149
caves, as landscape features 136, 148
caves, as landscape metaphor 134
center 149
Apache concept of 136
Hispanic concept of 136
Navajo concept of 136
Pueblo concept of 135
center, as landscape features
multiplicity of 139
center, as landscape metaphor 140
center, as landscape theme 131,
133–136, 142, 153
Cerro Chicoma 7, 143, 150, 151, 152
Cerro Redondo 2
Chamberlin, Ralph V. 180
Chavez, Dennis 45
Chávez, Maríano 146
Chicoma Peak 151
Chinle Curriculum Center 180
Christmas trees 120
Church, Peggy Pond 180
Civilian Conservation Corps 28, 43,
118
271
Clancy, Frank W. 40
Cleland, Robert Glass 181
Cliff Cities National Park, proposal
for 45–46
Cochití Pueblo 6–7, 18, 142, 150
Collins, Loa ii
Colton, Harold S. 181
Colton, Mary-Russell Ferrell 181
connectedness 135
Navajo concept of 140
Pueblo concept of 139, 140
connectedness, among landscape
features 151
connectedness, as landscape
theme 131, 132, 139–141, 142
control
Pueblo concept of 136
Cook, Sarah Louise 181
Coolidge, Dane 182
Cordell, Linda S. 138
Corlett, Charles H. 111, 182
corn 152
Cotton, Dick 57, 119
Coughlon, Kristi ii
Curly, River Junction 147
Curtis, Edward S. 182
Cushing, Frank Hamilton 183
D
Darnell, Henry 119
Davenport, John 27, 58, 111
deBuys, William i
Devendorf, Charles W. 107
Dondanville, R. F. 184
Douglas ir 51
aboriginal uses of 51–52
as commercial timber resource 120,
165
as timber resource 118
Douglass, William Boone 6, 7, 107,
111, 150, 151, 184
Dozier, Edward P. 185
drought
factor inluencing high elevation land
use 14, 27, 49, 54, 55, 61
Dunigan, James Patrick 1, 5, 28, 43,
44, 45, 58, 113, 121, 122, 123,
164
companies 1, 29, 43
concern for conservation 113, 121,
122, 164
decision to reduce cattle ranching 58
protection of shrine 150
purchase of Baca Location 113
Dunmire, William W. 52, 53, 54, 185
Dutton, Bertha P. 186
272
E
East Fork River 2, 27, 37, 55
ecology 2–4
Canadian Life Zone 4
impacts of human activity 4, 5, 41,
50, 57, 110, 111, 119
Transition Life Zone 2
economic development 108, 109, 110
inluence in changing VCNP land
use 26, 110, 164
Edleman, Sandra A. 186
elk 4–6, 50, 111
commercial hunts 58, 114, 164
eradication 57
population 58
reintroduction 58
Ellis, Florence Hawley 6, 148, 149,
150, 186–188
Elmore, Francis H. 189
emergence, as landscape theme 131,
136–138, 142
Enlarged Homestead Act 50
ensoulment 133, 153
environment 2–4
historical description 107, 109
F
Farrer, Claire R. 189
(Federal) Pueblo Lands Condemnation
Act of 1926 28, 42
Federal District Court, District of New
Mexico i
Fenton Hill Hot Dry Rock project 126–
127
Ferguson, T. J. 7, 130, 131, 189
Fewkes, J. Walte 190
Firesteel Lumber Company 28, 43, 118
ishing 49, 58–59
as private Pueblo entrepreneural
enterprise 59
factors conditioning Pueblos’ low
reliance upon for subsistence 59
recreational 58
Ford, Karen Cowan 54, 190
Ford, Richard I. i
Ford, Richard I., and others 16, 190
Fort Marcy 27
Fowler, Catherine S. 191
Francis, Harris 149
Frank Bond and Son, Inc. 43
Friedlander, Eva 191
Fry, Gary F. 191
G
Gallagher, T. P., Jr. 28, 45, 118, 119,
120, 121, 122, 123, 165
companies 43
Gambler, Slim 152
Garduño, Basilico 112
Genízaro 49
geology 126
calderas 2
mineral deposits 125
volcanic calderas 2, 125
volcanic domes 2
geothermal development
hot springs
endangered by geothermal
development. See hot springs
objections to 127
geothermal exploration 1, 4, 28, 43,
114, 125, 126, 127, 164, 165
geothermal resources 125, 126, 127
Gill, Sam D. 191
Glasock, Michael D. 192
Goddard, Pliny Earle 192
Goff, Fraser E. i, 126, 192–194
grazing lease 41, 42, 43
Gregg, Josiah 194
Grubbs, Frank H. 194
Guthe, Carl E. 59, 194
Gutiérrez, Ramón A. 195
G. W. Bond and Brothers Company 42,
109, 164. See also Bond, Frank;
See also Bond, George W.
