Exploring Space and Emancipation - Océane Vé-Réveillac by MaHS-MaULP

EXPLORING SPACE AND EMANCIPATION Two case studies in East and West Berlin in the 1980s Océane Vé-Réveillac Master (of Science) Human Settlements Faculty of Engineering and Department of Architecture Promoters: Prof. Hilde Heynen Academic Year 2021 - 2022

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

For their input on the topic, I thank Sophie Stackmann, Melissa Koch and the Womyn of Colours Makerspace network.

Icomplete.thankthe

I would like to express my deep gratitude to Philipp Preiß and Péter Máthé. Without their selflessness and care, I would have never realised this research.

First and foremost, I would like to thank my advisor, Prof. Hilde Heynen. Without her valuable guidance, I could not have done this thesis, as well as Jakob d'Herbe, for his input and discussion.

members of the fem_arc collective for their continuous moral support Lucía Gauchat Schulte, Ana Rodriguez Bisbicus, Lara Stöhlmacher, Aslı Varol and Amelie Schindler.

I am indebted to Silja Glomb. Without the valuable materials she produced for her Master's thesis, this research would not be

For their support, I would like to thank the following persons Aliki, Han, Ariane, Ken, AJ and Fernande.

Many thank also to my parents, Jean-Michel and Vanna Réveillac, as well as my dear sister Léa.

5 Table of contents Introduction........................................................................................................................................................................................ 6 Methodology and Approach............................................................................................................................................................. 8 Critical reflections.............................................................................................................................................................................. 9 Structure............................................................................................................................................................................................... 9 Iris Dullin-Grund............................................................................................................................................................................... 10 Myra Warhaftig................................................................................................................................................................................... 12 Emancipatory narratives.................................................................................................................................................................... 14 Case Study 1: Torstraße...................................................................................................................................................................... 16 Case Study 2: Dessauer Straße 38-40............................................................................................................................................... 34 Comparison......................................................................................................................................................................................... 54 Conclusion........................................................................................................................................................................................... 55

EXPLORING SPACE AND EMANCIPATION

This research explores the relationships between the built environment and emancipation through the analysis of two housing projects constructed in the 1980s. The first one was designed by the East German architect Iris Dullin-Grund and built on the Torstraße in Mitte. The second one, located on the Dessauer Straße in Kreuzberg, was conceived by Myra Warhaftig in former West Berlin.

Berlin before the Fall of the Wall provides a dense context for the politics of space. Construction became the primary political tool to showcase opposing ideologies.

In the search for emancipatory practices in the built environment, it is relevant to look at the persons who plan them too. As the professions in the building sector are still male-dominated, women architects often marginalized or undervalued. Even if the issue of women architects’ invisibility in Germany has been raised in the last years, through significant events (n-ails e.V. 2021), exhibitions (Bundesarchitektenkammer 2020) and publications (Budde et al. 2017; Ngo et al. 2021), their absence from architecture universities curriculum and in the profession is still blatant. Thus, to seek new models, make women architects’ work visible, and counter the narratives of the male genius is a form of resistance embedded in emancipatory processes.

At the beginning of the 19th century, the city provided a network of spaces for the emancipated Neue Frau (New Woman) (Terlinden 1999). Furthermore, it has been the home of significant pioneer women architects in the first half of the 19th century like Margarete Schütte-Lihotzky, Eileen Gray and Lilly Reich. The history of Berlin after the Second World War also testify the link between the city’s making and women. The war destroyed the majority of the housing units, and the first step to rebuilding consisted of clearing the rubbles. Up to 60,000 Trümmerfrauen (rubble women) contributed to removing 70 to 90 million cubic meters of debris. Since the 1970s, stretching over about 20 years, a significant body of work about women’s participation in the profession as well as feminist spatial planning arose from Berlin, as this thesis will further explain.

Berlin is a relevant place to the history of women architects. Berlin was the epicentre of the first feminist movement and had the Berlin-Charlottenburg Technical College, where women favoured to study architecture (Stratigakos 2008).

In our everyday life, the built environment is always present. From the bed to the public space, it frames our social interactions and influences our behaviour. Therefore, the way spaces are configured can hinder or enable social processes. In the late 1970s and 1980s, feminist analysis of spatial planning started to demonstrate how planned cities and buildings did not include women’s needs and thus discriminated them (Weisman 1994; Matrix 1984; Hayden 1980). For example, they showed that women’s everyday travels are more complex than just going from home to work and back. They instead finish work, pick up the children from the kinder garden, then from school, stop at the supermarket, visit some children’s friends and go home (Dörhöfer and Terlinden 1998, 174). Consequently, women rely more on social infrastructures and the distances between them play a crucial role in enabling or hindering mobility. Likewise, housing entails both potential for liberation and oppression. Before all, access to housing is underpinned by economic factors that foremost disadvantage women. Due to lower incomes and higher economic vulnerability, women are more likely to live in precarious or inadequate housing conditions. For example, a single mother will have fewer chances to find housing on the rental market or contract credit at the bank to buy a home. Nevertheless, following Barbara Zibell, housing entangles protection, sociocultural ties and care infrastructure (2007). The house is also a site of production and reproduction. It entails emancipatory potentials and can enable autonomy and resistance.

Two case studies in East and West Berlin in the 1980s

Introduction

The present research builds on these elements and investigates two case studies in search for emancipatory spaces and practices. Through the examination of these cases produced under contrasted political regimes, different spatial aspects that participate in emancipation will be exposed.

Through spatial analysis, I aim to underline the spatial patterns in both studies that are related to such emancipatory practices. Because both spatial configurations and social relations are always situated and depending on the conditions that constructed them, I will contextualize them and their users.

The different political regimes are engrained in the built environment of the city. One decade before the Fall of the Wall, housing politics on both sides shifted towards interest in the inner city substance, which had been left to decay in the whole of Berlin. The two case studies built in East and West Berlin are singular examples of planning politics in their respective contexts.

To understand the link between the built environment and emancipation, the idea of the ‘space as a stage’ developed by Hilde Heynen is useful (Heynen 2013). Emancipation is a social process that involves a transformation. Through this thesis, I will investigate if the built environment interacts with the way people act and, more precisely, if it can enable them to have more self-determination.

Does the built environment participate in emancipation, and how?

Research question

Due to a lack of time and inadequate approach methods, I was unsuccessful in meeting residents. I did not find social organizations that could play an intermediary role in the surroundings, so I first contacted the housing company, which did not get back to me. I hung flyers in the hallways in March and mid-July 2022, advertising my interest in meeting with residents, but I did not get contacted. At the end of July, I could meet Silja Glomb through a common acquaintance in Berlin. She realized her master thesis about the Dessauer Straße and Myra Warhaftig’s struggle to implement it in 2017. She conducted and transcribed two interviews with the residents and photographed their dwellings. One of them lived in Myra Warhaftig’s former flat. She kindly agreed to give me access to her materials. After reviewing them, I decided to stop trying to meet residents since I evaluated that her materials would cover the needs and time frame of this present research.

Literature

Active observation

The literature about the Torstraße was very limited. The primary sources to understand the project were articles written in GDR's magazines in the Berliner Stadtbibliothek (Berlin City Library). Iris Dullin-Grund's estate stored at the Leibniz Institute for Research on Society and Space in Erkner was more abundant with photographs. However, only samples of plans, site plans and facades were found.

Fieldwork

Semi-guided interviews - Torstraße

Archives Torstraße

Methodology and Approach

While some of the buildings developed during the IBA 1984/87 are extensively documented, there is only one recent book from Anna Krüger (Krüger 2021) about the building from Myra Warhaftig on the Dessauer Straße. Therefore, access to archives played a significant role in my research. I went to the Landesarchiv (State Archives) in Berlin, which has a dedicated section about the IBA 1984/87. I had access to a press review, plans, and reports written during the IBA process. I was also in contact with the Karlsruhe Technology Institute, where Myra Warhaftig’s estate is stored, which provided substantial materials.

Since my access to the dwellings was limited, my observations focused on the interractions outside the buildings, including the courtyards. Since I could not get statistics about the residents, through active critical observation, I aimed at finding indications about who is inhabiting the studied projects, considering visible characteristics about gender, age, class, and race. Through tours by bike and by walking around the two sites, I paid attention to the accessibility of transportation and amenities. Looking at the streetscapes, I could also draw conclusions about ownership structures. They can be legible in the way buildings and streets are maintained and what type of commerce are implemented.

After defining my research topic, I started a phase of reading that extended until the end of the thesis. The explored literature concerned the overarching subject of space and gender, looking at the issues of urban planning and housing. Another field involved literature about socialism crossed with topics of gender and spatial planning, and more specifically about East Germany. Finally, I reviewed more site-specific literature about Berlin’s planning history, particularly about the international exhibition of 19874/87 and the East German complex reconstructions. Furthermore, I included readings about Berlin’s current urban politics, including matters of gentrification and financialization.

I visited them, and the coordinator, Ms Mamoudou, put me in touch with two women residents. They were both German, white, in their 60s and pensioners. I could conduct two semi-guided interviews with them. The first one was led in April 2022 with the two of them in a group discussion right after we met in the sports room of the association. They told me I could visit their flats when I would come back in the summer. I contacted them again in July 2022, and only one of them, Mrs H, agreed to see me after returning from holiday in August. I visited Ms H’s flat on August 9th.

Dessauer Straße

I approached the residents through an intermediary organization called the Volkssolidarität (People’s solidarity). This non-profit organization for older people has one space on the ground floor of the Torstraße in the project studied.

The present research is based on a review of archive documents, a study of literature and fieldwork. I conducted it from Leuven and Berlin for 18 weeks between March and August 2022.

Dessauer Straße

I see this research as a starting point. It definitely could have been further developed and even broadened. It attempts to shed light and manipulate subjects I am interested in within a limited time frame. I recognize an inevitable partial perspective since I have lived in Germany and Berlin for nine years. I position my opinions within a critical intersectional feminist discourse, and I take responsibility for any inconsistencies or misinterpretations.

On the one hand, the decision to investigate Myra Warhaftig’s project became clear shortly after I started to think about the topic. I first thought to analyze the building of Christine Jachmann since I previously had contact with her through the preparation of a podcast I did with my collective and later on, during a tour she gave about the women’s block. Nevertheless, as I started to go deeper in the research, I became more intrigued by Myra Warhaftig’s building. I made up my mind as I read her doctoral thesis, which showed a longer and deeper relation to questions of gender and housing. On the other hand, it took me longer to find a counterpart in East Berlin. If there is not a lot of documentation on women architects in the West, tracing the work of East German women architects is even more complicated. There is little literature about them. I initially looked for Berlin women architects, but due to the specificities of the architectural profession of the GDR divided into regional teams and collectives, it was difficult to identify who worked on what. I first looked at Dorothea Tscheschner and Edith Diehl. They worked in Berlin respectively for the urban planning scheme for the housing estate on the Leipziger Straße and the Salvador-Allende settlement. However, I could not find sufficient materials, and it remained unclear how much they were involved. Finally, I decided on the Chief City architect of Neubrandenburg, Iris DullinGrund, since her relative broad mediatization in West and East Germany made more materials available. She had led a housing project in Berlin about the same time as Warhaftig and within the same damaged urban fabric context.

Critical reflections

The thesis is organized into four parts. Attention is first directed toward Iris Dullin-Grund and Myra Warhaftig’s biographies, who conceived the case studies. While it highlights some key moments of their personal lives that had an impact on the way they design, it shows some difficulties they faced as women architects living and working in different political regimes. Through the study of their personal life stories, women’s conditions will be presented. I seek to find emerging emancipatory narratives, which could contribute to the visibility of women architects.