employees 111
enter into commercial sheep
industry 109
lease of Baca Location 110
lease of Baca Location grazing
rights 111, 117
partido 110, 111, 112
end of 112
H
Haile, Father Berard 147, 195
Hano Pueblo 7
Harper, Blanche Wurdack 196
Harrell, J. B., Jr. 113, 121
Harrington, John Peabody 151, 196
Hartman, Ron i
Hart, Richard 7
hay cutting 27, 54–56, 163
healing 137, 139, 140, 141, 149
healing places 136, 139
herding 26, 27, 28, 31, 163, 164
horses 109
life as herdsman on Baca
Location 111, 112
hermanos 60
Hewett, Edgar J. 197
Hewett, Edgar Lee 45
Hill, W. W. 152, 197
Hillstrom, Laurie Collier 148, 197
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Hispanic populations 1, 4, 26, 50,
52–53, 60, 149
hunting 57
native plant uses 52
history 4–6
documentary record
limits of 18, 49
early Statehood 28
Mexican period 1, 26–27, 163
Post-World War II 28
pre-Columbian 11–18
Archaic period 1, 12–13, 163
use of VCNP 13
deined 11
Paleoindian period 1, 11
use of VCNP 12
Pueblo period 1, 13–18, 163
Classic period 17–18
Classic period, use of VCNP 17
Coalition period 15–17
Coalition period, use of VCNP 16
Developmental period 14
Developmental period, use of
VCNP 15
use of VCNP 14
Spanish colonial period 1, 25, 163
post-Pueblo revolt 26
Pueblo revolt 26
reconquest 26
Spanish entradas 25
Antonio de Espejo 25
Francisco Vásquez de Coronado 25
fray Augustín Rodríguez
and Captain Francisco
Chamuscado 25
Juan de Oñate 25
to learn from 131, 152
to live by 131, 142
U.S. Territorial period 1, 27–28, 163
Hoard, Dorothy i
Hoebel, E. Adamson 198
homesteads 28, 38, 41, 44, 50, 61, 110
Hopi Tribe 7, 18, 143
hot springs 25, 147, 148
endangered by geothermal
development 127
Hucko, Bruce 198
Hudspeth, William B. 198
Huffman, Ethel Bond 43
Huning, Franz 199
hunting 1, 13, 18, 49, 56–58
commercial elk 29
persistance as subsistance
activity 57–61
recreational 50, 57, 58
subsistence 148, 163, 165
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
I
Iddings, J. P. 199
Indian Claims Commission 6, 7, 199
Isleta Pueblo 7, 142
J
Jefferson, James and others 7, 199
Jémez Cave 13
Jémez Forest Preserve 28, 117
Jémez Pueblo 1, 2, 6, 16, 18, 27, 28,
31, 42, 49, 51, 52, 55, 56, 60,
61, 107, 110, 111, 120, 142, 143,
144, 147, 148, 150, 163
attack on Navajo raiders 56
culture history 16, 25
herding 27
herding horses 109
hunting 56
mountains of cardinal direction 144
native plant uses 50–51
origin stories
emergence 144
population 26
pottery paint 59
vacated 26
Jémez quarry 60
Jémez Springs 2, 27, 38, 50, 126
resort development 28, 38, 50, 125,
126
Jicarilla Apache 6, 7
chipped-stone tools 60
Jicarilla Apache Tribe 18
Johnson, George 199
Jones, Volney H. 199, 200
Jordan, Terry G. 200
K
Keleher, William A. 200
Kelley, Klara B. 147, 149, 201
Kelly, Daniel T. 201
Kent, Kate Peck 201
Keur, Dorothy Louise 201
King, Bruce 43
King family 43
attempt to purchase Baca
Location 113
Kirk, Donald R. 201
Klah, Hasteen 146, 202
Krenetsky, John C. 202
Küchler, Susanne 131
Kulisheck, Jeremy i
L
Laboratory of Anthropology i, 7
Laguna Pueblo 7
lakes, as landscape features 136, 147,
148
Lambert, Marjorie 202
land
mortgage 38, 40
purchase/sale 28, 29, 38, 40, 41, 42,
43, 44–45, 45, 46, 112, 117
land and resources
commodiication of 129, 164
land, as commons 130
land, as individual property 130
land conservation 43, 45
land grant 163
Bartolome
Whitney and Otero families dispute
over 39
Cañada de Cochití 26
Cañon de San Diego 26, 28, 40, 42,
50, 118
Luis María Cabeza de Baca 27, 37,
163
Ojo de San José 26
Pueblo league 26, 27
Ramón Vigil 41, 111, 117
to communities 27
to individuals 27
Town of Las Vegas 27, 37, 38, 163
landscape
common misconceptions 4, 141
cultural landscape 129–154
cultural landscape approach 5, 130,
249
indigenous concepts of 131, 152, 164
limitations of economic
perspectives 152
potential for misunderstanding 154
traditional associations 6–7, 18, 60,
130, 142–152, 165
as factor conditioning cultural
importance of resources 51–52,
54, 59, 60, 152, 153
bases of 130, 145, 147, 153, 165
bases of mountains of cardinal
direction 144
transformation. See Baca Location
No. 1
Western concepts of 131, 152, 164
landscape, as cultural process 130, 263
landscape features 142–152.
See calderas; See caves;
See lava rock; See minerals;
See mountains; See plants;
See shrines; See trails; See water
cultural resources 142
natural resources 142
landscapes as memory
conceptual building blocks of 131–
141
273
landscapes of memory 131, 141, 142,
152, 153
landscape themes 153. See breath;
See center; See connectedness;
See emergence; See movement
land use
Apache 49
Hispanic 49
Navajo 49
Pueblo 49
Pueblo populations 49
traditional subsistence 50
Ute 49
Lang, Richard W. 202
Lange, Charles H. 202–203
Laughlin Papers 204
lava rock
associated with water 148
lava rock, as landscape features 148
Leese, James 41, 61
Lee, William D. 40
Liljeblad, Sven 204
Lindgren, Waldemar 204
Linford, Laurance D 205
livestock 1
cattle 4, 26, 28, 40, 43, 44, 58, 164
historically not often eaten by local
populations 57
population 44, 108, 109, 112, 113,
114
horses 40
population 108, 109
thoroughbred program on Baca
Location 114–115
range management 57, 111, 113, 164
sheep 4, 26, 28, 31, 40, 42
decline of 28, 112, 164
dominance of 107–108, 108
mortgages on 110
population 108, 109, 111, 112
removal from Baca Location 43
Spanish colonial expansion of
herds 107, 108
Spanish colonial exports 108
Spanish expansion of grazing
areas 108
livestock operation 110
logging operations 121
Los Alamos Boy Scouts 120
Los Alamos Monitor 122, 123,
205–206
Los Alamos National Laboratory 126
Los Alamos Ranch School 58
Lummis, Charles 45
M
Magers, Pamela C. 206
March, Robert M. i
274
Maríano, Don 112
Marsh, Charles S. 7, 206
Martin, Craig i, 4, 5, 18, 61, 109, 112,
121, 207
Martinez, Rick i
Matthews, Meridith H. 207
Matthews, Washington 7, 145, 146,
207
Mayes, Vernon O. 208
McBroom, William H. 41, 61, 117
McNitt, Frank 31, 208
McVie, John R. 40
Merlan, Thomas 6
mestizaje 52, 142
Miera y Pacheco, Bernardo 26, 108,
210
Map of 1779 26, 108, 131, 151, 163
mineral claims 41
mineral exploration 25, 28, 49
mineral extraction 1, 4, 59, 125, 126,
165
mineral extraction, as commercial
activity
gold and silver 126
sulphur 125–127, 126, 165
mineral extraction, as traditional
activity 59
minerals, as landscape features 152
Minnis, Paul E. 210
Montoya, José Ignacio 27
Moore, Michael 54, 210
Morley, Sylvanus 210
mortgage 42
mountains
as landscape features 142–145
as landscape metaphor 134, 142
as shrines 151
mountains, as shrines 151
mountains of cardinal direction 143,
144
movement
Navajo concept of 138
Pueblo concept of 138
movement, as evidenced in
archaeological record 138
movement, as landscape theme 131,
137, 138–139, 144
movie set leases 114, 164
mule deer 4, 57, 111
Museum of Indian Arts and Culture i
Museum of New Mexico 7
N
Nambé Pueblo 6, 142, 143, 150–154
Naranjo-Morse, Nora 140
Naranjo, Tessie 139, 211
Naranjo, Tito 132, 136, 139, 211
Narbona, Antonio 31
National Archives, Rocky Mountain
Region i
National Natural Landmark 45, 121
National Park Service 29, 45, 120, 121
Native American populations 1
native animals 2, 4
native plants 2, 4
Navajo 6
creation story
Blessingway 147
emergence 145
Mountainway 146
Shootingway 147
Windway 147
homeland 143
mountains of cardinal direction 145–
147
Navajo creation story 146
Navajo Nation 18
Navajo populations 4, 60, 148–149,
150
Nesbit, Robert 27, 37, 54–56, 163
New Mexico Lumber and Timber
Company 28, 43, 118, 119, 120.