Structure

The third part investigates the building of Myra Warhaftig. Located on the Dessauer Straße, it was realized in West Berlin in an international building exhibition framework. I will present the context of the building exhibition and draw attention at one insurgent event that occurred during its preparation.I will show how it triggered the beginning of the studied project. Then, I will investigate the origins of the project’s spatial concepts by studying Myra Warhaftig’s doctoral thesis. Lastly, the analyzed spatial patterns in some dwellings of the Dessauer Straße will be explored, and their enabling abilities will be exposed.

The fourth part is dedicated to a comparison of the two projects. Their common emancipatory aspects will be deployed in the light of their current situations.

The second part focuses on the project of Iris Dullin-Grund on the Torstraße in former East Berlin. To better situate the project and its achievement, I will explain the political ideology behind construction policies in the GDR (German Democratic Republic). I will then concentrate on the area where the project was realized to illustrate socialist spatial planning principles at that time. To give them depth, I will shed light on the family model that structured the socialist dwelling unit and its domestic space. Finally, with a spatial analysis, I will connect with the current conditions of the project, which underpin its emancipatory potential.

end of the war, she finished high school, and in 1952, she entered the freshly opened Kunsthochschule in Weißensee in Berlin. The Bauhaus inspired the education program due to the many former teachers from the famous school who came back after the war. The Dutch architect Mart Stam directed it for two years from 1950 and established interdisciplinary core courses. The Bosnian architect Selman Selmanagić has been a key figure for Iris Dullin during her studies. Thanks to his encouragement, she holds him accountable for her being an architect today (Dullin-Grund 2004). Of 30 students, she was one of the only two women. After graduation, she and her five graduate fellows were offered a job at Hermann Henselmann’s office and could follow important milestones of Berlin’s reconstruction after the war. At the time, Henselmann was the Chief Architect from East Berlin, and he initiated significant urban planning competitions in the city. The team of university fellows worked on various projects like the competition for the development of Berlin’s city centre around Alexanderplatz or the design of a brand-new residential area in the Berlin-Hohenschönhausen situated in the eastern part of the city. When the architect Ernst May won the first prize for the creation of a housing district in Berlin-Fennpfuhl, his Bauhaus approach and his ideas about standardisation inspired by his experience in the Soviet Union made an impression on Iris Dullin-Grund. After Henselmann lost his position, she sent a letter to Ernst May asking to work for for some months in his office in Hamburg, West Germany. She was curious about how life and work in a capitalist

country would be. Disappointed and feeling deeply lonely, after Ernst May offered her a permanent position, she decided to go back to East Germany. The lack of enthusiasm from her colleagues, the missing comradeship and above all, the lingering fascist mentality confirmed her desire to work in a state with socialist ideals. Back in Berlin, her design for the Haus der Kultur und Bildung (House of Culture and Education) in Neubrandenburg, a city located 150 km north of Berlin, won the competition and was successfully completed in 1965. From 1970 until the Fall of the Wall, she was the Chief Architect of Neubrandenburg. There was no higher position to reach as an architect in the GDR, only two other women reached it, Helge Hüller in Greifswald and Sabine Rohleder in Zwickau (Scheffler 2017).

The architectural tendencies in the early GDR followed the soviet principles based on the aesthetic of socialist realism. Architectural modernism, and especially the Bauhaus style, was vilified. Kurt Liebknecht, at that time director of the Bauakademie, declared it “hostile to the nation” and a “characteristic manifestation of the rotting capitalist society” (Schätzke 2016). Nevertheless, this changed after the Soviet Union drastically reduced the building sector’s cost, prioritising standardisation.

Iris Dullin-Grund

Iris10

Dullin-Grund was born in 1933 in Berlin. Like her grandfather, her father was a mason from Silesia who came to Berlin to find work, like many young construction workers from this region. He bought land in Berlin-Niederschönhausen, later belonging to the German Democratic Republic (GDR), and built a house for his family. In 1939, as the Second World War was declared, her father was sent by his company to work in Poland to reconstruct destroyed bridges and build production and storage facilities for armaments in Polish forests. Gradually, he became the construction manager and could be exempted from military service, avoiding being sent to the front. Iris Dullin-Grund spent the years of the war in between Poland and Germany. In her autobiography, she tells that shortly before the end of the war, her family moved back into their family house in Berlin. Because of the daily damages caused by the bombs, the family had to repair the house constantly. These memories depict her first encounter with construction, which she enjoyed greatly. Although she writes that since her early childhood, she always had the romantic idea of being an architect, she does not deny that the context of living in a city in ruins influenced her decision to take on this profession (Dullin-Grund

After2004).the

Iris Dullin-Grund’s persona is also characterized by her representation in the media as an emancipated figure. Especially after winning the cultural centre competition in Neubrandenburg. Various media presented her to the large public. For example, Petra Lohmann analysed two movies about Iris Dullin-Grund produced during the same period from the GDR and the FRG (2018). The GDR state-run film studio shows that in a socialist state, a young woman architect can work and be successful, thus emphasising gender equality. Still, Petra Lohmann argues that the movie does not achieve a complete deconstruction of gender stereotypes. Iris Dullin-Grund is shown as an attractive, good-looking woman who knows how to dress in a maledominated industry which could be interpreted as the reason for her success and not her abilities (2018).

1 A derogatory term in Germany used to describe a working mother who supposedly does not care enough and lets them in daycare facilities.

Another facet of Iris Dullin-Grund’s life is her life as a mother. Her story shows how constant support from her family, as well as state childcare, allowed her to pass essential steps toward an ambitious carrier. After she met and married her first husband, she started her architecture studies despite her family and husband’s opinion. In her third year, she gave birth to her daughter and only thanks to her mother and mother-in-law’s help, she could continue to go to the classes. At the beginning of the GDR, places at the daycare were still insufficient, and she had to wait. Later, both her children were placed at the daycare, and she recalls both her mother and mother-in-law called her Rabenmutter1 (raven mutter), but she was convinced that it would be best for children to grow up with other children. As she worked in Hamburg at the office of the prominent Ernst May, she was already divorced. She commuted every weekend to see her children, flying from Hamburg to Berlin Tempelhof (Dullin-Grund 2004).

Fig. 2 - Newspaper article about Iris Dullin-Grund winning the cultural center competition in Neubrandenburg "Hoch Hinaus", 1964 (right)

Iris Dullin-Grund’s first building illustrates this intention. It clearly uses modernist features like curtain wall facades and a precast concrete skeleton.

Fig. 1 - Iris Dullin-Grund in her kitchen, n. d. (left)

After the Fall of the Wall, Iris Dullin-Grund continued to work as an self-employed architect and recalls encountering a particular disdain towards architects from the GDR. The most recent notable design she planned was a sports hall in Lychen in 1995. From 1999 to 2008, she worked and lived in the south of France. Nowadays, Iris Dullin-Grund resides in Glienicke in Berlin (Dullin-Grund 2004).

Myra Warhaftig

Myra12

Throughout her professional career, Myra Warhaftig encountered prominent figures in the architectural production of her time. She had several small comissions during her first years of working experience and often travelled between Israel and France. After the end of her first marriage to Zvi Hashin, a material scientist she met during her studies, she left for Paris against her parents’ approval. Her first experience in France was at the Brothers Perret Cabinet, and later, she met Georges Candilis through projects realised in Israel. Quite successfully, she worked on competitions for Team-X, for instance, with the second prize for the Centre

Fig. 3 - Myra Warhaftig's portrait, n. d.

Myra Warhaftig studied at the Technion Israel Institute of Technology, where most teaching staff emigrated from European countries in the 1920s and 1930s. She was one of the first three women who studied architecture at the Technion. Professor Alexander Klein had a significant influence on her work. He was born in Odessa and came to Palestine from Germany. He founded the Research Institute for City Planning and Housing at the Technion. His approach was functionalist and influenced by the ideas of Existenzminimum, which were diffused after the First World War through the name of the II CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d’Archietctuire Moderne; Frankfurt, 1929) 'Wohnung für das Existenzminimum (dwelling for the minimum subsistence level). Throughout his career, he developed design methodologies for minimum dwellings based on Taylorist principles: optimising the surfaces and movements to increase productivity (Korbi and Migotto 2019). Throughout Myra Warhaftig’s carrier, this influence is recognisable in her architectural production.

Myra Warhaftig was born in 1930 in the city of Haifa, located back then in Mandatory Palestine. Her family was liberal and middle-class, a situation representative of young people that would have the opportunity to study architecture at the time. Her parents belonged to the Second Aliyah, also named ‘middle-class’ Aliyah, who migrated from Poland to Palestine. They ran a leading printing house in Haifa and favoured their three daughters’ technical and scientific education (Krüger 2021)

Warhaftig was an architect and researcher. Her work can be positioned in the second feminist wave, part of a 'differencialist' notion of feminism. While the first feminist wave strived for legal equality between women and men, the second wave fought for the recognition of discrimination concerning gendered differences experienced on a personal level (Heynen 2007). By showing that inequalities can be produced through housing typologies, Myra Warhaftig’s work inscribes her understanding of 'space as an instrument' (Heynen 2013). I will make an account of different themes that can be found in her biography that can situate her work.

In 1972, Myra Warhaftig had a short five years’ experience in teaching architecture from 1972 to 1977 at the Institut für Wohnungsbau und Stadtteilplanung (Insitute for Housing and Urban Planning) of the Teschnischen Universität Berlin (TUB). The short fixed-term contract set up precarious working conditions for many women assistant researchers and seldom led to a professorship. Parallelly, she wrote her dissertation under Julius Posner supervision with the title 'Die Behinderung der Emanzipation der Frau durch die Wohnung und die Möglichkeit zur Überwindung' (The hindrance of women’s emancipation through the dwelling and the possibility of overcoming it) from 1974 to 1978 (Warhaftig 1982). With the dissertation, she could criticise social housing standards and explain their historical genealogy. Nevertheless, her approach was pragmatic. She analysed built typologies and designed a concrete proposal. Quickly out of stock after its publication in 1982, her ideas had a considerable resonance. She was invited for lectures, was published in mainstream magazines and even had a show on TV and radio (Krüger 2021). The principles she initiated through her research were materialised with the building on the Dessauer Straße. Another endeavour she pursued later in her life and necessary to mention is her engagement with the historiography of forgotten Jewish architects. She accomplished considerable work in rehabilitating and bringing back a disappeared part of German architecture history that led to several publications (Weizman 2020; Warhaftig 1996; 2005).

Beaubourg in Paris. After Candilis/ Josic/ Woods won the Freien Universität Berlin Competition, they set up an office in West-Berlin which opened the way to Berlin for Myra Warhaftig. However, before coming to Berlin, along with her involvement at Team-X, she handled several social housing schemes in France. She started to build expertise in housing typologies, which will play a significant role in her reflections (Krüger 2021). In 1968, she was the only woman presented among 27 people on the cover of the Deutsche Bauzeitung titled Junge Berliner Architekten (young Berlin architects), standing next to her husband and many renowned Berlin architects such as Werner Düttman, Goerg Heinrich or Josef Paul Kleihues, who will play a significant role in the realisation of her building on the Dessauer Straße as the director of the Internationale Bauausstellung 1984/87 (IBA; International Building Exhibition).

difficulties, as her daughter mentioned (Fatal-Warhaftig 2020), she remembers her mother always being attentive and giving her the feeling that she and her sister were the priority.

Looking at Myra Warhaftig’s life is to see the story of a constant search for emancipation. As a Jewish woman architect in Berlin, with the few privileges of her position, she advocated for an architecture that would support women’s liberation while also being vocal about the remembrance and recognition of Jewish planners. Her invisibility nowadays, knowing that she was working amongst the most recognised architects of her time in Berlin, is yet another argument that much work still needs to be done to reclaim stories of women’s voices who have been marginalised of architecture history.

If we look at Myra Warhaftig’s residential history, we can glimpse into the evolution of her ideas. It shows the embodiment of the well know ‘the personal is political’ that second-wave feminists brought forward. It is challenging to situate how and when a feminist awakening appeared in Myra Warhaftig’s lifepath. In 1969 she officially registered with the Union Internationale des Femmes Architectes founded by Solange d’Herbez de la Tour in Paris. Her living situation changed considerably from a small hotel room in Paris to an Altbau dwelling (built before 1949) on Magdeburger Platz in West Berlin with her second husband, Bernd Ruccius, and her first child. There, she was compelled to work from home in order to look after her young baby and continue to work as a freelance architect. From this point, a critical assessment of her housing situation emerged. Nevertheless, as the family of four, the fanily moved into the 160 square meters flat on the Nassauische Straße 36. It triggered her dwelling’s analysis as being a hindering condition. For example, the long distance between her working space to the kitchen or the children’s room, the acoustic separation from her young children or the inability to follow discussions when guests visited made her feel reduced to the serving function. After her separation from her husband, she looked specifically for a more recent building for her and her two daughters that would not follow the layout she interpreted as made for the Bourgeoisie of the 19th century. She moved into a three-bedroom public housing apartment on Einemstraße 8. Once more, her evaluation was dissenting. She decried the size difference between the bedrooms, which generated discord between her daughters. Moreover, the separation from the children when working in the kitchen did not allow for communication with them. Finally, after completing the Dessauer Straße project she developed in 1993, she moved in with her two daughters. Orly Fatal-Warhaftig described her mother during her childhood as being present, she would even included she and her sister while working. She and her sister would travel with her to conferences and congress or help with model making. Although Myra Warhaftig faced financial

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Abb. 4: Myra Warhaftig 1953 als Studentin am Technion Haifa. Foto: privat

Abb. 6: Myra Warhaftig mit ihren Töchtern Orly und Tomari, Berlin 1972. Foto: privat

Iris Dullin-Grund and Myra Warhaftig's life stories are worth being told. They both entail hopeful and empowering narratives that show how to put a foot in the door and use the few privileges of their position to benefit a larger multitude. Even if they lived in different government regimes, their political orientations shared some ground. Myra Warhaftig was influenced by Marxism (Krüger 2021) and Iris Dullin-Grund was a convinced socialist, as her autobiography displays (Dullin-Grund 2004). Myra Warhaftig's work is clearly inscribed in secondwave feminist tendencies. Through the design of the dwelling, she sought to give women more freedom in their homes. In a different context, Iris Dullin-Grund has not declared herself a feminist but cared for the optimisation of floorplans for housekeepers within the limitations of socialist planning (Droste 2014) and also used her position to employ young women graduate in her work teams (Engler 2018). Seen from an intersectional feminist perspective, despite their marginalised position, as women architects, as caregivers, as a Jew for Myra Wahrhaftig, as coming from the working-class for Iris Dullin-Grund, they both managed to navigate and carve themselves a space in a male-dominated world which can inspire present and future generations of women architect.

Emancipatory narratives

Abb. 5: Myra Warhaftig 1957 in Paris. Foto: privat

Fig. 5 - Orly and Tomari's mother breaks out of the constraints of the conventional flat, drawing by Orly Warhaftig, 1982 (left bottom)

Fig. 4 - Myra Warhaftig with her daughters Orly and Tomari, Berlin, 1972 (left top)

Fig. 6 - Iris Dullin-Grund on the cover of the magazin Frau von heute (woman of today), 1961 (right)

2 Abbreviation for Politisches Büro (political office). The highest decision-making committee of the German Democratic Republic.

Case Study 1: Torstraße

For the first case study, I will focus on a building ensemble constructed between 1984 and 1988 in the framework of a komplexe Rekonstruktion (complex reconstruction) in an East Berlin area called the Spandauer Vorstadt in Mitte district. The term complex reconstruction in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) was used to describe a set of urban development measures in old residential areas that could include demolition, new construction and renovation of existing buildings. Several Wohnungskombinat1 (WBK) coming from Neubrandenburg, Schwerin, Potsdam, Erfurt, Cottbus and Frankfurt/ Oder were asked to come and work on the complex construction of the Spanduaer Vorstadt after a decision of the Politbüro2 in January 1984 (Dullin-Grund 2004). I will focus on the western segment of the former Wilhelm-Pieck-Straße, today Torstraße, from Oranienburger Tor to Tucholsky Straße, which was allocated to the WBK Neubrandenburg where Iris Dullin-Grund led the team. The program was mainly foreseeing new housing units with childcare facilities for 270 young children with shops and social facilities on the 1 In the GDR, a Wohnungsbaukombinat (WBK) was a state-owned housing cooperative that combined different enterprises operative in the housing sector. They were organised according to the East German territorial division. Iris Dullin-Grund belonged to the WBK Neubrandenburg.

ground floor. Where the existing perimeter blocks were left opened by war damages, the urban design extended and completed them. The urban guidelines resulted from a cooperation between the WBK Neubrandenburg and the urban planning team from the local WBK Berlin. The new buildings were assembled following the industrial and standardised building system called Plattenbauweise with the type WBS 70, which consisted of a montage of precast concrete panels. Since the beginning of the 1970s, this technique was massively used for new construction, and its aesthetic became the recognisable attribute of socialist cities beyond East Germany alone (Hannemann 2005).

To understand and evaluate this project which was produced under under a repressive and authoritarian regime led by one single party called Sozialistische Enheitspartei Deutschland (SED), I will first enlighten the housing politics led by the SED in the 1970s and 1980s, which present the conditions in which the case study was built. Linking with the current situation, I will show how the case study is relevant today in regards to the right to housing in Berlin's context, more than thirty years after the Fall of the Wall. Secondly, I will investigate the aspects of spatial planning in the GDR from the perspective of women's emancipation and how it translated into the conception of the studied project. Furthermore, based

Fig. 9 - New buildings (white) and old /modernized buildings (hatched), 1985

by the General Secretary of the Central Committee, Erich Honecker, who later reached 1976 the highest status of power in East Germany as the Chairman of the State Council. New town developments in the suburbs and renovation of the inner centre tenement building stock were now planned to answer the expected goals. The previous model in the centres consisted of large demolition and replacement of existing urban tissue with slabs and towers (Flierl 2007).

By the 1980s, as Florian Urban explained in his doctoral thesis (2006) about the notion of the historic city in the GDR, a significant ideological turn had occurred in the discourses about Mietskaserne building (rental barracks) from the late 19th century. These tenement buildings constituted most of Berlin's urban tissue and were constructed during industrial times to house the working-class. Whereas, in the early GDR years, they were seen as consequences of capitalist development and class oppression, by the 1980s, its preservation was favoured as a valuable heritage, being the birthplace of working-class culture and struggle. Finally, in 1982, the Ministry of Construction of the GDR published a new framework for construction called Grundsätze für die sozialistische Entwicklung von Städtebau und Architektur in der DDR (General Principles for the socialist Development of Urban Design and Architecture in the GDR). This text established the preservation of inner cities and enacted a new shift in construction policies that would last until the end of the GDR. Construction of vacant plots in the urban fabric along with modernisation and preservation of existing buildings was as crucial as new developments.

Fig. 7 - Site plan of former Wilhelm-Pieck-Straße, now Torstraße, 1986 (left page)

In 1971, a vast calculation of the built dwellings in the past ten years demonstrated that the objectives concerning housing production were far from being reached. Efforts provided in the construction of new housing were colossal but due to the neglect and demolition of old substance in inner centers, this was highly counterproductive and the overall production was insufficient. The authorities reacted with a new housing program announced during the 8th Party Convention

on spatial analysis and interviews with inhabitants, I will examine whether the present conditions of the case study bear emancipatory facets. Finally, I will explore what elements structured the domestic space in the GDR and, consequently, the dwellings designed by the WBK Neubrandenburg. Relying on observations during the visit to the dwelling and interviews with women inhabitants, I will look at whether the domestic spaces of the case study promote emancipation.

GDR's construction policies, a shift toward the historical city

In the GDR housing development was one of the main political instruments. After World War II, both competed to prove that their economies, capitalist or socialist offered better living conditions. Ideologically in the GDR, largely influenced by Friedrich Engels Wohnungsfrage (housing question), the provision of housing for workers was at the core of the state ideology and political agenda. In East Germany, the idea of modernity had to be achieved through collective efforts to attain social equalisation. This ideology was expressed in the built environment with the development of the Plattenbauweise, the industrial construction technology which allowed for fast deployment of brand new housing estates and an improvement of living conditions for millions of people.

Fig. 8 - Division of the former Wilhelm-Pieck Straße distributed to regional WBK, 1986

A working-class neighbourhood repaired

Today the area has undergone advanced processes of gentrification, as the study by the geographer Christian Krajewski (2006) showed. If one strolls in the former Spandauer Vorstadt in the Mitte district, it is filled with typical marks of gentrification, a mix of boutiques, cafés, gallery spaces and fancy bars. Consequently, real estate prices are high, and housing units are reserved for a rather exclusive upper-class population. Nevertheless, the studied segment of the Torstraße strikes with a noticeable change of atmosphere. Abruptly, from the fine dining Bandolsur-Mer restaurant, one walks by an information centre for homeless people. The typical Spätkauf (late-night shop), an affordable Vietnamese restaurant and an associative space for the Volkssolidarität3 appear on the streetscape. The social diversity one can read onto the street collides with the Linienstraße, one block further with people strolling with shopping bags or drinking a coffee latte at a café's terrace. This contrasted situation can be explained by the different financialisation processes that occurred after the Fall of the Wall.

Zache (2014), a practising architect and city planner in East Berlin, this invisible work was a wonder since it completely contradicted the politicians’ eagerness for visual impact. In addition, he emphasised that these buildings would not stand today without this program.

A social enclave in a gentrified area

In that context, the studied western segment of the former Wilhelm-Pieck-Straße was part of a larger remodelling project of the Spandauer Vorstadt situated in the historical centre of Berlin and yet at its margins, 500 meters from the Wall. The building substance in the Spandauer Vorstadt was exceptionally spared from the damages caused by the bombardments. However, due to the previous construction policies that favoured new housing estates around Berlin, the existing tenement buildings were dilapidated. In the 1960s, the area was doomed to demolition. In Iris Dullin-Grund’s estate, stored at the Leibniz Institute in Erkner, I could find the panels and model photographs of a competition submission from 1976 regarding the Wilhelm-Pieck-Straße, today Torstraße. In the urban design proposal, the blocks between the Wilhelm-Pieck-Straße and the parallelly running south street Linienstraße were to be demolished to extend the size of the street and create a large avenue with green spaces.

After the Second World War and the establishment of the GDR, housing was in the hand of the state, which took charge of the new development, care and distribution. Most of the collective housing properties were in state ownership or under state administration or building cooperatives (Schulz 2021). The main administrative housing instance in Berlin was the Kommunale Wohnungsverwaltung (KWV; municipal housing administration). Before the construction of new buildings started on the western part of the Wilhelm-Pieck-Straße, an extensive program of roof repairing and chimney reparation was carried out. According to Manfred

3 The Volkssolidarität is an organisation for older adults. It offers activities and counselling like sports or computer help. Its foundation is traced back to the GDR and played an essential role in taking care of the elderly. It is also the place where I met the two interviewees after their sports class.