See also New Mexico Timber,
Inc.
employees 119
New Mexico State Archives i
New Mexico Surveyor General 1, 27,
37, 231–232
New Mexico Timber, Inc. 28, 43, 44,
120
employees 43, 58, 122
Nichols, Robert F. 211
Nostrand, Richard L. 108
O
O’Bryan, Aileen 211
obsidian 1, 12, 18, 149, 163
Chaco Canyon workshop
interpretation reviewed 15
chipped-stone tools 12, 13, 60, 163
hydration dates 15–18
ritual use 60
Old Fort 27, 55, 56
Olson, Gilbert V. 212
Oñate, Don Juan de 107
Opler, Morris E. 212
orientation, in deining center 133, 134
origin stories 137–154, 153
Ortiz, Alfonso ii, 142, 213–214
Ortiz, Simon J. 132, 133, 214
Osterhoudt, L. A. 214
Otero, Frederico J. (F. J.) 28, 38, 40,
41, 42, 110, 117
Otero, Manuel B. 39
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Otero, Maríano Sabine 5, 28, 38, 39,
40, 44–45, 50, 108, 110, 112,
125, 126–127, 164
Otero, Miguel Antonio 28, 38, 50, 125,
215
Otero, Miguel Antonio, II 39
P
Page, Suzanne 215
Pajarito Mountain Ski Area 45
Pajarito National Park, proposal of 45
Parker, Hiram R. 27, 37, 54–56, 163
Parkhurst, T. Harmon 216
Parmeter, Bob i
Parsons, Elsie Clews 137, 216
partido 43, 108, 110, 164. See also G.
W. Bond and Brothers Company
deined 108
partition suit 38–40
partition suit, deinition of 38
patron 39
Payne, H. Vearle 44, 123
pebbles
ritual use 60
Peckham, Stewart 217
Pelado Peak 7, 152. See Redondo Peak
Pelham, William 37
Penitente Brotherhood 60.
See hermanos
Perea, José Leandro 38, 39, 40
periphery, as complement of
control 153
periphery, as complement to
center 136, 140
Pickens, Homer 57
Picurís Pueblo 7, 142
Pike, Lt. Zebulon 26
piki 60
pilgrimage 110, 134, 142, 144, 148,
165
Hispanic 150–154
Jémez Pueblo 147, 148, 152
Navajo 6, 7, 150, 152
Pueblo 6, 7, 150
Zía Pueblo 51
piñon nuts 51, 53
plant gathering 1, 13, 14, 18, 49,
50–56, 163, 165
plants, as landscape features 152
plant use 13, 165
constraints on native plants as
food 53–54
ethnobotanical survey 52–54. See
also Table 5.1; See also Table
5.2
medicines with cultural
importance 54, 148
plaza, as center 135, 139
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Pojoaque Pueblo 6, 142, 143, 150
ponderosa pine
aboriginal uses 51, 53. See also Table
5.1
as commercial timber resource 118,
120, 165
Porter, Frank H. 28, 42, 118
Porter, Guy H. 28, 42, 118
Powell, John Wesley 125, 217
Public Service Company of New
Mexico 126
Pueblo populations 1, 2, 4–6, 148–149
R
raiders
Apache 27, 55
Indian (non-Navajo) 26
military expeditions against 1, 27,
31–46, 163
Navajo 1, 6, 27, 31, 37, 55, 56, 163
raid on Old Fort 55, 56
paciication 28
factor inluencing expansion of
herding into Baca Location 109,
163
Ute 27
Raish, Carol i, 4
ranching 1, 4, 43, 44, 50
history 107–114
life as rancher on Baca Location 112,
113
Reconstruction Finance
Corporation 42, 119, 120
Redondo Camp 28, 43, 119
Redondo Creek 2, 13, 15, 28, 38, 43,
50, 51, 56, 60, 109, 118, 119,
123, 126, 147
Redondo Development Company 28,
41, 42, 43, 110, 112, 117, 118,
119, 164, 217
Redondo Peak 6, 12, 43, 60, 143, 144,
145, 148, 150, 151
Reichard, Gladys Amanda 145, 218
Reiter, Paul 219
resort development 45, 121