After 1898, property structures changed again, and the expropriated properties had to be returned to their former owners or heirs. The sociologist Andrej Holm has written extensively about gentrification processes in Berlin (2006), and he explains that the restitutions to private owners quickly led to widespread privatisation and resale to professional real estate companies. After a sequence of cultural pioneer implementations attracted by cheap rents, then investments in the form of physical upgrading and displacement of low-income menage, Holm describes that the Mitte district is already in a phase of ‘super-gentrification’ which involve a boom of luxury housing construction (Bernt, Grell, and Holm 2013). In opposition, Plattenbauten like the studied ensemble on the Torstraße, were in state ownership and did not undergo similar processes. Either in the former West or East, the porosity of Berlin's social fabric - or the so-called Berliner Mischung (Berlin mix) - is still existing. There are quite a few situations in which certain building typologies combined with different kinds of public ownership or social protective planning regulations, clearly define social enclaves. In the case of the

Initially, the Spandauer Vorstadt (suburb) developed north of a city wall that protected Berlin between the 12th and the 17th century at the Spandau gate. Along the former city wall, the first industrial factories in Berlin were established. The name of the Borsigstraße, a street running adjacent to the Torstraße, is a remnant from this time, as the still existing Borsig had its factory in the area. Hence, the neighbourhood developed around the factories through the expansion of Mietskaserne. As a product of land speculation, land owners developed plots with a maximum living area to make them more profitable. As Isabel Rousset explained (2021), the purposes were to concentrate labour in the city for the mean of industrial capitalist production and to ease land speculation. By 1871, 75 % of Berlin’s housing stock was made of tenement buildings (Rubin 2014). With this, large families lived in extremely cramped conditions, mostly in one single room, sometimes even renting out a bed for other workers during the day. This materialisation of capitalism took the shape of perimeter block buildings with decorated facades to hide social misery.

19 Spandauer Vorstadt this contrast is striking and shows well how the architecture and its administration can stabilise social relations. The ownership was passed onto newly created state-owned housing companies for most of the housing stock produced under the GDR regime. In 1991, the city of Berlin possessed 28% of its housing stock (Berlin and Investitionsbank Berlin 2002). By 2008, Berlin had started to privatise a large number of housing units to fall at 15,8% (Investitionsbank Berlin 2008). Nevertheless, under public pressure (Kotti & Co Collective et al. 2015) and a high shortage of affordable housing, the public housing companies started to buy back some estates at expensive market prices (Schönball 2017).

In 2020, 20% of the housing stock was owned by the six state-owned housing companies (Investitionsbank Berlin 2021). Most of the buildings which were part of the complex reconstruction in Spandauer Vorstadt were transferred to the stateowned Wohnungsbaugesellschaft Berlin-Mitte (WBM). Therefore affordable rent prices and first-time inhabitants can be found in the studied estate.

more. Ms F affirmed that she could never think of anything other than her present flat also because of her small pension.

Looking back at housing provision in the GDR from our current housing crisis can provide compelling insights. The recent referendum about the socialisation of large housing estate ‘Deutsche Wohnen und co. enteignen’ (expropriate Deutsche Wohnen and co.) that took place in Berlin in 2021 gives evidence of the urgent need for a radical solution to a rising housing crisis in Berlin. The right to housing was enshrined in the GDR's constitution since 1949, and as previously analysed, housing was the driving question throughout the forty years of the GDR regime. Housing was considered an infrastructure that should be available to all and regulated by the state. Nevertheless, those goals were never met, and the housing shortage at the end of the GDR was still massive. Inequalities in housing provision existed, and as Donna Harsch investigated (2006), young nuclear families would have the priority to get a dwelling, leaving other household constellations in sometimes inadequate living conditions. Nowadays, the western segment of the Torstraße is surrounded by the effects of housing commodification; the still state-owned housing estate offers an infrastructure and creates a space that is relevant in the city for that, it resists what Peter Marcuse and David J. Madden called ‘residential oppression’ (Madden and Marcuse 2016).

Fig. 10 - Regular floorplan of two 4-room-apartments and one studio, 1985

The two women I interviewed, Ms F and Ms H4, have moved into the former Wilhelm-Pieck-Straße just after its completion and confirmed paying low-priced rents today. They both are pensioners today and moved in with their husbands and children. Currently, Ms F lives alone, and Ms F with her husband. In the 1980s, Ms F moved into a 3-room apartment with two children and Ms H in a 4-room apartment with three children. Their children have moved out, and although they admitted having more room than they need, they affirmed that they cannot change their living situation. Presently, Ms H pays 800 euros each month with the extra costs. A smaller apartment anywhere in Berlin would cost her and her husband

4 The interviews took place on March 29th 2022, in the association space of the Volkssolidarität, located on Torstraße 190. The two interviewees wished to re main anonymous.

On the other hand, the account of the two inhabitants shows how their housing structures their life and contribute to their economic emancipation. In the case of the two inhabitants I interviewed, ownership was not an option. In the current neo-liberal market economy where ownership enjoys the highest protection and privileges, Ms F and Ms H, without their rental contract with a state-owned housing company, they could be exposed to displacement processes and economic insecurity. As women, they are economically more vulnerable. This marginalisation is particularly visible in the case of Ms F, that admitted not wanting to move since she would not find another home within the area where she lived for about forty years. The housing security provided by state-owned housing company lies in the protection from contract termination due to personal need or the conversion into private ownership, limited rent increase and a legal frame that requires support for tenants through advisory boards (Mieterverein 2013). In the case of Ms F and Ms H, it is possible to conclude that their housing situation encompasses the required elements of accessibility, affordability and security of tenure, which are the keys to emancipatory living conditions.

Although the studied case was integrated into existing urban tissue, these program principles were at work. Still, due to its unique status as a complex reconstruction and its location in Berlin, more means were at WBK Neubrandenburg’s disposal. As Iris Dullin-Grund wrote in her autobiography, ”for Berlin there was always something more, in the building limit and the architectural possibilities” (DullinGrund 2004). The program comprised 525 dwellings units, three gastronomy units, two units for associative uses, five shops, a collection point for reparation of electric devices, a collection point for the lottery, an office for the state-owned housing company and a combined childcare facility with 180 places in the kindergarten and 90 places for the crèche for the whole area of the Spandauer Vorstadt. For the urban layout, Iris Dullin-Grund explained in an article about the project that the guidelines aimed to complement the historical structure of the neighbourhood (1986). This idea is visible in the way the planned buildings extend and complete the typical Berlin perimeter blocks. The eave levels were taken into consideration by adapting the ground floor level to 3,30m height since the prefabrication of the elements could not allow a variation of the other floors’ height (Grund 1986). The project also distinguishes itself from the otherwise monotonous WBS 70 projects by using a variety of modules for the façade, like winter gardens and loggias. The design’s concept was to follow the aesthetic of the existing tenement house in their variety in shapes and heights, moreover the addition of an attic floor which was a technical challenge with the limits of standardised construction is noticeable. Additionally, all the dwellings had gas heating. With the extension of the perimeter blocks from the existing buildings, the previous narrow courtyard from the 19th century was replaced by a large one with playgrounds and spaces to dry the laundry. Iris Dullin-Grund emphasised when she wrote about this project how important it was for her, as in modernist architecture principles, to have proper daylight in each Duringdwelling. myinterview

To understand how this state-imposed gender equality affected women’s lives, to investigate what characterised socialist planning is helpful. As Christine Hannemann analysed in her book ‘Die Platte’ (2005), urban planning was based on the assumptions that the state would take over some reproductive functions. All the family members would work full time, and domestic functions would be subject to greater socialisation. Considering the role of women in the labour force but also as the guarantors of reproductive work, socialist planning framework would foresee infrastructure that would assume child-rearing for women at work. Spatially, the general unit for planning called Wohnkomplex (housing complex) was designed for 4.000 to 5.000 inhabitants and based on an eight-grade school. Furthermore, all social facilities like school, kindergarten, shops and public transport which were assigned to a housing complex had to be accessible by walking.

with Ms F and Ms H, they declared being satisfied with their living conditions since they moved in. Ms F mentioned that when she applied for a dwelling at the KWV, she was offered one in a large housing estate in the district of Marzahn at the edge of Berlin. She and her husband refused and later got an apartment on the former Wilhelm-Pieck-Straße. Ms H always lived in the area and was born in the Linienstraße that runs parallel to her street. Both were working and their children went to the adjoining school on the same street. Ms F recalled going early to work, and her son would have to go alone to school and that he was proud to be a Schüsselkind (latchkey child). They repeated that everything was nearby, mentioning shops and transportation while saying shortly afterwards that ‘not really everything since not everything was to be found during the GDR’.

The account of women’s emancipation in the GDR can be perceived as contradictory since it was a repressive regime. However, clear facts can assert a step toward women’s enfranchisement of men’s power. I will try to give a nuanced backdrop on women’s status in East Germany that will allow for a better assessment of the emancipatory potentials of planning in the GDR and of the case study planned by Iris DullinGrund. The ethnographer Kristen Ghodsee reminds us that the material situation of millions of women had improved under socialism compared to the period before the Second World War (2018). Generally, women lived longer, died less in maternity as did their newborns, and learned how to read. In East Germany, the SED acted according to a Marxist-Leninist ideology established on the preeminence of socialised production. It acknowledged that women’s oppression was grounded in a patriarchal society, and accordingly, the state implemented top-down equality for women and removed legal privileges of men over women. Women had access to maternity leaves, childcare, the right to divorce, and from 1972, right to abortion. Nevertheless, they had to participate in the production. Following the socialist ideology which assumed that through their status as wage workers, they would have access to social equality and emancipate themselves. On the one hand, the integration of East German women into paid labour was highly effective, and by the end of the 1980s, 91,2% of all women were employed and could not imagine their life without working (Budde 1997). On the other hand, due to the scarcity of working forces, the GDR was economically relying on female workforce. On a domestic level, gender relations remained still unequal. Housework and care for the family were performed primarily by women. In the working environment, women rarely made it to higher employment positions. They were suffering from what Maria Bucur called the ‘triple burden’ as a caretaker in the home, a worker and a participant in a socialist society (2016).

A spatial planning that supported women’s access to work

Regarding mobility, Ms H said she would moved around the neighbourhood walking but primarily used the car to go beyond. Ms F does not own a car and exclusively relies on public transport. The case study location is well connected between the train stations Oranienburger Tor, Rosenthaler Platz and Oranienburger Straße. Moreover, access to the tramway is close by, which used to be one of the significant local transportation systems in East Berlin. One of the economic reasons for the GDR to realise complex reconstructions in the historic city centre was the existing infrastructure. The large housing estates at the edge of Berlin were built quickly, but the infrastructure like the metro and tramway were not following fast enough. The case of Ms F illustrates the fact that women's freedom of movement depends on walk and use public transports.

The spatial organisation of the WBS was structured by a middle entrance corridor connecting the sleeping rooms, the bathroom, the living room and the kitchen that would, in one variation, adjoin the living room. The bathroom was about 3,4 square meters. The children’s room, up to 9 to 11 square meters, would be planned for two children. The parent’s room was between 11 and 14 square meters. The living room of 20 square meters was the largest. Finally, the kitchen’s size varied from 4 to 10 square meters. The WBS 70 floor plan reinforced gendered uses due to a specific function assigned to each room and the still gendered pattern of housework. Furthermore, with a constant shortage of consumer goods or facilities, like car repair workshops or clothing stores, families had to compensate with duties at home after work. A study made in Jena-Lobeda in 1988 (Hannemann 2018) showed that men would occupy the living room, blocking it to other family

For the thousands of relocated people living previously in dilapidated housing without toilets and coal heating, like Ms H, the experience of brand new housing was significant in maintaining GDR legitimacy. In the WBS 70 typology used by the WBK Neubrandenburg, floor plans were determined by the maximum ceiling span and the necessary shafts for the bathroom and the kitchen; only seven different floorplans were predominantly implemented.

5 WBS 70 is the abbreviation of Wohnungsbauserie 70 (housing series 70).

Fig. 11 - Regular floor plans, north of Torstrasse, 1985

Domestic space structured by an unquestioned nuclear family model

typology WBS 705 was ubiquitous in most of the new housing constructed by the GDR. The socialist ideology celebrated the idea of citizens living in the exact same unit as an achievement of equality and a common experience (Hanemann 2018).

The domestic structure of the socialist state of the GDR was based on a nuclear family with two generations. Donna Harsch showed that aligned with a Stalinist ideology based on production (2006), domestic necessity was seen as secondary, and its social meaning was denied. Even if production and property models radically changed under the GDR, the family model they promoted was a legacy of the one present after the end of the war. Division of domestic labour at home and family care remained unchanged, a burden carried by women. However, this model was based on the unchanged normative nuclear family. In her book ‘The Domestic Revenge’ (2006), Donna Harsch highlights the conflicts between the GDR State ruled by the Socialist Unity Party (SED), the women and the family. Whereas the SED needed women's production forces, they promoted high fertility and the nuclear family model. Consequently, this ideal was translated into architecture and, more precisely, the typical layout of the dwelling. With the standardisation of construction, dwelling layouts were likewise typified, and by the 1970s, the

Currently, they value the diversity of shops around and mostly buy groceries at the Supermarket on the street. They only complained about a missing bank.

Due to its particular conditions, the segment of the complex reconstruction realised by Iris Dullin-Grund with her planning collective has to be seen as a product of the late GDR concerns about renovating the old city. The political objective to achieve more housing, a scepticism towards modernist city planning, and an intellectual change in the perception of the historical city produced the maintaninance of the Spandauer Vorstadt's fabric. After the Fall of the Wall, it became a favourable location for its accessibility to transports and various infrastructures.

To conclude, the project built by the WBK Neubrandenburg under the GDR regime has to be considered an outcome of a socialist pro-active housing politics that prioritised production to achieve decent living standards for its citizens. The established legal gender equality gave a framework for women to emancipate themselves by working and acquiring economic independence. However, women’s emancipation was always under the terms that best support the productive socialist ideology, not women’s self-determination. Spatial planning provided the basic infrastructure that liberated women’s time for production work. This stance is visible in the complex reconstruction project of the former Wilhelm-Pieck-Straße, which provided and provides besides all the necessary social facilities, excellent access to mobility means and a central location. Women had to find their place in the normative and conservative idea of the nuclear family, which took shape in the structure of a dwelling where pre-defined functions mainly inhibited their emancipation. Presently the project’s economic accessibility due to its ownership structure and the remaining qualities of its urban design form desirable living conditions.

and women would have to carry out their housework in the limited spaces of the kitchen and bathroom. Through the compilation of different social analyses in the 1980s, Christine Hannemann reports that women complained about the small size of the children’s room and the bathroom where they would wash the laundry (2005). Inflexibility in the uses of the spaces and the narrowness of the kitchen was another critical point, especially in the types with the living room adjoining the kitchen . For the most part, the floor plan’s layouts were similar to the standard of social housing in Germany from the Weimar Republic in the 1920s and 1930s as Hannemann argues (2005). Besides the provision of decent housing, the newly built apartments did not question gendered roles inside the home. They proved to exacerbate them. Since there was no incentive from the state regarding gender equality in the home, women’s assignment to housework and childcare remained unchanged and exacerbate through the WBS 70 typology.

members,22

Nonetheless, during my interview with Ms F and Ms H, they rated their dwelling in the Torstraße positively. Although their situation is different from when they moved in with their families, they still live in their original apartment without their children. Therefore, they did not mention in any way the exiguity of their dwelling. On the contrary, Ms H, who lives in the 4-room apartment, mentioned having enough space in her flat and using her now available rooms for different purposes, from drying laundry to practising sports or hosting family and guests. She said, ‘My flat is a dream’. Ms F regrets not having a balcony, yet she said the courtyard was green and offered a nice view from the window. When we talked about the laundry, she recalled that it was sometimes challenging to find a space to dry it with her children and husband in the home. However, now, there is a whole room for it.

Due to the spatial generosity of their dwellings, some of the previously mentioned critics do not apply anymore. Especially through the children’s room vacancy, their flats offer great flexibility. In her book ‘Discrimination by Design’ Leslie Kanes Weisman (Weisman 1994) calls for spatial flexibility in the home design that could free its inhabitants from inhibitions. Her critic formulates that singleuse spaces do not respond to changes that occur during a lifetime. In the case of the two interviewees, we see that their living conditions might have improved due to the downsizing of their household, but what would have happened if they had, for example, gained members? In those two cases, we see how a surplus of room triggers flexibility and unleashes previously impossible uses. Nevertheless, from a larger perspective, claiming it as a sustainable emancipatory model remains conflicting given the current shortage of affordable housing in Berlin.

Fig. 12 - Indochine Cuisine restaurant on the ground floor of the southern complex, 2022 (left)

Fig. 13 - North facade, south of Torstraße (Wilhelm-Pieck-Straße), approx. 1984 -1986

Fig. 14 - North facade, south of Torstraße, 2022

Fig. 15 - Entrance to Torstraße 208, 2022 (left)

Fig. 16 - Kitchen of Ms F, 2022 (right)

Fig. 17 - Courtyard of the southern building complex, 2022

Fig. 18 - Courtyard of the southern building complex, approx. 1984 -1986

Fig. 19 - Courtyard of the southern building complex, 2022 (left)

Fig. 20 - Courtyard of the southern building complex, 2022 (right)

Fig. 22 - Sidewalk situation north of Torstraße, 2022 (right)

Fig. 21 - Crossroad Torstraße, 2022 (left)

Fig. 23 - IBA planning seminar on Block 2 with (from left) Myra Warhaftig, Zaha Hadid, Hans Kollhoff and Josef Paul Kleihues, n.d.

The ideology behind the IBA Neubau took the motto’ critical reconstruction’. It is inscribed in post-modernist discourses that praised the merits of the historical city as opposed to the modernist separation of functions and isolated buildings. Aldo Rossi, who has a built contribution to the IBA on the Wilhelmstraße, advocated for a return to studying the city’s historical morphology. Influenced by his ideas as well 1 Ibid.: 2.

The raze-and-build policies in the previous decades in West Berlin were largely criticized amongst the architectural scene, and before the IBA, a masterplan for the district of Kreuzberg foresaw a large-scale demolition and the eviction of 15.000 people (Akcan 2018). Against the backdrop of an ongoing housing shortage, it became evident to the citizens that empty buildings remained vacant until they crumbled and would be demolished to make way for expensive new housing. Kreuzberg was on the margins of West Berlin, not far from the Wall and home to working-class migrants, mainly from Turkey, as well as alternative youth who moved to West Berlin to avoid military service. These groups lived in the remaining run-down tenement houses. The lack of action from the politics to rehabilitate them triggered a significant movement of rehab squatting that aimed to protest against vacancy and inadequate housing. The resulting demands were finally translated into the planning principles of the IBA Altbau, which successfully preserved social structures from migrant communities, as Esra Akcan explained in her comprehensive book ‘Open Architecture’ (2018).

The34 second case study brings us to the other side of the Wall in the Kreuzberg district of former West Berlin to Dessauer Straße 38 – 40. The four-storey high residential building was designed by Mya Warhaftig and built in the Internationale Bauausstellung 1984/87 (IBA; International Building Exhibition) framework. The project was part of a larger urban design, designated Block 2 or women's block, which complemented the western part of a perimeter block that had been damaged during the Second World War and remained fallow. The architects Zaha Hadid from London, Christine Jachmann from Berlin, Peter Blake from the United States and the team Loegler + Partner from Poland designed the buildings next to Myra Warhaftig’s.

On the other hand, the IBA Neubau invited acclaimed international architects to build following the old urban fabric defined by the perimeter blocks from the 19th

The IBA 1984/87 project's idea emerged in West Berlin in the 1970s. It aligned with a culture of building exhibitions that started at the beginning of the 20th century. The characteristics of a building exhibition can be found in the real-scale implementation of urban and architectural concepts within a limited timeframe and mainly publicly funded. Before the IBA1894/87, Berlin had already seen the Interbau 1957 exhibition. This large-scale project was implemented in the Hansviertel and invited renowned architects to design modern housing buildings at on the northern edge of Tiergarten Park. Besides being a prime example of modernist architecture, the Interbau 1957 was an instrument to display western power in response to the prestigious residential project for workers on the Stalinallee built by the GDR in East Berlin (Schätzke 2016). In sum, what makes building exhibitions outstanding is their extreme concentration of resources to produce permanent architecture that has a significant impact on the city and its residents. The IBA 1984/87 direction was divided between Hardt-Waltherr Hämer and Joseph Paul Kleihues. While the IBA Atlbau1 (old building) ‘careful urban renewal’ focused on the renovation of existing buildings, the IBA Neubau (new construction) planned the erection of buildings in part of the city that remained empty after the removal of the Second World War debris.

as those of Jane Jacobs or Siedler and Niggemeyer, IBA Neubau’s director Joseph Paul Kleihues based his urban planning principles for the IBA on preserving the perimeter block. According to him, it constituted the typical ground figure of Berlin; therefore, in his opinion it had be preserved and reinforced.

IBA 1984/87

Case Study 2: Dessauer Straße 38-40

As Sabine Riß noticed in her doctoral thesis (2016, 54–55), the gatecrash moment took place in the context of several previous publications about women in architecture and architecture for women in relevant architecture magazines. Moreover, the feminist group Frauen Stein Erde (Women Stone Earth), composed of female students, university teaching assistants, and young architects, published a manifest in 1980 which drafted the first feminist demands in planning that one year later were vocalized at the IBA hearing (Berndt 1980). The primary outcomes of the direct action were the foundation of the FOPA organization, the commissioning of a survey by members of the FOPA about women’s issues in architecture and urban planning in the Südliche Friedrichstadt where Myra Warhaftig’s building was implemented and the planning of a Frauenblock (women’s block) in the IBA

Theframework.commissioned

survey by the IBA titled ‘Frauenspezifische Belange in Architektur und Stadtplanung am Beispiel Südliche Friedrichstadt Berlin‘ (Womenspecific concerns in architecture and urban planning using the example of Südliche Friedrichstadt Berlin) was carried out by Kerstin Dörhöfer, Veronika Keckstein, Anne Rabenschlag and Ulla Terlinden. Through the analysis of a significant number of interviews with women living in the Südliche Friedrichstadt, they could establish well-grounded hands-on guidelines to design not only women-friendly floorplans but also parameters in spatial planning that could help to support women. Amongst them are the city of the short distances, sufficient social and childcare facilities, a mobility concept that prioritize the most vulnerable users like children and older people and the preservation and promotion of jobs in the living area. These guidelines established a framework for later realised competitions in Germany (Kerstin Dörhöfer et al. 1984).

Apart from aiming at the participation of women in male-dominated planning processes, the FOPA organization wanted to defend the spatial needs of women who were still performing domestic and family work and propagate knowledge about it. The organization board was held by Veronika Keckstein, Kerstin Dörhöfer and Ellen Nausester. They created the magazine ‘FREI.RÄUME’ (free spaces) to spread perspectives about feminist spatial planning. Additionally, some FOPA regional groups emerged among others in Dortmund, Hamburg, Kassel, Bremen and Rhein-Main. Today, the group ceased to exist but left a series of 11 publications published between 1983 and 2004 (Glomb 2017, 119).

While this insurgent action marked the starting point of the Feministische Organisation von Planerinnen und Architektinnen (FOPA; Feminist Organization of Female Planners and Architects), it is embedded in the second wave of German feminist discourses, which started to infiltrate planning discourses already in the 1970s. From 1968 on, feminist groups started to emerge in universities. From 1976 onwards, in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), the qualification and professionalization of women started to rise due to a major reforms in marriage and family legislations. Previously, the gender repartition of the housewife at home taking care of the children was inscribed in the law. For example, women would need the permission of their husbands to work, to get a driving licence or to open a bank account (Droste and Huning 2017, 59). This significant social change had an impact on the family structures. By the 1990s, a third of the households were headed by women and even half in large cities (Riß 2016, 51).

century. The reception of the building exhibition was not only positive. The lack of discussion about urban design and its nostalgic tendencies raised discontent amongst the architectural press. Even local architects voiced their frustration regarding the lack of competition transparency (Akcan 2018). Furthermore, due to exclusively male architects and specialists commissioned by the IBA, women planers started to raise their voices against their marginalization.