Reynolds, Alexander W. 55
ricos 26
rights
grazing 28, 41
land 1, 41, 42, 43, 44, 112, 129, 164
leveraged buyout 117
mineral 1, 42, 44, 45, 112, 164
timber 1, 28, 42, 43, 44, 112, 117,
164
dispute over 121, 122, 165
mortgage of 42, 117, 119, 120
purchase by Baca Land and Cattle
Company 123, 165
sale of 42, 43, 119
timber, sale of 118
Río Grande Foundation i
Robbins, W. W. 219
Robertson, Lt. Beverly H. 55, 56
Romeo, Stephanie 219
Ross, Clarence S. 219–220
Ross, C. S. 126
Rothman, Hal 41, 110, 220
Rothrock, H. E. 45
Russell, Lt. P. A. J. 27
S
Saile, David G. 221
Salmerón, fray Gerónimo Zárate de 25,
125
Sandía Pueblo 6, 142, 150
San Diego Land Corporation 43
Sando, Cristóbal 27
Sando, Joe S. 27, 150, 221
San Felipe Pueblo 6, 18, 142, 150
San Ildefonso Pueblo 6, 18, 142, 143,
150
pottery clay 59
pottery paint 59
San Juan Pueblo 6, 18, 143, 150
Santa Ana Pueblo 2, 6, 18, 143, 148,
150
Santa Clara Pueblo 2, 6, 18, 49, 143,
150
Santa Fe National Forest i, 28, 41, 45,
117
Santo Domingo Pueblo 6, 18, 143, 150
San Ysidro 2
Sauer, Carl O. 130
Savage, George W. 43, 44
sawmills 28, 50, 118, 126. See
also timber, logging
Sawyer, Daniel 41, 61, 117, 223
Scheick, Cherie L. i
Schroeder, Albert H. 223
Scurlock, Dan 57, 111, 223–225
secrecy 49, 50, 153
seeking life 132, 139
sense of place 131, 135, 153
sense of time 131, 135, 136, 137, 144,
145, 153
Shelton, Lewis D. W. 41
Sherman, James E. 226
shrine
La Sierra de la Bola 150
shrines 6, 139, 147, 148, 149, 150, 152
Navajo 6, 7, 146, 150
Pueblo 6, 150
shrines, as landscape features 136,
149–151
275
Silko, Leslie Marmon 134, 138, 139,
227
sisnádjiní 7, 143, 145. See Redondo
Peak
Sleight, Frederick W. 7, 143, 227
Smith, Anne M. 229
Smith, Clyde 111
Smith, E. R. 229
Smith, Patricia Clark 133, 229
Smith, Robert L. 229–230
Smith-Savage, Sheron i
Snow, David H. 230
spirit trails 151, 152
spiritual ecology 131, 132, 133, 134
loss of 141
maintenance of 152, 153
springs 51, 147, 148
ritual use 59
springs, as landscape features 136,
147–148
springs, as landscape metaphor 134
Steffen, Anastasia i
Stevenson, Matilda Coxe 231
Stiger, Mark A. 231
Stock-raising or Grazing Homestead
Act 50
Strong, Pauline Turner 231
Sulphur Springs 125, 126
resort development 126
Summers, W. K. 231
survey 27, 38, 41, 42, 45, 125
Swadesh, Frances Leon 7, 233
Swank, George R. 233
sweat lodges 149
Swentzell, Rina 132, 136, 138, 139,
141, 233–234
syncretism 52, 142
T
Taos Pueblo 7, 143, 150
Tartaglia, Leonard M. and Irene 43
Tenth (10th) Circuit Court of
Appeals 44
Tesuque Pueblo 6, 18, 143, 150
Tewa-Hopi 7
Tierney, Gail D. 52, 53, 54
Tiller, Veronica E. 7, 234
timber
logging 1, 4, 28, 41, 42, 43, 44, 50,
111
beginning of industrial logging on
Baca Location 118
damages 43, 44, 119, 121, 122, 123
history 117–124
life as logger on Baca Location 119
operations 119, 120, 121, 122, 165
permits issued by VCNP 123
276
production levels 42, 118, 120, 122
factors inluencing increases on
Baca Location 120, 165
proposed regulation of 122
public protests against 122, 165
pulpwood 123
pulpwood as new product 120
reserves 42, 117, 118
timelessness 131, 136, 137, 139, 153