Schokofabrik originated from an occupation and could benefit from the IBA Altbau program to rehabilitate its building. Today besides its seven flats, it includes sports facilities, a Turkish hammam, a workshop, a daycare centre, a community centre and a café.

Against the backdrops of those societal changes, in the late 1970s beginning of the 1980s, housing projects initated by autonomous feminist groups started to emerge. A Berlin example is worth mentioning since it is still existing today. The 2 Originally in German ‘Raum greifen & Platz nehmen‘, Titel of he first women planners‘ conference organised by the FOPA in 1991 (Keim 1992).

In December 1981, a group of 70 women architects, planners and academics took action and gatecrashed a hearing about urban renewal and social impacts planned for preparing the IBA where 300 men were sitting. Margit Kennedy, employed at the IBA research department, led the prepared action. Through seven inputs, the women group voiced their critics regarding hierarchical floor plans in social housing, the ignorance of women residents’ needs and the exclusive commission of male architects and experts. Consequently, they formulated the following demands: more women should represent women’s interest in the IBA committees, more women should participate in planning processes and be commissioned, sociocultural facilities, local supply and public spaces should be considered in urban planning, and lastly norms should include new forms of household (Riß 2016, 58).

“Claim Space & Take a Seat”2 FOPA, a women planners’ insurgency

Block 2 was divided into six lots. In the first place, the original urban design scheme was developed by Oswald Mathias Ungers, yet the six-storey high structure failed to win unanimous support. After concertation among architects, a perimeter block structure of three-storeys including three courtyards and a higher corner building were agreed on. Zaha Hadid received lot 1 with the most visible location at the Stresemannstraße. However, she focused on the volumetry and outside expression

C: Myra Warhaftig

FOPA’s demands provoked the inception of the women’s block, Myra Warhaftig distanced herself from the group. As Silja Glomb wrote in her dissertation on the Warhaftig’s struggle for the Dessauer Straße development, she did not want to be associated with them, fearing that it would impair her ability to put her theories into practice if the IBA decision-makers thought she was only concerned with feminist theory. (Glomb 2017, 108).

Fig. 24 - Working model of Block 2 (planning status 1987) from the west, n.d.

Block 2, the women’s block

Although36

Not before five years later, in 1986, a first design meeting took place to lay down the design principles of Block 2. The focus was laid on ‘emanzipatorische Bauen und Wohnen’ (emancipatory building and dwelling). The future buildings should propose designs that would consider the spatial needs of inhabitants in terms of domestic work and childcare. The social housing units would be made available for families but also single parents. Due to a lack of budget and financial problems during the last year of the building exhibition, the architects were directly commissioned. By the time of the first planning meeting, a polish architect team had been added to the block by Kleihues. Shortly before the end of the building exhibition, his contact with the Polish building association mentioned that the IBA did not invite East European architects. They were few plots left, and it became clear that Block 2 was just a place to get rid of all the things that did not matter to him, as Günter Schlusche, one of the IBA Neubau project coordinators and Warhaftig’s friend, confirmed in an interview with Glomb (2017, 192).

Fig. 25 - Proposal of partitioning of the block 2 by the architects, 1986

Through a detailed review of the letters exchanged between Kleihues and Warhaftig, Silja Glomb concluded that the IBA Neubau Director dismissed her many requests for a plot that should materialize the promises made after the gatecrashing (2017, 26–70). This, even though Myra Warhaftig’s concept had a significant resonance in the specialized press (Krüger 2021, 109) and with the support of her doctoral thesis supervisor, Julius Posener. Apart from being an influential architectural historian and professor in West Berlin, he has been a significant support in Warhaftig’s IBA endeavour and vouched for her on several occasions (Glomb 2017, 22–108).

B: Christne Jachmann

D: Zaha Hadid

A: Loegler + Partner

‘The hindrance of women’s emancipation through the home and the possibility of overcoming it’

Myra Warhaftig worked on her doctoral thesis between 1974 and 1978 under Julius Posener’s supervision titled Die Behinderung der Emanzipation der Frau durch die Wohnung und die Möglichkeit zur Überwindung (1982) (The hindrance of women’s emancipation through the home and the possibility of overcoming it). With this work, she makes a plea for a change in dwelling forms and proposes concrete alternatives to the standards floor plans used in social housing, which, according to her hypothesis, impedes women’s emancipation.

Through the historical analysis of the typologies, she asserted that the standards for social housing configuration stemmed from the bourgeois family model from the 19th century, which used to have domestics, receive visitors and separate day and night functions. This model, translated to the nuclear workers family or single parent, only facilitated oppression and inequality for the houseworker and had adverse effects on children. Her recommendations for an emancipatory dwelling relied on the “1. provision of an equal individual area for each individual member of the family without regard to gender and age. 2. grouping of community activities in the communal area” (Warhaftig 1982, 157). The project on the Dessauer Straße is the materialization of these principles.

Her work was organized into four parts. The first part focuses on women’s status related to the family in the 19th and 20th centuries, based on the work of the sociologists Paul Henry Chombart de Lauwe and Norbert Schmidt-Relenberg. While she analyses mainly Berlin's dwelling typologies from the tenement building to more contemporary examples in the second part, she also investigates the uses of each room and demonstrates their unfavourable disposition regarding women and children’s needs. Finally, in the third and fourth parts, she presents her alternative

Her three main critics concerning the typical three-room unit in social housing were first related to the hierarchy of the rooms, in so far as the smallest room was attributed to the children whereas the parent got the largest. Through an analysis of each room’s usage time and surface, she argued that children should have the largest space in the flat due to their need to move and their intensity of use. Second, she described a ‘living room taboo’, namely the largest space, which is supposed to be a place for different uses and all the family members. However, its representative character with many fragile objects on display limited its access to after-work hours for the parents. She analysed that many conflicts would when the mother tries to prevent the children from playing in the living room and therefore impede the children’s mobility and burdens her. Third, she mentioned the inefficiency of housework when the kitchen is designed as an independent space with one function, which isolates the houseworker and makes complicated to watch the children while preparing the food (Warhaftig 1982).

of her building. Christine Jachmann developed lot 3 and she overtook the general coordination of the block. Her design includes a large typology of eight-room designed for a community of people with disabilities. The apartment is linked with two staircases in case it needs to be split. Some of the maisonette typologies have an adjoining garden, and the top floor typologies are organized around luminous atriums. Generally, Jachmann’s design cared for natural light and ventilation in every room. Moreover, she followed the idea of similar size bedrooms proposed for the concept of emancipatory living. Lot 4 and 5, designed by Loegler and Partner, did not follow the pre-established principles. They mainly focused on the representation of their plans and facades, and after the phase of preliminary design, Jachmann took over the development of their project (Jachmann 1992). Lot 6, with the smallest plot next to the existing St. Lukas Church, was commissioned to Peter Blake and Hannelore Kossel joined later for the landscape design of the courtyards. Finally, Warhaftig’s contribution to lot 2 demonstrated the most consistent approach to emancipatory living. After all, it was the built realization of her theories she had been fighting for (Glomb 2017). By 1989, the construction had not yet started, and the Fall of the Wall put the project on hold. The newly state-owned housing company Deutsche Gesellschaft zur Förderung des Wohnungsbaues (DEGEWO; German Company for the Promotion of Housing Construction) overtook the project, and finally, the construction started in 1991. 1993, the first inhabitant moved in, amongst them Myra Warhaftig and her two daughters.

design and its principles under the term Wohnungsbausystem (WBS; housing construction system)(Warhaftig 1982). When she published her thesis, without the detailed design of the WBS, the first 500 copies were quickly exhausted, and a second edition was printed three years later (Krüger 2021, 10),

Wohnraumküche

Fig. 27 - Floor plan of typical appartment, Dessauer Straße 38-40, 2020

In implementing her design’s intention in the Dessauer Straße, the flats are distributed on both sides of a staircase. The entrance doors lead onto a central elongated space, the living-room-kitchen. It constitutes the heart of the dwelling and takes the function of an implied corridor serving individual rooms, bathroom, loggia and winter garden. Whereas the living-room-kitchen has the largest size, thus exceeding the living room, it is a communicative space where dining and cooking come together. Two small loggias adjoin it. Depending on the window’s orientation, the loggias have a window onto the bathroom to ventilate or separate the bedrooms. Another separated living room can be accessed from the central room and the loggia or winter garden. The living-room-kitchen is an articulation between the other dwelling spaces and an interactive platform. It also allows, for example, single parents to keep visual and acoustic contact with the children while preparing the meal. In a different setting, when guests visit, they can be welcomed and catered for without interruptions in the discussions.

Myra Warhaftig – Architektin und Bauforscherin122 Grundriss EG M: 1/200 Dessauer Straße 38 - 40 D - 10963 Berlin Pläne Haus Dessauer Str. 38–40 EG

Myra Warhaftig’s design formulated a fierce critique of the kitchen’s organization in social housing norms. In her view, the spatial separation between the place where food is prepared and consumed led to a strengthening of gender roles. Since women were still the main houseworker and responsible for meal preparation, they remained isolated while cooking, invisible, excluded from communication with the meal takers and constrained to walk back and forth between the two rooms. Furthermore, she criticized the kitchen’s dimensions reduced to a minimum that do not allow for collective meal preparation (Warhaftig 1982, 132).

Fig. 26 - Ground floor, Dessauer Straße 38-40, 2020

Her proposal of the Wohnraumküche (kitchen-living room) can be seen as a continuity with the contributions of women’s rights activists like Clara Zetkin and Lily Braun, who already wrote about the domestic economy and the role of the kitchen. Based on the socialist utopias of Fourier and Owen, the socialist Lily Braun developed in 1901 the concept of the Einküchenhaus (one-kitchen house) for women residents that aimed to rationalize and centralize housework. The building was designed with a large central kitchen and a dining room on the ground floor. Common baths were planned in the basement, and the housing units would only have a kitchenette (Haupt 2014). Berlin had three at the beginning of the 20th century, but they were not profitable and even within the first feminist wave, they failed to win unanimous support. Amongst others, Clara Zetkin criticized Braun’s proposal for its costs. She argued that the working class could not afford it. Therefore the clientele would be reduced to conservative middle-class households who would not give up on their conformist households (Becker 2009, 30).

564 Das Mietwohnhaus an der Dessauer Strasse

Fig. 28 -The five living-room-kitchen types A-E of the housing building at Dessauer Strasse 38-40, 1991

In Ingo Kratisch’s film “Myra Warhaftig: Architektin, Historikerin und Freundin“ (Myra Warhaftig: architect, historian and friend), in 1990, Mya Warhaftig sits with her daughter and explain her floorplans for a two-room flat in the Dessauer Straße and explain that loggia and winter garden are an extension of the kitchen. She concludes her explanation by saying that through the separation of the living room and kitchen, an official two-room flat has, in fact, three-room (Kratisch 2018). This second aspect of Myra Wahrhatig’s design is another relevant achievement, especially for single parents.

In 2017, Silja Glomb met some inhabitants of Myra Warhaftig’s building on the Dessauer Straße. Through her interviews with a single mother and a young couple, it becomes clear that the living-room-kitchen fulfils its designer intentions. The young couple lives in Myra Wahrahtig’s former flat. The woman describes, “The kitchen is always the central point of our life together. This is where we cook and eat, exchange ideas and receive our visitors. I don’t want to live without this system anymore” 3 (Glomb 2017, 156). She first moved into the three-room flat with a friend as a flatshare. The couple never arranges the separate living room as such, like their neighbour across the staircase. She lives in the 60 square meters tworoom flat on the second floor with her 17 years old son. She found the flat when she was pregnant in 1993, when it had just been completed. She explains, “So yes, this living-room-kitchen is brilliant. It’s really the place where you cook and live, and if you like to cook as I do, you can integrate that into your everyday life and into the exchange. And sometimes Sydney comes here, doesn’t feel like sitting at

On the other hand, the famous Frankfurter Küche (Frankfurt kitchen) developed by Margarete Schütte-Lihotzky was designed for a single household which relied on the rationalization principles of Taylorism. In her design, short distances and the economy of movements dominated (Terlinden 1999). As Ruth Becker points out (2009, 30), while the Frankfurt kitchen can be seen as the pioneer of the now widely spread in social housing Zeilenküche (row kitchen), second-wave feminists condemned it because it did not allow several persons to cook in the kitchen. Warhaftig’s ideas are, however, related to Braun and Schütte-Lihotzky insofar as it tries to rethink the configuration of the place where dining and cooking take place and search for ways to discharge women from domestic work.

A direct inspiration of Warhaftig’s reflections on the Wohnraumküche can be found amongst others in the influence of her teacher at the Technion, Alexander Klein and its flurlosen Wohnung (corridorless dwelling) concept (Warhaftig 1989; Lueder 2017). His approach relied on the idea that the dwelling should have a medical function and provide an unagitated environment to counteract the overstimulation of urban life. According to him, pathways in the flat should be optimized, and sequences of rooms with contrasted sizes should be avoided. Therefore, the use of corridors should be prevented. As Lueder analyzed (2017), whereas Warhaftig used Klein’s diagrammatic drawings method, she transferred the corridor function to the kitchen, creating an interactive space that fosters encounters and multiplies connections between the rooms.

Fig. 29 - Model of a unit on Dessauer Straße 38-40, n.d.

40 his desk and does his homeworks here and I am there making the food.” 4 (Glomb 2017, 162). She adds that she does not miss a corridor. She placed a chair and a shoe rack to create an entrance situation. For her, her living-room-kitchen has only one disadvantage; it is dark since it only has one window. Indeed, seven dwellings from the built 24 only have one opening, which presents one relative weakness of the project. Her kitchen still has the original cabinets that Myra Warhaftig, her direct neighbour, planned. After Myra Wahrhaftig died, her children emptied the flat, and she got some of her dishes that she still uses. They remind her of her. She recalls that the architect had a strong personality.

4 Translated by the author, originally in German „Also ja, diese Wohnküche ist genial. Das ist wirklich der Ort, wo man kocht und lebt, und wenn man gerne kocht, so wie ich, kann man das in den Alltag und in den Austausch integrieren. Und manchmal kommt Sydney her, hat keine Lust an seinem Schreibtisch zu sit zen und macht seine Hausarbeiten hier und ich bin dabei und mache das Essen.“ (Glomb 2017, 162)

Translated by the author, originally in German „ Die Küche ist bei uns immer der Dreh- und Angelpunkt des gemeinsamen Lebens. Hier kochen und essen wir, tauschen uns aus und empfangen unseren Besuch. Dieses System will ich nicht mehr missen wollen.“ (Glomb 2017, 156)

41 Urban environment and the fall of the Wall

The demands formulated by the FOPA organization concerning the urban environment suddenly became a reality as the Wall of Berlin felt. The previously peripheral district of Kreuzberg started to be intensively developed around Potsdamer Platz, and the concept of the city of short distances (Dörhöfer and Terlinden 1998, 177) materialized. Kerstin Dörhöfer, a former member of FOPA and friend of Myra Warhaftig, evoked during her interview with Silja Glomb, “Myra Warhaftig herself was surprised that she suddenly had a post office and a supermarket so close by because it was all on Potsdamer Platz. And before that, it was a wasteland in the corner. There was nothing, nothing, nothing.” 6 (Glomb 2017, 216). Additionally, the interviewees’ recent descriptions of their living environment confirm it. They also mention the proximity of public transport, parks and museums. However, they deplore that the area is not a Kiez (word for a neighbourhood with a feeling of spatial cohesion defined by its inhabitants) or does not possess a local Kneipe (pub) or Dorfqualität (village quality) (Glomb 2017, 159, 165). Although now surrounded by all the facilities and especially around Potsdamer Platz, shopping malls and extensive office development, Block 2 itself, with its single small shop still does give more of a innimate residential feeling rather than a vibrant urban life.

5 Translated by the author, originally in German “Ich habe im Laufe der Jahre die ganzen Zimmer immer wieder umgenutzt. Und ich habe kein Wohnzimmer, da meine Küche eine Wohnküche ist. Ich meine wir sitzen hier. Wenn ich Fernse hen gucken will, gehe ich in das Zimmer (Wintergarten). Also zuerst war der Wintergarten das Babyzimmer und der große Raum war mein Wohnzimmer und das jetzige Kinderzimmer war mein Schlafzimmer. Dann habe ich das geändert. Und der große Raum war das Kinderzimmer. Dann war das jetzige Kinderzimmer mein Schlafzimmer. Dann irgendwann hat ein Freund von mir eineinhalb Jahre hier gewohnt. Dann war der Raum mit Balkon sein Zimmer, der Wintergarten mein Zimmer und der große Raum blieb Sydneys Zimmer. Und zuletzt ist jetzt mein Wintergarten mein Fernsehzimmer, Ent spannungszimmer, für Sydney ist es ein Videospielzimmer und da habe ich mei ne Tiere.” (Glomb 2017, 163)

A room for everyone

6 Translated by the author, originally in German “Myra Warhaftig war selbst überrascht, dass sie dann plötzlich so nah eine Post hatte und einen Supermarkt, weil sich das alles am Potsdamer Platz befand. Und vorher war das eine Einöde in der Ecke. Da war nichts, nichts, nichts.” (Glomb 2017, 216)

Fig. 30 - Southern facade of the courtyard in Dessauer Straße 38-40, n.d.

As Ruth Becker reports (2009, 32), the feminist planning critics in the 1980s were concerned with the difficulties for single parents, mainly women, to find adequate housing. Due to an already existing social housing shortage and often low incomes, single parents were often dismissed on the social housing market due to its allocation policies. A household of two persons could only obtain a two-room flat. While most of the two-room typologies were designed for couples, single parents had only two options: either share the bedroom with their child or turn the living room into a bedroom. For both residents, child and parent, the lack of space of one’s own led to conflict. Myra Warhaftig’s neutral floor plans offered an alternative since the separate living room could be easily turned into a bedroom. Moreover, she designed bedrooms about equal in size to avoid a hierarchy between the rooms and give the dwelling more adaptability. This aspect is evident in the interviewed single mother residential story. Throughout the years, as her son grew up, the functions of the rooms were exchanged. As she talked with Silja Glomb, she recounts, “I’ve moved all the rooms around over the years. And I don’t have a living room because my kitchen is an eat-in kitchen. I mean, we sit here. When I want to watch TV, I go into the room (winter garden). So at first, the conservatory was the baby’s room and the large room was my living room and the current child’s room was my bedroom. Then I changed that. And the big room was the child’s room. Then the current child’s room was my bedroom. Then at some point a friend of mine lived here for one and a half years. Then the room with the balcony was his room, the conservatory was my room and the big room remained Sydney’s room. And lastly, my winter garden is now my TV room, relaxation room, for Sydney it’s a video game room, and that’s where I have my animals.” 5 (Glomb 2017, 163). All in all, the floor plans account for great flexibility, which, according to Tatjana Schneider and Jeremy Till's research about flexible housing, could belong to the category ‘capable of different social uses’ (Schneider and Till 2005). Both argue for a need for long-term housing planning to answer the dwellers’ uncertain future needs better.

The42

genesis of the IBA 1984/87’s Block 2 tells a story of emancipation and struggles. It emerged from a feminist protest and still stands today in Kreuzberg as the built legacy of a search for emancipatory processes. Myra Warhaftig’s performances manifest themselves in the interchangeability of the rooms and the living-roomkitchen and it proves to be a relevant milestone in the built legacy of the feminist planning ideas of the 1970s and 1980s in Germany. On the one hand, Warhaftig’s ideas are anchored in modernist methods about designing the kitchen linked with efficiency and rationality; on the other hand, she criticizes it for its mono functionality as in one use for one person. Thus, departing from her own daily life experience as a single mother, she managed to subvert the modernist kitchen assigned to the housewife into a central communicative space where the social meaning of preparing food together is celebrated. It places reproduction work at the centre of the dwelling, makes it visible and open to collaboration with guests or household members. In that matter, it meets Leslie Kanes Weisman’s call for re-designing cooking places (1994, 167) where she even refers to professional kitchen planning, where kitchen supplies and tools are visible. Thus, applied to domestic kitchens, it could enhance users’ autonomy and lessen the houseworker’s burden. Furthermore, Myra Warhaftig’s proposition is radically feminist because it questions the gendered subtext in dwelling. Normative categories such as the parent’s bedroom or the housewife’s kitchen disappear, so the gendered spatial patterns can be altered to support other forms of living. Through its adaptability, the spatial configuration allows dwellers to exercise a higher control over their built environment and thus promotes empowerment. Finally, the state-ownership structure of the building should not be overlooked in its emancipatory character. Only because it does not comply with oppressive tendencies of the housing commodification system which creates unequal access to housing, it can be a place of liberation.

Fig. 31 - Living-room-kitchen of interviewed young couple and Myra Warhaftig's former flat, 2022

Fig. 33 - Entrance from Dessauer Straße 39, 2022 (right)

Fig. 32 - Facade of the Dessauer Straße 38-40, 2022 (left)

Fig. 34 - Dessauer Starße, 2022

Fig. 35 - Dessauer Straße, 2022

Fig. 37 - Entrance to the nothern open courtyard, 2022 (right)

Fig. 36 - Entrance from Dessauer Starße between buildings by (left) Zaha Hadid and (right) Myra Warhaftig, 2022 (left)

Fig. 38 - Northern open courtyard, a large tree enhances privacy, 2022

Fig. 39 - Semi-public passage to the second courtyard, 2022

Fig. 40 - Corner situation where kitchen and bedroom are oriented towards the balcony, 2022 (left)

Fig. 41 - Second courtyard with playground, 2022 (right)

The built legacy of two women architects

One characteristic that is common to both case studies is their integration into Berlin’s pre-war city fabric and the consequences it has today. Following the Second World War, East and West Berlin shared an inner-city landscape of dilapidated tenement housing from the 19th century. On the one hand, in West Berlin, ideas of the ‘critical reconstruction’ and ‘careful urban renewal’ followed by the IBA 1984/87 stemmed from post-modernist architectural theories as well as citizen movements protesting against the inadequate housing and build-and-raze policies. On the other hand, East Berlin shifted its attention to the old city’s fabric because the housing production goals set by the state could not be met only by building brand new housing estates on the city’s fringes that required costly transport infrastructure. Nowadays, more than 30 years after the fall the Wall, both projects enjoy great connectivity with public transport, schools, shops and socio-cultural facilities over short distances. The access to these amenities constituted the backbone of feminist planning demands in the 1980s against the division of workplaces and homes. As the statistics about the gender care gap in Germany show, today, women spend 1 hour and 27 minutes more than men doing housework and care work (‘Zweiter Gleichstellungsbericht der Bundesregierung’ 2018). Therefore, the accessibility and vicinity of daily life infrastructure are relevant to women’s emancipation, and the appreciation of the questioned dwellers confirms this.

The study of these two cases demonstrates to have common aspects which address the initial research question, namely, how the built environment participates in emancipation.

Infrastructural accessibility

Security of housing through state-ownership

Comparison

Both projects still stand today in reunified Berlin. Myra Warhaftig and Iris DullinGrund’s pathways were outstanding regarding the times in which they lived. Their built legacy plays a relevant part in the history of women’s architecture in Berlin, a record that began more than a century ago, corresponding with women’s access to architectural studies (Dörhöfer 2004). Because the architectural profession remains male-dominated today and women face limitations in their professional opportunities, commission’s attribution and role models in education, it is relevant to acknowledge and make women’s architectural work visible.