Torrez, Robert J. 234
trails. See also spirit trails
Pueblo 151
trails, as landscape features 151–152
transportation
highway 28, 43, 118
inluences on economic
development 151, 164
highway, need of 117, 126
railroad 28, 38, 42, 109, 110, 117,
118
trapping 1, 57, 163
Mexican colonial restrictions on
foreigners 26, 37, 57
Treaty of Cordova 37, 57
Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo 27
Trigg, Heather Bethany 235
Trimble, Stephen 235
Tsawari 7
tsikumu. See Cerro Chicoma
Tsikumu 143, 150
Tuan, Yi-Fu ii
Tucker, Edwin A. 235
Turney, J. F. 235
Tyler, Hamilton A. 235
U
Underhill, Ruth 236
Union Oil Company of California 126
University of Chicago Press ii
University of Minnesota Press ii
U.S. Army 1, 27, 28, 37
California Volunteers 27
need for hay 55
U.S. Congress 1, 2, 27, 37, 38, 42, 45
U.S. Congress, House 236
U.S. Congress, Senate 236
U.S. Court of Private Claims 27
USDA Forest Service 29, 45, 111, 236
Rocky Mountain Research Station i
U.S. Department of Energy 126, 127
U.S. District Court 43, 44
U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service 29, 45,
58
U.S. Geological Survey 126, 237
U.S. Public Law 101–556 238
U.S. Public Law 167 237
U.S. Surveyor General 41, 42
Ute 6, 7
Ute populations 1, 4, 18, 148
V
Valle de los Bacas 26, 108, 131, 151
Valle Grande 27, 28, 31, 38, 43, 45, 55,
58, 60, 108, 109, 112, 113, 114,
120, 121, 122, 129, 145, 146,
147, 151
Valle Grande National Park, proposal
for 120, 121
Valles Caldera 120
Valles Caldera National Preserve i, ii
Valles Caldera Preservation Act 2
Valles Caldera Trust i, 29
Valles Land Company 28, 38, 40, 41,
110
livestock operation 110
Van Ness, John R. 238
Van Valkenburgh, Richard F. 60, 146,
150, 151, 238
Vargas, Diego de 26, 107
Vestal, Paul A. 239
Vigil, Gloria J. ii
Vizcarra, José Antonio 31
volcanoes, as landscape features 148
W
Walton, John W. 44, 125
Warren Savings Bank 117
Warren Savings Bank and Trust
Company 42, 118, 119
Warren Savings Bank of
Pennsylvania 42
Wa-ve-ma 143, 144, 145, 147, 150.
See Redondo Peak
Weigle, Marta 239
Weinstein, Yale 119
Wentworth, Edward Norris 240
Wertheim, Herman 111
Weslowski, Lois Vermilya 50, 51, 59,
60, 144, 145, 148, 240
Wetmore, Edward D. 117
Wheelwright, Mary C. 146, 241
White, George 41
White, Leslie A. 51, 60, 241–242
white pine
as commercial timber resource 117
White Pine Lumber Company 28, 42,
118
Whiting, Alfred F. 243
Whitney, James Greenwood 5, 39
Whitney, Joel Parker 5, 38, 39, 40, 164
Whitney v. Otero 5, 39–40, 243
Whorf, Benjamin Lee 132
Williams-Dean, Glenna 244
Windes, Thomas C. 244
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
Winter, Joseph C. 15, 244
Witherspoon, Gary 140, 245
Wood, Lt. Erastus W. 27
Woods, Betty 51, 148, 245
Wright, Cathy 245
Wroth, William 245
Wyman, Leland C. 138, 140, 145, 146,
147, 246–248
Y
Yarborough, Mara i
Young, Ewing 26, 37, 57
Young, Mary J. 131
Yount, George 57
Z
Zía Pueblo 2, 6, 18, 49, 51, 60, 118,
143, 148, 150
native plant uses 51–52
Zuni Pueblo 7, 18, 49, 60, 143
USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007
277
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