Both projects were built from public resources and are still owned and managed by public companies today. This aspect is a fundamental emancipatory parameter since it creates the conditions for housing to be accessible to the most vulnerable in opposition to commodified housing. Both projects are located in areas subject to processes of gentrification. However, by being in the state’s hand, security of tenure and stable rents are guaranteed. Therefore the tenants can enjoy a ‘non-oppressive residential environment’ and a stabilised social situation (Madden and Marcuse 2016). In current urban processes, the more central and well-connected an area is, the less affordable and accessible consumption for lower-income populations will be. In other words, the accessibility of these infrastructures can only be genuinely emancipatory if other mechanisms would hinder the financial exploitation of such qualities and the exclusion of specific social categories.

Adequate housing

The last element to consider in both projects is their provision of adequate living conditions. Even if this might be self-evident, from a larger perspective, it cannot always be assumed that housing is produced under these conditions. The two case studies offer dwellings with available services like running water or sanitation, sufficient space and physical safety. In that regard, they produce living conditions that facilitate their dwellers’ well-being and autonomy.

The present thesis investigated relations between the built environment and emancipatory social processes through the analysis of two case studies. Based on a historical, architectural and sociological perspective, it takes as a starting point the notion developed by Hilde Heynen of ‘space as a stage’ (Heynen 2013). This approach considers spatial configurations as a frame where social interactions unfold without fully determining them.

This thesis puts forward the existence of interdependent relations between the built environment and social practices and a need to investigate them in an interdisciplinary way. The discernment of emancipation is complex because it depends on many factors. In the search for the parameters that allow people more autonomy, these entanglements become visible. For this reason, only a multidisciplinary approach that involves an understanding of broader relationships can bring closer to its evaluation. Throughout this research, I sought to unfold spatial configurations of the two cases in relation to political circumstances, social behaviours or economic conditions that interact with the built environment in order to evaluate where the emancipatory potentials are located. I hope it proves a helpful tool and opens perspectives for the making of emancipatory built environments.

The first part reflects on the production of the built environment by telling the stories of the two architects’ life. Through this account, the marginalisation and achievement of two women architects working in different political regimes are made visible. The biographies reveal the experiences and strategies at work which underpin their accomplishments. Hence, emancipatory narratives emerge and participate in what Schenker called the ‘feminist intervention’ (Massey Schenker 1994). A process that would not only add women to the repertoire but also critically reflects on the conditions of women architects in order to achieve liberating

The third part elaborated on the dwelling space and demonstrated how the spatial configuration could reinforce power relations and gender inequality. It exposed the counter strategies developed by the architect Myra Warhaftig and implemented in the project on the Dessauer Straße. On the one hand, by removing the functional allocation and hierarchisation of spaces, a certain adaptability is achieved that gives residents control over their living environment. On the other hand, the expansion of the kitchen and its assignment in the house’s centre favours the participation in housework and makes it visible. Thus the women’s burden as the primary

Conclusion

Thetransformations.secondpart showed how a housing estate was produced under the GDR’s socialist ideology that looked for the collective emancipation of its citizens. Whereas it reproduced a conformist family model, it also established top-down legal gender equality, which gave women access to employment and created a spatial planning that integrated the facilities to lessen women’s care work. Furthermore, this political regime aimed to provide housing, and although it did not achieve its goals, it significantly impacted people who had inadequate living conditions before. While the surroundings are currently undergoing processes of ‘super gentrification’ (Bernt, Grell, and Holm 2013), the project’s public tenure, inherited from the socialist regime, stabilises the social situation in the western segment of the Torstraße. This status provides the residents security of tenure and adequate housing conditions that do not compromise their economic resources.

houseworker can be transformed. Nevertheless, it is not possible to say that the architectural object alone will generate emancipation. In a household where a person does not take part in housework, a larger kitchen will not force him or her to do so.

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Fig. 2 - Newspaper article about Iris Dullin-Grund winning the cultural center competition in Neubrandenburg, "Hoch Hinaus", newspaper article from `Zeit im Bild´, 1964, privatly owned, figure copied from website of the Goethe Institut: https://www.goethe.de/ins/tr/de/kul/sup/ekt/iri.html

Fig. 12 - Indochine Cuisine restaurant on the ground floor of the southern complex, photographed by and with permission of Philipp Preiß, Berlin, 2022

Fig. 13 - North facade, south of Torstraße (Wilhelm-Pieck-Straße) approx. 1984 -1986, photograph by unknown, approx. 1984 -1986, Iris Dullin-Grund Estate, Leibniz Institute for Research on Society and Space, Erkner (bei Berlin).

Fig. 16 - Kitchen from Ms F, drawing by and with permission of Péter Máthé, Berlin, 2022

Fig. 14 - North facade, south of Torstraße (Wilhelm-Pieck-Straße) approx. 1984 -1986, photograph by unknown, approx. 1984 -1986, Iris Dullin-Grund Estate, Leibniz Institute for Research on Society and Space, Erkner (bei Berlin).

Fig. 7 - Site plan of former Wilhelm-Pieck-Straße, now Torstraße, drawing copied from article: `Zum wohnungsbau des Bezirks Neubrandenburg in der Wilhelm-Pieck-Straße´, 1986, Dr.-Ing. Iris Grund

Fig. 4 - Myra Warhaftig with her daughters Orly and Tomari, Berlin, 1972, copied from essay: `Erinnerungen an unsere Mutter Myra Warhaftig (1930–2008)´, Orly Fatal-Warhaftig Myra Warhaftig with her daughters Orly and Tomari, Berlin, 1972, copied from essay: `Erinnerungen an unsere Mutter Myra Warhaftig (1930–2008)´, Orly Fatal-Warhaftig

Fig. 6 - Iris Dullin-Grund on the cover of the magazin, Frau von Heute, 1961, figure copied from website of the Goethe Institut: https://www.goethe.de/ins/tr/de/kul/sup/ekt/iri.html

Fig. 8 - Division of the former Wilhelm-Pieck Straße distributed to regional WBK, drawing copied from article: `Erfahrungen und Ergebnisse der komplexen Gestaltung der Wilhelm-Pieck-Straße´, 1986, Solveig Steller, Irmgard Heinze, Marlene Schrecker

Fig. 15 - Entrance to Torstraße 208, photographed by and with permission of Philipp Preiß, Berlin, 2022

Fig. 9 - New buildings (white) and old /modernized buildings (hatched), drawing copied from article: `Innerstädtische Bebauung Wilhelm-Pieck-Straße in Berlin, 1985, Manfred Hartung

Fig. 3 - Myra Warhaftig, scanned analog image, photograph by unknown, date unknown, Myra Warhaftig Estate, Karlsruhe Institute of Technology, Karlsruhe.

Fig. 5 - Orly and Tomari's mother breaks out of the constraints of the conventional flat, drawing by Orly Warhaftig, 1982, copied from book: `Frauen blicken auf die Stadt´, Katia Frey and Eliana Perotti

Fig. 18 - Courtyard of the southern building complex approx. 1984 -1986, photograph by unknown, approx. 1984 -1986, Iris Dullin-Grund Estate, Leibniz Institute for Research on Society and Space, Erkner (bei Berlin).

Fig. 20 - Courtyard of the southern building complex 2022, photographed by and with permission of Philipp Preiß, Berlin, 2022

Fig. 10 -Regular floorplan of two 4-room-apartments and one studio, drawing copied from article: `Innerstädtische Bebauung Wilhelm-Pieck-Straße in Berlin,1985, Manfred Hartung

Fig. 17 - Courtyard of the southern building complex 2022, photographed by and with permission of Philipp Preiß, Berlin, 2022

Fig. 19 - Courtyard of the southern building complex 2022, photographed by and with permission of Philipp Preiß, Berlin, 2022

Figures list

Fig. 1 - Iris Dullin-Grund in her kitchen, scanned analog image, photograph by unknown, date unknown, Iris Dullin-Grund Estate, Leibniz Institute for Research on Society and Space, Erkner (bei Berlin).

Fig. 11 -Regular floor plans north of Torstrasse, drawing copied from article: `Innerstädtische Bebauung Wilhelm-Pieck-Straße in Berlin,1985, Manfred Hartung

Fig. 41 - Second courtyard with playground, photographed by and with permission of Philipp Preiß, Berlin, 2022

Fig. 30 - Southern facade of the courtyard in Dessauer Straße 38-40, n.d., photograph by unknown, date unknown, Myra Warhaftig Estate, Karlsruhe Institute of Technology, Karlsruhe.

Fig. 32 - Facade of Dessauer Straße, photographed by and with permission of Philipp Preiß, Berlin, 2022

Fig. 40 - Corner situation where kitchen and bedroom are oriented towards the balcony, photographed by and with permission of Philipp Preiß, Berlin, 2022

Fig. 31 - Living-room-kitchen of interviewed young couple and Myra Warhaftig`s former flat, drawing by and with permission of Péter Máthé, Berlin, 2022

Fig. 34 - Dessauer Straße, photographed by and with permission of Philipp Preiß, Berlin, 2022

Fig. 29 - Photograph of a model of one unit on the Dessauer Straße, n.d., photograph by unknown, date unknown, Myra Warhaftig Estate, Karlsruhe Institute of Technology, Karlsruhe.

Fig. 25 - Proposal of partitioning of the Block 2 by the architects, 23.09.1986, copied from: `Emanzipatorisches Wohnen´, Anna Krüger, p.47

Fig. 35 - Dessauer Straße, photographed by and with permission of Philipp Preiß, Berlin, 2022

Fig. 21 - Crossroad Torstraße, photographed by and with permission of Philipp Preiß, Berlin, 2022

Fig. 26 - Ground floor: Dessauer Straße 38-40, drawing copied from book: `Myra Warhaftig — Architektin und Bauforscherin´, Günter Schlusche, Ines Sonder, Sarah Gretsch, p. 122

Fig. 33 - Entrance from Dessauer Straße 39, photographed by and with permission of Philipp Preiß, Berlin, 2022

Fig. 23 - IBA planning seminar on Block 2 with (from left) Myra Warhaftig, Zaha Hadid, Hans Kollhoff and Josef Paul Kleihues, photograohed by: Günter Schlusche, Berlin, date unknown, copied from book: `Myra Warhaftig — Architektin und Bauforscherin´, Günter Schlusche Ines Sonder Sarah Gretsch, p.78

Fig. 36 - Entrance from Dessauer Starße between buildings by (left) Zaha Hadid and (right) Myra Warhaftig, photographed by and with permission of Philipp Preiß, Berlin, 2022

Fig. 28 - The five living-room-kitchen types A-E of the housing building at Dessauer Strasse 38-40, floor plans and sections 1-1 and 2-2, 1991, light prints, each 42 × 60 cm, drawings copied from: `Emanzipatorisches Wohnen´, Anna Krüger, p.56

Fig. 37 - Entrance to the nothern open courtyard, photographed by and with permission of Philipp Preiß, Berlin, 2022

Fig. 38 - Northern open courtyard, a large tree enhances privacy, photographed by and with permission of Philipp Preiß, Berlin, 2022

Fig. 22 - Sidewalk situation, photographed by and with permission of Philipp Preiß, Berlin, 2022

Fig. 27 - Floor plan of typical appartment: Dessauer Straße 38-40, drawing copied from book: `Myra Warhaftig — Architektin und Bauforscherin´, Günter Schlusche, Ines Sonder, Sarah Gretsch, p. 123

Fig. 39 - Semi-public passage to the second courtyard, photographed by and with permission of Philipp Preiß, Berlin, 2022

Fig. 24 - Working model of Block 2 (planning status 1987) from the west., 1987,photographed by Peter Fischer-Piel from Archive Günter Schlusche, copied from book: `Myra Warhaftig — Architektin und Bauforscherin´, Günter Schlusche Ines Sonder Sarah Gretsch, p.78